Worker - peasant education the People's Republic of China : adult education during the post-revolutionary period

ca,pw PSWP527 Worker-Peasant Education in the People's Republic of China Adult Education during the Post-Revolutionary Period Nat J. Colletta WORLD BANK STAFF WORKING PAPERS Number 527  CC >- pøW oo 0 o0 n~ '"T 0 . Copyright @ 1982 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A. All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America This is a working document published informally by The World Bank. To present the results of research with the least possible delay, the typescript has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate to formal printed texts, and The World Bank accepts no responsibility for errors. The publication is supplied at a token charge to defray part of the cost of manufacture and distribution. 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Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Colletta, Nat J. Worker-peasant education in the Peoples Republic of China. (World Bank staff working papers ; no. 527) Bibliography: p. 1. Adult education and state--China--History--20th century. 2. Labor and laboring classes--Education-- China--History--20th century. I. Title. II. Series. LC5389.c6c64 1982 374'.951 82-11165 ISBN 0-8213-0050-4 ABSTRACT OF THE STUDY This paper reviews and analyzes adult education activities in China from the late 1920s to the present time. First, it examines briefly the changing face of adult education in relation to the larger political economic transformations which have taken place in China; and second, it describes and draws lessons from the present policy, programs, and objectives of worker- peasant education in China. Methodologically, the paper draws on field obser- vations and individual interviews conducted during a twenty-four day study mission to the PRC; on-site program briefs collected during visits to major institutions of worker-peasant education, e.g., factories, communes, mass organizations, etc.; field notes from symposiums or large group exchanges; and a review of the relevant literature on Chinese worker-peasant education. The study concludes that the most important functions of adult education have been political socialization, the solving of practical problems in industry and agriculture, and the raising of the basic educational level of the masses. The relative priority of these aspects has shifted over the past few decades with ideological shifts. Presently, the educational pendulum is swinging toward the intitutionalization of adult education programs with emphasis on quality and legitimacy (Credentialling) over equality and access. A number of major lessons emerge from the Chinese experience in adult education. First, that the mobilization of political will, the creation of a strong bureaucratic organization, and the establishment of a definitive planning process which can effectively coordinate user demands with the delivery of services are a sine qua non of success. A second major lesson lies in the Chinese use of "modeling", "meetings", and "on-spot conferences", among other ad hoc group arrangements in a decentralized but controlled system for promoting the exchange of experience and technology. A third lesson rests in the Chinese ability to mobilize unused and underutilized resources, both human and material. A fourth major lesson lies in the area of motivation or "popular- ization" techniques for promoting user participation and subsequent service demand creation. While success has been marked, many problems such as rural- urban inequities, the potential risk of losing the relevance of programs to local needs through an emphasis on the formalization of adult education, among others, still remain. Recommendations for more empirical evaluation of adult education programs, particularly focusing on such studies as the comparative cost-effectiveness of on-job versus vocational school training, the differen- tial impact of various forms of mass media, among others, are given. The author is a loan officer with the East Asia and Pacific Regional Office of the World Bank. n Table of Contents Page No. .I. Introduction .................. . . . . . . . . 1 II. Historical Overview of Worker-Peasant Education..... . . . . . 3 III. Worker-Peasant Education: Concept, Organization, Policies and Objectives............. .... . . . . . . . . 10 Institutional Forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Instructional Modes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Potential Users . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Staffing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Curriculum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Finance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Policy-Making. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Planning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 IV. Major Institutions and Programs of Worker-Peasant Education. . . . 17 Enterprises (Worker Education) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Factory Extension. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 In-Plant Sparetime Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Workshop Apprenticeship Training and Basic Education . . . . . 21 The Communes (Peasant Education) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Literacy Eradication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Agrotechnical Training . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Health, Nutrition, and Family Planning Education . . . . . . . 33 Local Government-Sponsored Adult Education . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Mass Organizations and Adult Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 All-China Federation of Workers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 National Federation of Women . . . . . . ..... . . . .. 39 The Communist Youth League . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 The Mass Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Television and Radio Broadcasting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Printed Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Folk Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 V. Issues and Lessons from the Chinese Experience...... . . . . . 45 Bibliography............... .... . . . . . . . . 54 -2- Page No. Appendixes . . .................. . . . . . 62 Appendix A - Places Visited and Persons Met by the Study Team. . 62 Appendix B - Briefs from Field Visits Prepared by Chinese Institutions and Programs Visited . ..... . . 68 Appendix C - Organization and Structure of Worker-Peasant Education to County Level . .... . . 70 Appendix D - Organization of Spare-Time Education in Taojiang County. . . ..... . . . . . . . . 71 Appendix E - Organization of Yunxing Production Brigade Sparetime Education . ... . . . . . . 72 Appendix F - Employee, Enrollment Staffing and Cost Estimates in Several Select Enterprises (visited by the Study Team) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Appendix G - Adult Education Documents in Taojiang County, Hunan Province. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Appendix H - Brigade Spare-time Education Plan . . . . . . . . . 77 Appendix I - Typical Radio Broadcast Program - Hunan Province. . 79 Appendix J - Illustrative Basic Data Gathered from Yunxing and Liangming Brigades and Xiang Fu People's Commune . *. . .. .. .. .. . . 82 Appendix K - Macro Adult Education Enrollment Estimates. . . . . 84 Appendix L - Students, Schools, and Teachers in Nonformal Education, 1979 o . . . . . . o o . . . . o o . . 85 Introduction 1. Since the 1920s, China has relied heavily on adult education to effect desired changes in political ideology, socio-economic relations, and human productive capabilities. The belief in the power of education in general, and adult education in particular, to create a "new socialist person" and construct a "new social order" has at times reached religious proportions. The cyclical shifts in ideological fervor and accompanying socio-economic development strategies have been mirrored in the relative emphasis placed on agricultural versus industrial development, quantitative versus qualitative orientations, mass versus elite education, and more specifically, nonformal versus formal school education. Even within a particular educational mode such as adult education, the focus has continually shifted between peasant and worker education (Pepper, 1978, 1980; Lofstedt, 1980; Chen, 1974, 1978; Shirk, 1979). 2. The purpose of this paper is twofold: first, to examine briefly the changing face of adult education in relation to the larger political- economic transformations which have taken place in China over the past three decades; and second, to describe and draw lessons from the present policy, programs, and objectives of worker-peasant education in the People's Republic of China (PRC) today. For the purposes of this paper the terms 'adult education' and 'worker-peasant education' differ in that adult education activities not only include worker-peasant education under the Bureau of Worker-Peasant Education, Ministry of Education, but also adult educational activities under the auspices of other line Ministries. The focus of this paper is on those activities under the Bureau. /1 I would like to take this opportunity to thank the International Council tor Adult Education (ICAE), particularly Mr. Budd Hall, Director General of ICAE and Mr. Roby Kidd, Head of the China-ICAE project; Mr. Aklilu Habte of the World Bank Education Department; Messrs. R. Stern, E.V.K. Jaycox, and C. Koch-Weser of the East Asia and Pacific Programs Department, World Bank; and Mr. Zang Boping, Vice-Minister of Education, and Mr. Yao Zhong-da, Deputy Director, Bureau of Worker and Peasant Education, Ministry of Education for making my participation in the first ICAE study of worker-peasant education in China possible. I would especially like to thank my colleagues on the study team and those "front-liners" working in the area of adult education in China, particularly Messrs. Wang Jian Tiang and Wang Yian-Wei for their human and intellectual support throughout our visit. Finally, I would like to thank Susan Pepper, Richard Skolnick, Ping Chin, Edward Worthy, Halsey Bemer, Peter Seybolt, Mats Hultin, and Leo Orleans for their helpful comments on the original manuscript. - 2 - 3. Methodologically, the paper is based on four sources of data: field observations and individual interviews conducted during a twenty-four day study mission to the PRC /2; on-site program briefs distributed during visits to major institutions of worker-peasant education, e.g. factories, communes, local government,-etc. (see Appendix B); notes taken during symposiums or large group kchanges composed of a cross-section of adult educators and especially organized by the Chinese for the study team; and a review of the relevant literature on Chinese adult education. 4. It should be cautioned that expertise is not something that can be readily acquired in a brief visit to a country as vast and complex as China. Not only was the study team's time in the country short, it was complicated by the necessity to work through interpreters. Some basic principles guided all site visits. First, the Study Team not only heard and read about adult education programs, but also observed such programs being implemented. Secondly, the team was not only exposed to achievements and successes but also to problems and failures. And thirdly, the Team derived data not only from the producers of adult education programs but also from the users of such programs./3 5. The paper is organized to note progress from a brief historical overview and discussion of the Chinese definition and conceptualization of worker-peasant education to an examination of worker-peasant educational organization, policies, and objectives. These sections are followed by a description and analysis of major worker-peasant educational institutions and programs. The paper concludes with a discussion of more general issues and lessons emerging from the Chinese experience in adult education. /2 The primary data for this paper emanates from participation on the first study team visiting China under the auspices of the China-International Council for Adult Education (ICAE) Cooperation Project. The visit took place from March 15-April l1, 1981 (see Appendix A). The study team was hosted by the Bureau of Worker-Peasant Education, Ministry of Education. The study team members were: Ms. Nita Barrow, primary health care specialist, Barbados; Ms. Kasama Varavang, literacy and adult education specialist, Thailand; Mr. John Whitehouse, Labor Education Specialist, ILO, Canada; Mr. Harry Campbell, media specialist, ICAE, Canada; and Mr. Nat Colletta, Nonformal-Adult Education Specialist, East Asia and Pacific Projects Department, World Bank. The visit was part of a three-year effort to promote the exchange of persons -and knowledge on adult education between the Peoples' Republic of China and the sixty plus national adult education associations of the International Council for Adult Education. /3 The statistics gathered during our field visits should be taken as approximates at best. As Orleans (1974) has observed, "the fact that the Chinese are well known for their talent in mathematics and other sciences should not be confused with their deficiencies in statistics." Most statistics provided to the study team were of achievements and therefore positive in nature. It was extremely difficult to obtain cost data due to the complex mixture of in-kind and currency inputs, as well as to the localized, diverse methods of financing worker-peasant education in China. - 3 - Historical Overview of Worker-Peasant Education 6. Though Chinese civilization developed written language over 4,000 years ago, it remained, along with other forms of specialized knowledge, largely the property of a small ruling class. The Confucian period of traditional education exemplified the elitist nature of education in its selection and ideological preparation of future governing elites. Theory ruled supreme over application as there was a general disdain for manual labor and natural science. Up until the time of the first revolutionary activities of the early 1900s, the traditional education system remained an unchallenged mechanism for reproducing the stratified semi-feudalistic society characteristic of ancient China (Lofstedt, 1980). 7. In the early 1920s, apart from efforts to eliminate the examination system, at least two other major challenges to the traditional elitist system of Chinese education were launched by massoriented adult education programs. One was led by anti-government Communist Party leadership and the other by non-governmental Chinese Christian leadership. 8. Borrowing heavily from the revolutionary experience of the Soviet Union, the Communist Party established the first workers' continuing education school in January 1922 at Wufuxiang, Anyuan County, in Jiangxi Province. This was fundamentally a continuing education program held in the evening for railway workers. Jiangxi was one of the first "Central Soviets" or so-called "liberated areas" set up under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. In 1923, Mao Zedong established a "self-study university" in Changsha, Hunan Province. Reflecting his personal criticism of formal university study, the university took as its motto, "read by oneself; ponder by oneself; mutually discuss and study," and required no entrance examination (Hawkins, 1973). 9. A few years later, Mao revealed his now famous "Report of an Inspection of the Hunan Peasant Movement" which reported the opening of a number of "village peasant schools." These early Communist-led efforts at mass education focused on raising the "cultural" (literacy level) of the masses combined with providing ideological training. Yao (1980) recounted the success of these.early Communist-inspired mass educational activities as follows: According to partial statistics from the Central Soviet areas in Jiangxi, Fujian and Guangdong for 1933, some 6,462 continuing education night schools were being operated in 2,932 villages, with an enrollment of 94,517. There were also 32,388 literacy classes being held with an attendance of 155,371. Of these, according to statistics from Xingguo County, women accounted for 69% of the enrollment in the continuing education schools and 60% in the literacy classes. 10. From the mid-1930s to the point of liberation in 1949, the Communist efforts at mass adult education centered and flourished in Mao's revolutionary retreat of Yenan and other border regions and base areas. As Seybolt (1971) and Seldon (1971), among others, point out, there were a variety of educational programs introduced during the Yenan period, e.g. the Chinese People's Anti-Japanese Military and Political College (Kang-ta), the Lu Hsun Academy of Literature and Arts, the Bethune Medical School, the Chinese Women's University, informal reading circles and study criticism groups, among other "mass line" oriented education which "created an important legacy of ideas and innovative practices destined for subsequent revival" (Lucas, 1976). 11. In Yenan, early efforts at popular education and ideological training primarily through evening general literacy classes were soon integrated with social and economic innovations, such as cooperatives, into a comprehensive program to build new socio-economic structures and inculcate appropriate collectivist values among the masses in the newly liberated areas. Evening schools for workers and peasant, half-day schools, winter schools, among other activities of adult education, emerged as early institutional forms. Undergirded by the concept of Minban or Minban gongzhu (management by the people with government assistance), these early revolutionary mass education programs were the roots of many of the worker-peasant education programs of the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution eras. 12. During the Anti-Japanese period (1937-45), adult education reached its highest point. At that time, in the liberated areas the general educa- tion policy was that "cadre education was more important than mass education and adult education was more important than children's education" (Yao, 1981). 13. While the Communist Party-led attempts of mass-oriented adult, education were being developed in Yenan and in other emerging liberated areas under the guidance of the CPP (with broader influence from the earlier Soviet Revolutionary mass education model), a separate but parallel experiment in mass adult education was evolving in Tinghsien, Hopeh Province. Known as the Mass Education Movement, this movement was guided by James Yen and Tao Xingzhi, a Western-educated, Christian-influenced Chinese who, like his Communist-Marxist-Lenninist influenced counterpart, Mao Zedong, sought to release the masses from the shackles of ignorance and impoverishment (Tao, 1927). In 1923, the Chinese National Association of the Mass Education Movement was organized based on the previous experimental Mass Education Movement activities, some of which, particularly in the area of literacy, actually find their roots in earlier YMCA-assisted efforts to educate Chinese laborers in France during World War I. Its stated purpose was "to explore the potentialities of the masses, and find a way of educating them, not merely for life, but to remake life" (Yen, 1934). 14. This association had representation from twenty provinces and was organized with an Executive Board of nine members and a National Board - 5 - composed of two representatives from each province. The Movement gained such momentum that in 1926 the Kiangsu Government at Nanking invited the Movement to form the first Mass Education College in China to train leaders for mass education. A Division of Social Education with responsibility for literacy and adult education was established in the Ministry of Education, and a Bureau of Mass Education was formed, at least on paper, in every hsien (county). This organization was likely the institutional forerunner of the current Bureau of Worker-Peasant Education. 15. At first, the Movement stressed literacy based upon a method devel- oped by Yen called the 1,000 character method. Selecting characters from the spoken language of the people rather than the classical written language of scholars, the "peoples' thousand character texts" (P'ing Min Chien Tsu Ko) were prepared and disseminated by the Movement. In 1929, the Movement shifted from the extensive promotion of literacy to a more intensive study of rural life in an attempt to integrate literacy into broader efforts at community development, e.g. cultural, economic, health, and political sectors. Like the Communists, the Movement viewed the cooperative as being the key institutional mechanism for transforming traditional socio-economic relations. 16. Another important attempt at rural reconstruction through adult education was the founding of the Peasant Movement Training Institute in 1924 under the Kuomintang Government. The Institute was heavily subscribed to by local Communists in Hunan and, as Schram (1966) pointed out, nearly forty percent of the total enrollment was recruited by the Hunan Provincial branch of the party, including Mao's brother. 17. - For both Communist and Christian-led mass adult education experi- ments in revolutionary China, adult education was viewed as an instrument of socio-economic transformation. Its goal was not only to raise the literacy level of the masses but also to change the role of the educational structure itself from one that reconstructed the existing social order of oppression and inequality to one that "dared construct a new social order." However, the degree to which these movements actually challenged the existing structure varies considerably with Mao's efforts manifested in armed struggle while Yen's approach basically supported the existing status quo, albeit from a critical posture. 18. One cannot overlook the probable influence of early progressive American educators, such as John Dewey (who visited China from 1919-23) on the individuals and forces at play during this early period of Chinese revolutionary fervor and educational experimentation (Sizer, 1966). Yen captures the influence and vision of the moment: "This program which we have been working out in China is the program that is needed now for the three-fourths of the world's people, because it is a program for reconstruc- tion which can be carried out by the people themselves. They will become educated as they reconstruct their own lives. It is education through reconstruction and reconstruction through education" (Buck, 1945). -6- 19. Knowledge was to be applied and shared among the masses to improve the life of all citizenry. Education was to be a liberating experience and the agent of subsequent societal democratization. The confluence of theory and -practice into action was the essence of the learning experience. Literacy and learning in general were to be inextricably tied to broader social change. 20. It is hard to say just how much these two major early movements of Chinese adult education were in direct communication. There is no record of personal exchanges between Mao and Yen although it is known that the Communists, including Mao, praised Yen's colleague Tao Xingzhi (Chinese Education, 1974). However, Schram (1966), commenting on "Mao's genius for exploiting respectable people and institutions for radical ends," observed that Mao guided the Hunan program of the Mass Education Movement but "instead of using the textbooks employed elsewhere, Mao had a special set prepared." These texts stressed class conflict and Communism. Later, we will trace other relationships in the adult education programs of revolutionary China under Mao and the earlier Yen experiment. 21. - In 1947, when the Mass Education Movement had turned for support to the Chang Kai-Shek Nationalist Government and was-clearly associated with "negative" foreign missionary and American aid influences, Yen was forced to flee the mainland, first operating on Taiwan and later inter- nationalizing his mass education program in the present day International Rural Reconstruction Movement headquartered in the Philippines. 22. The first National Conference on Workers- and Peasants' Education convened in September 1950. Soon after, "short-term middle schools" for workers and "winter schools" for peasants were institutionalized as major programs to eliminate illiteracy in coordination with land reform and production efforts. During the early 1950s, eradicating illiteracy or "raising the cultural level" of the masses dominated the adult education scene. While mass campaigns were launched earlier in some parts of the country, they only began to spread throughout the country during the 1950s. In the beginning of the mass literacy campaigns in 1952, the so-called "quick method" was developed (probably based on Yen's earlier literacy technique) in an attempt to reduce the learning period from three years to three hundred hours by focusing on phonetic symbols. Literacy became an important tool for realizing revolutionary and ideological consolidation. 23. In 1953, with the adoption of the Stalinist-type economic development strategy of the first five-year plan (1953-57) in which priority was placed on capital intensive industrial development, the concept of sparetime education to upgrade the skill level of workers took precedence over mass peasant education. Sparetime education was designed to provide the requisite skilled labor pool for the shifting emphasis to industrialization. Much of the worker education programming which is now emerging under the "four modernization" program had its roots in this early period of adult education for rapid industrial development (1955-1958). We - 7 - will return to discuss this era in greater detail under "enterprise" education. 24. The 1949-58 period of adult education was, at least statistically, notably successful. By 1958, upon the dawning of the "Great Leap Forward," the following results were proclaimed (Orleans, 1960): SPARETIME AND ILLITERATE STUDENTS, 1949-58 (in thousands) In spare- In spare- In spare- In spare- In anti- time higher time secondary time second- time primary illiteracy Year schools all schools ary schools schools classes 1949 0.1 0.1 - 657.07 1950 0.4 0.1 - 1,372.0 1951 1.6 0.3 - - 1,375.0 1952 4.2 0.7 249.0 1,375.0 656.0 1953 9.7 1.1 404.0 1,523.0 2,954.0 1954 13.2 186.0 760.0 2,088.0 2,637.0 1955 15.9 195.0 1,167.0 4,538.0 3,678.0 1956 63.8 563.0 2,236.0 5,195.0 7,434.0 1957 75.9 588.0 2,714.0 6,267.0 7,208.0 1958 150.0 - 5,000.0 26,000.0 40,000.0 Blanks indicate figures are not available. Source: Ten Great Years (Peking: State Statistical Bureau, 1960). One might conjecture that the lack of available aggregate data on sparetime education during the "Great Leap Forward" era (1959-66) may be indicative of a more general decline in adult education activities similar to what transpired in formal education due to economic failures (Hultin, 1981). 25. Despite its positive results in the adult education arena, the first five-year plan led to a number of imbalances and contradictions, e.g. between industry and agriculture, between capital-intensive and labor- intensive modes of production, and between large-scale and small-scale development strategies culminating in the "Great Leap Forward" of 1958-61. Initially, the "Great Leap Forward" endeavored to rectify these imbalances through industrial decentralization and the transformation of the cooperative movement into the commune movement, e.g. consolidation of cooperatives into larger-scale communes which could support sideline or rural industries producing for local consumption. -8- Mismanagement and poor weather, coupled with the worsening of Soviet-Chinese relations, opened a larger ideological debate of "Redness" versus "Expertness". The economic failures of the first five-year plan and the ensuing attempts at instant remedy through the Great Leap Forward laid the foundation for a paralyzing Chinese self-doubt which provided the basis for the Cultural Revolution. 26. From the stress on ideological consolidation via literacy promotion among the masses of the early 1950s, to the emphasis on more specialized skill-oriented sparetime education for workers in factories, and scientific agriculturalists on communes of the mid-1950s and early 1960s, the Chinese came full circle back to a revolutionary and ideological emphasis on adult education during the Cultural Revolution (1966-76) period. Factory sparetime schools became "July 21 Workers Universities" and commune sparetime agrotechnical schools became "May 7 Peasant Agricultural Colleges" with ideological training prevailing over the transmission of technical and scientific skills. 27. As Barendson (1975) summarized: Thus the main thrust of his (Mao's) educational policy since 1949 has been to produce a new type of intelligentsia by making the necessary general and specialized education available to politically reliable working class elements and insisting that all students be required to receive regular political education in schools and participate regularly in manual labor as part of the school program. 28. The major directive for the "May 7 Cadre Schools" linking education in the army, factories and communes to that of formal schools emanates from the Mao's May 7, 1966 letter to Lin Piao which is summarized by Chen (1974) as follows: The letter (from Mao) to Lin Piao was concerned with the army and instructed that the PLA should be a great school' in which 'the armymen should learn politics, military affairs, and agriculture,' and 'take part in the socialist education movement in the factories and villages.' The army should engage in three major tasks: 'agriculture, industry, and mass work.' After these specific instructions for the army, Mao's letter went on to apply his ideas to education in general, stressing the importance of 'learning other things.' Workers and peasants should study 'military affairs, politics, and culture' and engage in criticizing the bourgeoisie. Students should 'learn other things, that is, industrial work, farm- ing, and military affairs. They should also criticize the bourgeoisie.' The same principle holds for government and Party personnel and for people in trade and commerce. The section on students includes Mao's often repeated statements on the need to shorten the school term and terminate the danination of the schools by bourgeois intellectuals. - 9 - 29. As for the July 21 Workers Universities, the experience at the Shanghai Machine Tool Plant, where technicians and workers were trained in workshops and classes by veteran workers and equated to university graduates, formed the basis of Mao's July 21, 1968 directive: It is still necessary to have universities; here I refer mainly to colleges of science and engineering. However, it is essential to shorten the length of schooling, revolu- tionize education, put proletarian politics in command, and follow the road of the Shanghai Machine Tool Plant in train- ing technicians from among the workers. Students should be selected from among workers and peasants with practical experience and they should return to production work after a few years of study (Barendson, 1974). 30. The July 21 Workers Universities and May 7 Cadre Schools were complemented by a "rustification" program which involved the forced transfer of students and intellectuals to the countryside to expose those with "revisionist" ideas to the ideological tenets of the Socialist State through re-education and manual labor./4 As the issue of succession to Mao's leadership gained prominence over the earlier debate of the choice of an appropriate development strategy, adult education, particularly in the above-mentioned forms of the Cultural Revolution, became a messianic movement for the ideological purification of earlier intellectual and technocratic sinners. 31. Finally, with the downfall of the Gang of Four and the official end to the Cultural Revolution (1976), the Chinese were left in a state referred to as the "three lows and one lack," e.g. low cultural level, low technical standard, low ability of management, and a lack of engineers and technicians. An economic development strategy is now emerging which has swung the ideological pendulum toward the right in an attempt to balance scientific agriculture with industry, to have a mixture of scale, to create a comple- mentarity of socialist and capitalist incentive systems, and, ultimately, to blend the development of worker and peasant education and formal and adult education into a unified system of education and training with equivalent standards, quality, certification, incentives and legitimacy. However, many China scholars would claim that the new swing right has merely ushered back an elitest, urban biased intellectual and cadre class. /4 At least in form, rustification was tried under the Mass Education Movement in 1929. The leading Peking Newspaper reported at that time: "It was the most magnificient exodus of the intelligentsia into the country that had taken place in Chinese History to date. Holders of old imperial degrees, professors of national universities, a college president and a number of Ph.D's and M.D.s from leading American Universities had left their positions and comfortable homes in cities to go to the backwoods of Tinghsun to find ways and means to revitalize the life of an ancient, backward people, and to build democracy from the bottom up" (Mass Education Movement Report 1944). However, it should be noted that this was a "voluntary" program of rural service. - 10 - 32. As ideological conditions have changed so too have the socio- economic development strategies and attendant educational modes, content emphasis, administrative control, and nomenclatures. In many parts of the country functional substitutes for July 21 Workers Universities, May 7 Peasant Agricultural Colleges, and other innovative adult education programs of the Cultural Revolution are now beginning to revert to their earlier pre-Cultural Revolution names of Workers Sparetime Universities and Agrotechnical Sparetime Schools. For example, at the Zhujinbu People's Commune sparetime agrotechnical school, the school was formally called a May 7 Peasant Agricultural College, but the name was recently changed after the fall of the Gang of Four to acknowledge the "appropriate" standard or level and to dissassociate it from the Gang of Four. This has been accompanied by a substantive shift in curriculum from ideological to technical content and administrative control from inexperienced revolutionary ideologues to the old revolutionary cadre and intellectual vanguard of the 1950s. Financing has remained primarily a local, factory or commune, matter; however, the central government has recently taken a more active hand in forming policy, setting standards, and monitoring quality. 33. Ideological-oriented adult educational programs such as the May 7 Cadre Schools and the student and intellectual rustification programs have been either abolished and/or are rapidly winding down. Literacy efforts, which generally were largely dormant during the Cultural Revolution, are now being reconstituted mainly through sparetime upper primary schools and evening classes for adults. From parallel and competing systems, the formal school and adult education programs of the Cultural Revolutionary Period and are now being viewed as integrated and complementary programs under a single education and training system. The Government's goal is to institutionalize and systematize "all education to serve the National Development Goals of the "Four Modernizations" - Industry, Agriculture, the Army, Science and Technology." As summarized by Yao (1981), Deputy Director of the Bureau for Worker-Peasant Education: "China is under a period of restoration; during the Cultural Revolution adult education was destroyed." This may have, in fact ultimately been true, but it is somewhat misleading in that early on the Cultural Revolution strongly supported many innovations in Adult Education. 34. The above brief historical overview sets the stage for understanding the present concept, organization, policies, and objectives of worker-peasant education in the Peoples' Republic of China. These historical roots will be elaborated on in later discussions of the major institutions and programs of worker-peasant education now under restoration in China. Worker-Peasant Education: Concept, Organization, Policies, and Objectives 35. Mr. Yao (1981) opened a discussion on the Chinese concept of adult education by quoting Tao Xingzhi, a former student of John Dewey, on - 11 - education: "life is education, society is school." He was making the distinction between informal, nonformal, and formal education. For the Chinese, education takes place in the home (family), society, and the school, with societal education including such informal educational activities as films, libraries, museums, and the arts. In China, adult education belongs to school education, the level of literacy, culture and knowledge is quite the same as in the formal schools. Adult education is supplemental and a continuation of formal schooling - nonformal education belongs to the realm of societal education (Yao, 1981)./5. Although there is considerable difference, especially in quality, adult education in China is currently viewed as school equivalency. The primary differences between what the Chinese refer to as sparetime schools and the regular age-graded schools are: client population, administrative sponsorship, and financial resource. 36. . While adult education prior to and during the Cultural Revolution may have connoted the full range of teaching-learning experiences outside of the normal age-graded school system, frequently referred to as.non-formal education, today the Chinese are vigorously trying to systematize and institutionalize such exchanges into a school-like model and concept for raising the cultural (literacy), scientific, and technological levels of workers and peasants. As Yao (1981) historically summarized, "we inherited poor quality schools and intellectuals from the old society at the time of independence. We established specific schools and courses for workers and peasants, calling on factories and communes to run spare time courses. This tradition lasted through the 1950s and early 1960s. We are now restoring some of the good points from this period." 37. The overall structure of worker-peasant education is well established (see Appendix C). At the apex is the Bureau of Worker-Peasant Education, Ministry of Education. The Bureau is organized into three principal Divisions: Worker Education, Peasant Education and Correspondence Education. The primary function of the Bureau is to understand problems /5 James Yen (1934) and Tao Xhingzhi (1927) made similar educational modal distinctions as follows: "the school type operates in three kinds of schools: the primary schools, the people's schools [literacy classes], and the Farmers' Institute [roughly equivalent to agrotechnical sparetime schools, yet omitting workers sparetime schools and universities since Yen's was essentially a rural-based program]; the social type which is directed particularly at the graduates of the peoples' schools, who are organized into 'alumni associations' for self-education and community improvement; and the home type which aims at socializing the home in order to make it an effective educative force for reconstruction, and is directed particularly at the young women." - 12 - through investigation (research), provide policy planning advice to the Central Committee, set standards and exams, produce core curriculum, monitor quality,/6 and oversee the implementation of policy throughout the country. In undertaking the above tasks the Bureau provides a standard setting and quality control function for the Nation's overall program in worker-peasant education. There are similar divisions and sections of the Bureau of Worker-Peasant Education at the Province and County levels (see Appendices C and D), respectively, performing parallel functions and serving as the implementation arms of the National Level Bureau. At the rural commune, urban municipality, and production enterprise levels, e.g., production teams, neighborhoods, workshops, there are a plurality of organizational arrangements for adult education. This variety of lower level organizations reflects both the diversity of learner needs and the decentralized nature of the administration and funding of adult education (see Appendix E, Brigade level sparetime education organization). 38. Along with the vertical administrative arrangements from the National Ministry of Education to the commune level, there are also a set of horizontal Worker-Peasant Education Coordinating Committees at each geo- political level with representation from a variety of agencies, e.g. Ministry of Trade, All China Federation of Workers, Communist Youth League, etc./7 The primary function of such coordinating bodies is to ensure the interface of individual programs of various agencies, coordinate planning and policy formation, and the exchange of experiences, and generally oversee the implementing institutions, e.g., factories, communes, implementing-programs. /6 It is interesting to observe the great stress being placed on the poor quality of "college education" offered to the masses during the Cultural Revolution and the need to upgrade college graduates from that era. For example, according to Yao (1981), among the 500,000 students in various kinds of college level sparetime education in Beijing at this time, there are an estimated 50,000 who had previously received a higher education program during the Cultural Revolution. However good intentioned such upgrading may be, it is fair to say that it also offers a ready opportunity to resocialize youth to the new party line under the guise of upgrading the poor quality education they obtained in May 7 and July 21 peasants and workers colleges. Even the Medical College of Beijing is currently conducting a two year T.V. course for those students who graduated from medical schools during the Cultural Revolution, about 24,000 students in all (discussion with the Provost of the Medical Training College of Beijing, 1981). /7 The membership of the coordinating body are: Leading enterprises; All China Federation of Workers; National Federation of Women; Departments of Defense, Labor, Agriculture, Health, Finance and Trade, and Education; Science and Technology, Construction, Industry, Economic Commission, Mass Media (news and broadcast); and Communist Youth League and Party. - 13 - 39. While adult education is led by the Government, particularly the Bureau for Worker-Peasant Education, the actual programming and implementa- tion is with the cooperation of a range of mass organizations, communes, municipalities, and enterprises. This has resulted in the following major diverse institutional forms of adult education delivery and use. First, the regular school system conducts sparetime, evening, and correspondence educational programs for adults. These are typically certificate-granting school equivalency programs at the primary, secondary, or university levels. These programs are similar to the standard continuing education programs of North American institutions of learning and are not the focus of this paper. Secondly, enterprises, usually in cooperation with the labor unions, run sparetime upper primary, secondary, and university parallel educational programs as well as in-service technical courses for employee upgrading. Thirdly, the rural communes, inclusive of production brigades and teams, offer sparetime school equivalency programs at primary and secondary levels, along with specialized agrotechnical and managerial courses for the preparation of agricultural technicians. Fourthly, the local governments, e.g. municipal and district governments, conduct sparetime secondary and university education programs. Fifthly, a number of mass organizations, primarily the labor unions, women's federation, and youth league, provide mobilizational and instructional (and sometimes financial) support to constituencies for sparetime education programs. Finally, the Central Television and Broadcasting University (with local affiliates) conduct sparetime educational programming often in conjunction with enterprises and others for viewing. 40. There are primarily three adult learning production-linked instruc- tional modes: full-time in which employees are released with full pay and benefits for a period of time from six months to three years to acquire new knowledge and skills; part-time which is a form of in-service training typically amounting to short term courses and apprenticeships of varying lengths; and sparetime which is about four to six hours each week and suppplemental to one's normal productive role and activities as will be seen in subsequent detailed discussions of the major adult education institutions, e.g., enterprises, communes, municipalities (local government), and major mass organizations. All such institutions offer these three learning production-linked instructional modes. 41. While it was impossible to obtain aggregate numbers on the actual users, the potential users of these programs represent a population of approximately 600 million adults, consisting of approximately 400 million peasants, 100 million workers, and an additional 100 million cadre (government officials, management, and in a general sense "leaders" of all types and levels). The age of the users is from 14 to 40 years old, although people over 40 are not necessarily excluded from participation in such adult education programs. Priority, however, is given to those in the 14-40 age group. - 14 - 42. Staff members for adult education are either professional full-time adult educators (estimated at 3-5 teachers for every 5,000 students) and part-time or "visiting" teachers. The visiting teachers are either fulltime teachers in the formal education system and/or technical and professional persons who double as teachers of their specific expertise along with performing their regular work roles. 43. Curricula for these programs are based on a combination of nationally and locally produced (by enterprise, local government, or commune) instructional materials. There are basically five types of instructional materials: (1) literacy textbooks compiled by the province; (2) textbooks for sparetime primary and new literates courses compiled by the Ministry of Education or the provincial education organs; (3) textbooks for junior or middle schools compiled by the Ministry of Education; (4) textbooks of basic agricultural knowledge compiled by specialists in agriculture and sideline occupations; and (5) textbooks for staff and workers' education compiled by the Ministry of Education, enterprises, and other concerned production units. There is currently a move afoot to further standardize the core curricula for various programs in line with regular formal school curricula; however, the Central Government continues to encourage the development of local materials to supplement standardized curricula in order to make instruction more relevant to local conditions and needs. 44. Finance of adult education is a complex matter since it is a mix- ture of local (production unit) and state financing. Funds usually come from direct contributions of the masses through: (a) brigade, commune, workshop, and factory channels in accordance with their respective financial power and the principle of self-reliance; (b) mass organizations like the All China Federation of Workers; and (c) direct financing from the State (usually allocated for the training of teachers, meetings, printing and distributing instructional materials, and praising oustanding efforts). It is note- worthy that individuals either through small fees for books or labor exchange contribute more to the financing of their own education than one might have expected in a Socialist system. Actual costs will be discussed under each major adult education institutional program. 45. Policy-making in the area of adult education involves four key steps: (a) basic investigation; (b) a national conference to discuss findings (models and problems); (c) formulation of policy at the Central Committee level; and (d) popularization of policy directives which includes the promotion of models and the criticism of failures. Planning, as opposed to policy formulation, is usually done through a process of descent and ascent through the bureaucratic levels - from the Central Committee down to the production brigade-team committees and back up. 46. Planning adult education has to be seen within the context of the Nation's broader five-year policy and plans as set out by the then Minister of Education Mr. Liu Xiyao at the April 22, 1978 National Education - 15 - Conference. He stated that there are four guiding principles for educational development in China for the period 1978-1985. These are: (a) revolutionizing education; (b) structuring educational outputs to the needs and capabilities of China's economic development; (c) adjusting the content and methodology of teaching to the demands of modern science and technology; and (d) placing greater stress on raising the quality of education, especially higher education's ability to produce skilled personnel (Hershede, 1979). It should be noted that higher education in the Chinese context includes sparetime university equivalency training operated through the T.V. University in enterprises and by local Municipal and District sparetime education institutions along with regular university-based formal education programs. 47. Proceeding from the general National Educational guiding principles of the sixth five-year plan, Zang Boping (1980), Vice-Minister for Education responsible for worker-peasant education outlined the following objectives for the role of adult education in socialist modernization: Firstly, the intensification of adult education to increase the rate of labor productivity; secondly, to augment and renew scientific and technical knowledge of a work force that has basically been out of touch with recent developments in their fields and professions; thirdly, the intensification of adult education as a major avenue for training specialists in the various trades and industries such as engineering technicians, agricultural and livestock specialists, management specialists of all kinds, teachers, doctors, etc.; fourthly, to build the cultural level, that is to say the general educational level, necessary for a highly socialist cultural civilization. 48. Emphasis is placed on the need to consider general and adult educa- tion in an equal and integrated fashion. As Vice Minister Zang Boping (1980) summarized: "We must smash the traditional view that general education is superior to adult education, cast aside the narrow viewpoint that education and output stand in opposition to each other, and vigorously intensify adult education work." He proceeded to call for every commune and productive enterprise to have an education plan for developing adult education and that the employment and remuneration of people who participate in such sparetime programs should be equivalent to that received by formal school graduates following testing and certification. 49. From the preceding discussion, it can be clearly seen that the Chinese have taken the potential role of adult education in the moderniz- ation process seriously. The current emphasis on worker education comes in response to an identified need to upgrade worker skills and general educational background: - 16 - In terms of cultural knowledge and professional skills, according to a late 1979 survey of two million staff and workers, 80% had not reached a junior middle cultural level, and 7.8 percent were illiterate or semiliterate. Real worker operating skills were low, and most were below grade 2 technical level; managerial personnel generally lacked modern industrial management expertise; technicians accounted for only 2.8 percent of all staff and workers in industrial agencies, and many of these had received no college level education. A lack of skills was a universal problem. If these circumstances were not altered, modern construction cannot be properly conducted, and in order to alter them staff and worker education must be vigorously developed" (Yuan Baohu, 1980)./8 50. The specific targets set for the sixth five-year plan in an attempt to alter these circumstances described by Yuan Boahu are ambitious to say the least. They are: (a) To provide in-service education through adult education for all workers by 1985. Over one million workers will undergo at least one short-term training in rotation. This should be especially possible since the current plans for industrial restructuring should free up parts of the work force for adult education. (b) To raise from 60% to 80% (by 1985) the cultural level of those workers below middle-school level to that level by 1985. One-third of those at middle school level must be brought up to senior school level, and all those at senior levels must be raised to college level. (c) To upgrade the management skills of the most important leadership cadre in business and industry. (d) To raise the skill level of youth and adult workers by one or two grades so that there will be an increase in the number of technical workers at the secondary and middle school levels by 1985. (e) In addition to enterprise cadre and worker education targets, staff and worker education may also include upgrading of professional departments (civil service) and mass organizations, among other bodies. /8 Slightly differing figures are reported in Hultin's study (1981): factory illiteracy rate - 5%; 70% of the labor force had less than 6-7 years schooling (junior secondary); and most of the 20-30% of those with junior secondary education (up to 70% in some industries) had received a poor quality education during the Cultural Revolution period. - 17 - 51. The stress on worker education is obviously a result of the quest to realize a modern Chinese State. This should not be interpreted as an outright dismissal of peasant education. In fact, in the rural areas literacy efforts are now being combined with primary school development to attack the estimated 30-35 percent illiteracy rate - most illiterates are in rural areas - and many are minorities, i.e. particularly pastoral nomads. In addition to basic education, increased opportunities for secondary education will be offered through sparetime commune, municipal, and enterprise run secondary schools. Agricultural education is shifting to "scientific" agrotechnical training in sparetime agrotechnical secondary schools and through specialized short agrotechnical courses as the Chinese seek to modernize the agricultural sector as well as the urban industrial sector. 52. The 1979 National Congress on Peasant Education issued a policy statement on peasant education directing the spread of secondary and technical education to peasants through sparetime and evening schools, broadcasting for agriculture, and various short-term training classes. The short-term training includes travelling demonstrations of new agricultural techniques and mobile exhibitions on science and technology. 53. Herschede (1979) observed that "in sum, the educational framework now being set up is reminiscent of the one established between the Great Leap Forward, 1958-1959, and the Cultural Revolution, 1966-1969. It is essentially a multi-track system that offers Chinese planners a spectrum of school sizes and alternative forms of instruction." One could add that the present thrust also draws heavily from the pre-Great Leap Forward period (1955-58) as well as from Mass Education Programs between 1922 and 1949. 54. Understanding the general concept, organization, policy, and objec- tives of worker-peasant education is a useful introduction to the enormity of the task which Chinese adult educators have set for themselves. Despite Lucas' (1976) warning that "the full range of adult education forms [in China] defies any succinct characterization," it may be helpful to examine the major adult education institutions and programs in a more in-depth manner in order to comprehend China's general capacity for realizing its goals of worker-peasant education. These major adult education institutions and programs will be described in terms of these general characteristics: major clientele or target group, program objective, techniques for popularizing the program (motivating participation), general organization and administration, curriculum, instructional methods, teaching-learning materials, staffing, cost and financing, and monitoring and evaluation. - 18 - Major Institutions and Programs of Worker-Peasant Education Enterprises (Worker Education) 55. A main goal of the Chinese Revolution has been an attempt to eliminate the distinction between worker performance tasks and management administrative functions, between manual labor and intellectual labor, and ultimately between town and countryside. The key concepts of worker management, production-linked education, and sideline or small-scale industrial development in the context of communes have been directly aimed at blending and, ultimately, eliminating these distinctions. Most factories or enterprises have at one time or another organized schools where workers could obtain new skills and knowledge, upgrade existing skills, and prepare for new roles and functions. 56. As indicated previously, accompanying the first five-year industrial-oriented plan, efforts were made to introduce a variety of train- ing schemes for workers within factories. The concept of workers sparetime schools had its strongest roots during this industrialization drive of the mid- and late-1950s. As historically acknowledged by the Director of the Peking Second Cotton Mill, "with the development of production, we opened a staff and workers' sparetime school since the operation started in 1955. At that time, there were over 5,C0 workers. Most of them only went to primary school. Some were illiterate or semiliterate so the task of staff and workers' education was focused on popularizing junior middle schooling and eliminating illiteracy." In the mid-1950s as progress was being made on the literacy front emphasis shifted more and more to technical training. 57. With the Great Leap Forward and the attempt to reduce disparities between worker and management, city and farm, and industry and agriculture came the "two participations" whereby workers participated in management and managers took part in line production. Emanating from the Ashan Constitution (1960), this plan expanded workEr education from the literacy training of the early 1950s, through the skill training emphasis of the mid-1950s, to the world of worker control of the 1960s as "politics took command" (Bettelheim, 1974). 58. At the advent of the Cultural Revolution, sparetime factory schools became July 21 Workers Universities as "serving the people" replaced the goal of professional advancement, ideology replaced scientific competence, and adult education became highly politicized. In sum, political goals replaced production targets as politics, indeed, took command. 59. To address the distinction between manual and intellectual work, the "three in one" concept was introduced; joint management teams of workers, technicians, and cadres (managers) were formed to break down the existing division of labor and to reorganize work relations in factories. Such teams primarily provided ideological training, but experiences were also created which exposed engineers to manual work and technicians to engineering and manual labor and placed workers in direct management or leadership roles. In - 19 - addition, May 7 Cadre Schools were established in the countryside. These schools served the dual function of manifestly providing an institutional arrangement for the ideological purification of factory management and leadership (cadre with revisionist tendencies) through manual labor while latently providing managerial and technical skills for industrializing the rural areas, thus bridging the gap between town and countryside. In some instances, the development of many sideline commune industries was stimulated in this fashion. However, even earlier, during the Great Leap Forward era (1958-1959), industries with sparetime schools were "directed to train personnel in the many small or newly established commune industries. The industrial plants complied by sending teachers to classes organized in the new or smaller factories, or by arranging for the scattered workers to attend expanded classes in the major plants" (Harper, 1964). 60. Factory Extension. In addition to creating the July 21 Workers Universities within enterprises and the May 7 Cadre Schools - latently linked to the emergence of rural industry - there was a general effort to decentralize industry in the urban areas by encouraging neighborhood committees to set up collective small-scale enterprises or "street factories." Most of these industries were started by women seeking additional family income and more liberating roles, and producing for the local consumer, e.g. soap, sewing, shoe and other repair operations (Bettleheim, 1974). 61. This effort to restructure social and productive relationships led to the development of rural industry as a system of simple networks emerged to link large-scale urban factories to small-scale urban "street factories" and rural commune "sideline industries." In effect, enterprises became an industrial version of American Land Grant Agricultural Colleges or some American Community Colleges as they extended their expertise and technical assistance to neighborhoods and communes to help establish small scale industry. As communes developed the capacity to produce goods which they had previously imported from urban areas, they could better realize their goal of self-reliance. It was hoped that the gradual urbanization of the communes and the ruralization of the large factories through such factory extension education and technical extension programs would hasten the breaking down of distinctions between industry and agriculture, and between city and countryside. On the other hand urban and rural areas became increasingly separated by the prohibitions on free movement between areas. 62. This role of some factories as extension agents and the process by which a factory might perform this role were succinctly described by the Director of Hunan Rubber Factory as follows: First we sent several technicians and workers out to Taijing commune to discuss plans for setting up a small workshop to produce rubber boots. We then invited several persons from the commune to come and train by working in our boot produc- tion unit. While they were here our staff brought some of our - 20 - extra equipment to the commune and estabished a small work- shop. Their trainees in our factory then returned and our technical staff stayed on to help them get going. This whole process took about six months to a year. After an additional few months our staff were able to return to the main factory. As they faced problems in the commune workshop they would call on us and we would help them solve them. When their commune workshop production was at a level whereby they could meet our previous market demand we totally stopped producing that particular line of boot and in effect turned our market over to them and our attention to producing new items (Interview, April 1981). 63. Inplant Sparetime Education. Currently major urban enterprises and rural sideline industries which incorporate contemporary adult education activities offer three general modes of training and education: fulltime relief from production with full pay and benefits; parttime relief from production with full pay and benefits; and sparetime schooling usually after working hours. 64. Those studying fulltime typically do so through the media of T.V. lectures, correspondence courses, and/or classroom work within the plant in university degree equivalent programs. Fulltime programs such as these are geared toward moving technicians to engineer levels. The part-time training mode is usually offered from four to six hours per week but can be up to half time. This program combines classroom training and on-the-job apprenticeships and is focused on technical content to move workers up to the technician level or upgrade technical skills through in-service training. Leadership and management training is also usually conducted in the part-time mode. In some cases, technicians and/or managers are released halftime, up to six months, for more intensive in-service training. The third major mode is sparetime education which is typically provided in-plant but after working hours (three evenings per week for two or three hours each). This is generally a middle or upper secondary school equivalency program. Language studies and other specialized courses may also be offered in this mode, but the factory only covers the costs of those sparetime studies directly related to the production process of the plant. 65. In addition to the above in-plant programs, many enterprises have sent employees to fulltime regular state universities and sparetime colleges run by the local government. For example, at Guangzhou Heavy Machinery Plant, 22 persons have recently been sent to study in regular universities and 155 persons have been enrolled in provincial and municipal sparetime colleges. 66. Administratively, there is a lead education committee in each enterprise composed of representatives from the Party, Plant administration, Workers' Union, Youth League, Women's Federation, and technical departments. They make all first line decisions regarding educational goals, plans, - 21 - enrollments, staffing, time schedule, finance, equipment, etc. A director and staff for factory sparetime education is appointed to oversee the implementation of their decisions. 67. Workshop Apprenticeship Training and Basic Education. While the dominant instructional-learning modes, content focus, and target populations of apprenticeship training and basic education activities fall under the general guidance of the plant and, in particular, the Sparetime College Educational Committee, individual workshops within the plants visited by the study team had worker education committees and offered their own sparetime courses. Each workshop has a deputy director in charge of adult education and one technician responsible for specific tutorial activities. The workshop classes comprise mainly literacy or basic education courses. They are provided six hours per week in two hour sessions three days per week. 68. Also, lectures by workshop technicians which focus on specific technical and production related problems are offered for all employees. New workers within the various workshops are usually assigned to lead (master) workers under an apprenticeship arrangement. There are frequent workers' assemblies to air major concerns and plans. Workshops and workshop technicians are heavily involved in on-the-job and apprenticeship training, providing lab facilities and instructional staff respectively. For example, to illustrate the scope of the efforts conducted by workshop units, at Beijing First Cotton Mill primary technical education has developed greatly over the years. According to 1979 statistics, "study classes, technical training in rotation classes, technical practice and operation competitions organized by different workshops have been held more than 980 times, and joined by 260,000 persons" (Plant Brief, 1981). 69. Many of the instructional staff come from neighboring normal colleges or universities or enterprise-administered formal primary and secondary schools. As mentioned before, technical-course staff are regular factory technicians who double as adult education instructors. All instructors are typically paid about six yuan ($4) per instructional hour or are paid in kind, e.g. they are given release time from normal production activities or work points. However, wages generally vary depending on the income of the production unit, e.g., brigades, enterprises. 70. One must remember that most urban enterprises of a large scale are, in effect, cradle-to-grave communities providing all services (including formal schools) and goods to their staff and their families. (Food provision may be the only exception to this self-sufficient, self- constrained aspect of urban enterprises; however, some even cultivate small land areas to provide for partial food requirements.) 71. The facilities of the plant itself, e.g., workshops which may be idle, primary and secondary school classrooms within the plant compound, and in some cases, specially constructed community and/or sparetime education - 22 - centers, are utilized for adult education. Equipment, e.g. television, lab instruments, etc., is either that of the workshops or directly purchased by the plant. Instructional materials are regular school and university texts provided by the Bureau of Worker-Peasant Education, supplemented by local enterprise produced manuals, handbooks, and the like. All plants visited by the Study Team had small libraries and/or reading rooms with very modest holdings. 72. The adult education activities of enterprises are financed from four major sources: labor union contributions from workers' wages;/9 direct reinvestment of profits, varying from enterprise to enterprise; a modest state contribution for books and equipment; and direct student fees. The latter category is only for those courses which the factory deems not directly related to the production processes of the plant. Actual unit costs for instruction were difficult to obtain and where such data was available costs were not uniform from one enterprise to another. For example, in Hunan Power Machinery Plant the cost given was 600 Yuan ($400) per student per year (32 weeks, 24 hours per week) for technical courses and secondary equiva- lence, and 700 yuan ($466) per student per year (20 weeks, 24 hours per week) for T.V. University equivalency courses. The opportunity cost of student labor for the T.V. University equivalency courses was about 40 yuan ($27) (wages) per month, while the opportunity cost of secondary school equivalency was given as zero since students in this program were not on the payroll of the plant. The T.V. University cost only includes the cost to the factory and not of the Central T.V. and Broadcast University. Broadcast costs for Beijing T.V. University, for example, are calculated at approximately 20 yuan ($13) per student per semester. The table in Appendix F presents enrollments, staffing, and cost estimates (where available) in the several factories visited by the Study Team. 73. State owned enterprises are now required to develop sparetime education plans. Such plans are expected to set specific targets in line with meeting the broader goals and objectives set out for worker education in the five year plan. For example, Chengdu Rolling Stock Plant has established a plan with the following specific goals: "By the year 1985, 80 percent of the workers less than 35 years old and with schooling of junior middle school level will be brought up to the equivalent level of that of secondary technical school graduates; also by 1985, all staff member and workers less than 35 will receive a junior middle school education" (Plant Brief, 1981). 74. It is estimated that by 1985 more than half of the needs for middle-level technicians and lower level professionals will be met by workers' universities. The following table provides a picture of recent Worker University enrollment trends (World Bank, 1981): /9 Trade unions collect 2 percent of the total enterprise employee wages to finance all their activities; e.g. recreation, education, etc. The Central Committee stipulates that 25-30 percent of that 2 percent of total wages be spent on education. - 23 - WORKER COLLEGES (July 21 Worker Colleges) Number of Number of Years colleges students enrolled 1975 1,200 90,000 1976 6,000 460,000 1977 15,000 780,000 1979 - 860,000 Source: Hultin, 1981. 75. While it is difficult to sort out the differential impact of the numerous variables, e.g. technology, training, finance, organization, impact- ing on the production function of factories, the Chinese usually attribute marked changes in productivity to the adult education program. For example, at the Foshan Silk Textile Factory they attribute a 15 percent excess of planned production, an increase in quality (fewer rejects) of five percent, and profit of 66 percent in excess of that planned to training. At Peking First Cotton Mill, the Director stated that: The development of the staff and workers- education has raised their cultural and technical level, and has brought about the advance in production. Now 120,000 cotton yarns are produced each year, which is double that produced in the beginning years of the factory. Research assessing the comparative cost-benefit analysis of worker education schemes is sorely needed and would likely be welcomed by the Chinese thenselves at this time. 76. The Chinese, especially through the activities of the Bureau of Worker-Peasant Education, are now trying to "emulate" or standardize course content, exams, and certification among enterprises. As the Director of the Hunan Rubber Plan stated, "the classes emulate each other in activities of study, in the size of enrollment, in the rate of attendance, in consolidation work, in the passing of exams, and so on." There is little doubt that the ultimate goal is to raise the quality of worker education through academic standardization while keeping financing, administrative control, and accountability in the hands of the local enterprises. The concepts of educational quality and school certification have finally come to the workplace in China. - 24 - The Communes (Peasant Education) 77. Like the enterprise workshop, each commune production brigade is now required to produce an annual sparetime education plan. This plan is kept simple typically covering four areas: user needs; study time alloca- tion; staffing of courses and regulations; and a clear statement of rewards, incentives, and measures of performance (exam requirements). Once more, this is in line with the Bureau of Worker-Peasant Education's overriding goal to standardize, certify, and improve the quality of adult education (see sample Brigade Sparetime Education Plan Appendix H). 78. There is also a strong emphasis on consolidating and integrating educational activities: literacy is linked to technology and science, class- room study to practice and production, primary schools to adult education, agrotechnical secondary schools to agrotechnical stations, and commune hospitals and health centers to the training of primary health care workers. There is little doubt that though worker education is receiving higher visibility and media coverage under the "four modernization" policy, peasant education, particularly as it relates to the practice of scientific agri- culture, remains of considerable importance. The generic themes of integ- ration and consolidation are clearly guiding economic development principles, balancing political extremes and trade-offs between formal and nonformal, worker and peasant education. Peasant education now concentrates on basic education (literacy eradication), agrotechnical training, and health, nutrition and family planning. 79. Literacy Eradication. In discussing peasant education it is necessary to begin with China's efforts to eradicate illiteracy. As noted earlier, even during the "1,000 character Pu j method" of the 1920s Mass Education Movement and the "winter schools" of the Yenan days, the eradication of illiteracy among the masses was a priority. Despite sporadic attempts to promote literacy throughout the revolutionary struggle for independence in "liberated areas," the illiteracy rate was still hovering near 80 percent. With the founding of the People's Republic of China, Mao proclaimed that, "the eradication of illiteracy is a necessary condition for the construction of a new China." Following this proclamation, the First National Conference on Worker-Peasant Education in 1950 declared that "the basic task in worker-peasant education at present is to develop a literacy movement, gradually eliminating illiteracy." The goals at that time were to wipe out illiteracy among government cadre in two to three years, reach 90% literacy among workers in three to five years, and achieve nearly 70 percent literacy among peasants in seven years. The age group target of this literacy movement was those between the ages of 14 and 50. The major approach was a series of literacy campaigns throughout the country (Yao, 1980). 80. At this time, the criteria and measures for literacy were defined and remain in effect today. They are: (a) 1,500 character mastery for peasants and 2,000 for workers; (b) capacity to read the newspaper; (c) ability to write simple letters and fill in applications and other forms; and (d) passage of a simple test locally constructed to measure the above (a-c) - 25 - performance skills. In comparison to formal schooling, it is noteworthy that 3,000 characters mastery is considered to be a minimal level for primary school graduates (six years). 81. The initial campaigns to eradicate illiteracy followed a definite pattern. Typical principles of this pattern were provided by the directorate of the literacy program in Chonghua County: "(a) strengthen the administrative structure and form the teaching team; (b) grasp typical cases to arouse the masses; (c) determine teaching methods in the light of actual conditions; and (d) consolidate and develop the achievements." 82. In practice, literacy campaigns began with a period of planning and popularization, which usually entailed an "investigation" or survey of the literacy conditions in a given environment. In Xiang Fu People's Commune, for example, each illiterate had to make a plan indicating his/her own starting point for learning, an assessment of the learning conditions, how he/she would learn, and when he/she would carry the plan out. All plans had to be posted for public review, peer pressure could then be applied to ensure that the illiterate followed through with the plan. (For a complete list of literacy documents produced in Taojing Country alone during this early era, see Appendix G.) 83. This investigation stage was followed by "popularization" or raising the awareness of the need for literacy among the illiterates. Mass organizations such as the Communist Youth League had a special responsibility for the popularizing and mobilizing stages of the literacy effort. Model or pilot efforts were then launched, which were later extended and replicated in a given locality as they proved successful. 84. The final phase was a period of stabilizing and consolidating the program and creating a literacy environment by provisioning work-units with newspapers and libraries. "Step-by-step" was the basic motto adhered to during this period. 85. The gradual institutionalization of literacy efforts from anti- illiteracy classes (1954) through anti-illiteracy associations (1956) to the establishment of an anti-illiteracy headquarters (1958) and finally to the Committee for Worker-Peasant Education and County Division of Worker Peasant Education (1972) in Conguhua County, Guangdong Province is illustrative of the key role of the literacy drive in the evolution of the overall institutional development of the on-going Provincial and National Structure for worker-peasant education. 86. Teachers for the literacy efforts were drawn from students ("little teachers") and normal school teachers. During the "rustification" campaign of the Cultural Revolution, intellectuals and students were sent to the countryside to learn from the peasantry. Most of them were involved in promoting literacy as well. Unlike the voluntary efforts of students and - 26 - intellectuals in the anti-literacy drive of the pre-Cultural Revolution period, the "back to the countryside" program had compulsory and ideological bent. The "social laboratory" concept of James Yen during the 1920-1930s Mass Education Movement may have established the precedent for rustication efforts. At that time, students and intellectuals in Beijing voluntarily left the comforts of their "bourgeois" urban life style and headed to the neighboring rural area of Ting Hsien (Buck, 1968). 87. Often, literacy instructors were trained in the chain approach with the Provincial Division of Worker-Peasant Education providing training for County staff three times per year for three days, the County level training the Commune staff for twelve times per year for three days, the Commune staff in turn training the Brigade staff a half day per week throughout the program of literacy irradication. 88. Guided by the Party's Central Committee policy of "unfolding the campaign to read and write and reducing illiteracy step by step," teaching took place in homes, courtyards, and schools as "relatives taught relatives, neighbors taught neighbors, and children taught parents." Depending on the local conditions, instruction ranged from small group classes to one-on-one and self study. As stated by the Xiang Fu People's Commune Director, "In our work, we always pay attention to proceeding from actual conditions, different methods are adopted in accordance with different students, condi- tions, and desires. In order to give service to production, we insist that learning culture be integrated with learning technology, and class teaching with field practice." When the numbers were great, the collective or group approach dominated, as they shrunk more one-on-one and self-study evolved. Groups were frequently organized according to occupation and functional interest. Materials were locally produced with functional relevance. National literacy materials were also used to complement locally produced instructional materials. Study was scheduled in accordance with the seasonal work cycle. "Study more during the slack season, less during the busy season" took its place among the themes and mottos popularizing the campaign goals and methods. 89. Motivation to continue through the 200 hours of classroom instruction estimated for a person to become functionally literate was sustained by applying peer pressure; integrating economically useful knowledge, e.g., record keeping and agricultural information, into instructional materials; and combining literacy with cultural and life activities in general, e.g., entertainment and social activities (reading sessions). In some instances, it has been said that those refusing to attend classes were fined. Generally speaking, in a society in which jobs are assigned, it is relatively easier to make literacy standards a direct motivational tool by linking them to employment opportunities. 90. "Labeling" or affixing large characters to objects throughout homes and communities, was an important learning technique. As recounted in Jintang County, "A trainee named We Tai-Kun wrote names on the kitchen stove, - 27 - the water vat, the bed, the wardrobe, the cupboard etc., so that she could see these characters and memorize them more easily." This labelilng strategy also helped reinforce a person's motivation to take part in the literacy effort by making it more concrete. 91. All in all, the basic approach to motivation in China has been ideological and group-oriented, rather than material and individual-based. However, to motivate participation in literacy efforts, often teachers were rewarded with pens, notebooks, towels, mugs, and general accolades for producing new literates under the each-one-teach-one scheme. 92. Today the maintenance-of a viable literacy environment is enhanced by the Government policy of insuring that 60 percent of books produced are allocated to rural areas. The "private picture book store" is a commonplace contemporary phenomenon throughout the Chinese urban and commune landscape. Here, a person can rent a book (usually short paperbacks) to read on the spot for the price of 3 fen (US$ 2 cents). 93. It is difficult to establish the exact cost of moving a person from a state of illiteracy to that of literacy (by Chinese standards). For example, in Chengdu District, Sichuan Province, we were told that it requires 23-28 yuan (US$15-18) to make a person literate. The exact breakdown of expenditure for this process was not provided, but one can assume that the major costs were for teachers' salaries and instructional materials. It was stated that the local government usually provides about 3 yuan (US$2) per person in grants and that the remainder of the cost was paid by the individual and or the commune through labor exchange. 94. While dropout rates were not normally available, in Chengdu District, the dropout rate of literacy classes was about 30 percent. This dropout rate is mostly attributed to competing opportunity costs of labor for agriculture. 95. For the 17-year period prior to the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution," the Chinese made substantial gains in eradicating illiteracy. During this period more than 100 million illiterates were freed from the bondage of ignorance, and literacy levels of numerous others were raised. However, the study team was told that with the ten years of chaos and turmoil which characterized the Cultural Revolution, systematic literacy efforts ground to a halt. The result was that many new literates lapsed back into illiteracy and a generation of youth remained unschooled and illiterate. In 1977, the literacy movement was resumed. Teachers and students were mobilized in a campaign approach reminiscent of past revolutionary days. For example, in Conghua County before liberation there was an illiteracy rate of 72.5 percent. From 1950 onward, winter schools and village schools were established throughout the countryside and, by 1955, many winter schools were turned into regular evening schools for peasants. After 1958, educational conditions improved and sparetime secondary schools teaching politics, culture, and technology sprang up. By - 28 - the advent of the Cultural Revolution illiteracy was reduced to 20 percent. Illiteracy in the county is presently down to three percent and the brigades now focus their attention on offering courses at primary and secondary school levels as well as upgrading agricultural technology. 96. Despite the success of Chonghua County's experience with illiteracy eradication, the national literacy level is currently estimated to be about 65 percent (World Bank, 1981). This means that there are over 100 million illiterate or semi-illiterate adults in China today. Rather than relying solely on the strategies of the mass campaign approach, the Chinese are now taking a cue from the health sector's comprehensive approach, which is "prevention first, cure second." Thus illiteracy is both prevented and attacked, and the general education of the people is improved by placing a clear emphasis on linking adult illiteracy eradication to universal primary schooling. Primary schools are now being encouraged to conduct sparetime literacy classes or to offer coursework based on the curriculum of the upper primary school to adults in the evenings. 97. Agrotechnical Training. The evolution of the commune structure into subordinate units of the production brigade and production team (roughly equivalent to the western geo-political divisions of county, town, and village, respectively) stems from the progressive collectivization of agriculture and dates back to the land reform of 1950. At that time the Government encouraged mutual aid teams (which likely emanated from existing traditional peasant modes of labor exchange) to become agricultural cooperatives in which peasants pooled their land and major means of production to obtain shares in the new cooperatives. In the mid-1950s, these cooperatives became "advanced cooperatives" and co-op members shared labor and land according to the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each according to his work." In 1958, when these latter units-were viewed as too small in scale and too limited in manpower and funds, they were organized into larger units or communes under the auspices of the Central Committee's resolution to establish Peoples' Communes in the rural areas (Chou, 1975). Today, within such communes the propagation of private plots/8 is increasing and the collective agricultural system itself is undergoing considerable rethinking as the unit of accountability in some communes in certain areas has recently become the family and not the production team per se. /8 Private plots have been growing at such a rate that some attribute erosion problem to the expansion of these plots in the worsening non-collectivized hills and up the mountain tops which surround the communes. As Printz and Steinle (1977) observed in their study of commune life in China, "Although the original percentage of private land (five percent) allocated since communalization was unchanged, the amount of land available for family plots had increased. The population had grown and more land had become available for cultivation thanks to continuing efforts to reclaim the mountain terrain for farming." - 29 - 98. The change in the social-production relations in agriculture provide a structural framework for understanding the previously outlined organization and financing of current peasant training, or adult education, as related to the transmission of agricultural information and skills. 99. The principal adult education training unit in most rural areas is the sparetime agrotechnical middle school. This training unit is typically located in, and administered at, the commune level. It is an upper secondary-level school equivalency program which places its main emphasis on agriculture. The criteria for entry into such a school as reported by one such school in Shujing Peoples' Commune, Taojiang County, Hunan, is as follows: The candidate in agriculture training should: (a) play a critical role in managing production; (b) be at least a junior-middle school graduate; (c) be about 25 years old; (d) have set his mind on farm work and be interested in studying agricultural science; and (e) have some capability of organizing (Commune brief, 1981). 100. The primary subjects of these agrotechnical schools are: the cultivation of crops; the protection of plants; the use of soils and fertilizers; and the breeding of crops. The period of schooling is approximately two years. Each student who is selected to participate in such a program is released from production for 60 days fulltime study per year (6 hours a day, 4 days per month). Instruction focuses on solving urgent problems regarding farming during the busy cultivating season, and concentrates on imparting basic knowledge during the slack season. Thus, the students can apply the principles of scientific farming in their fields in a timely manner and increase their general educational background when their fields are idle. 101. Instructors for these programs are drawn from the technical staff of the Commune agromechanic workshop and agrotechnical station. They are compensated for their teaching time by the allocation of work points./10 Instructional materials are produced both locally or drawn from materials produced by the provincial and/or National Agriculture Departments. As in the area of worker education, the Bureau of Worker-Peasant Education is now attempting to introduce standardized curricula and competency exams. In addition to courses offered by standardized upper secondary level sparetime agrotechnical school, some agricultural courses are offered in the brigade-run sparetime junior secondary schools (which offer a middle secondary school equivalency program with the major subjects of instruction being mathematics, Chinese, and agri-sciences). /10 Adult education teachers typically receive about 10-15 days in-service training at the commune or county level each year in the rural areas and at the teacher training (normal) colleges in the urban areas. To provide a feeling for teacher salary, in Sichuan Province urban teachers receive about 60 yuan (US$40) per month and rural teachers about 40 yuan (US$26) per month. Labor exchange and work points are also frequent forms of remuneration. However, as in the case of enterprises, teacher salaries vary in accordance with the overall income and priority investments of the Brigade/Commune production unit. - 30 - 102. In addition to the sparetime schools at the commune and brigade levels, the commune agromechanic workshop and the commune agricultural station are said to offer periodic short courses to upgrade the skills of production brigade agrotechnical teams. These teams in turn meet with farmer groups during the slack season or with individuals in the field during the busy season to pass on new skills and knowledge, e.g., spacing of plants and fertilizer usage. The overall agricultural structure of research support and training at various levels within the commune and above to the provincial and national levels is roughly as follows: KEY PEASANT AGRICULTURAL TRAINING INSTITUTIONS AND FUNCTIONS Geo-Political Key Training Major function Level institution Nation Ministry of Agriculture Overall policy formulation Academy of Agricultural Sciences Advanced training and research Wuhan Central China Agricultural College Peking Agricultural College Suzhou Agricultural College Train lead agricultural Educators Province Agricultural universities and Train county level personnel colleges Agricultural academies Conduct research and supervise college research Commune Agrotechnical sparetime schools Provide Preservice and inservice Agromechanical workshops vice training for potential Agrotechnical stations and existing production brigade agricultural teams. Schools offer upper secondary equivalency. Production Agrotechnical teams Train farmers brigade/ Sparetime middle schools Offer agricultural courses team along with general junior secondary school equivalency - 31 - 103. Results of agrotechnical sparetime education are usually repor- ted in numbers of technical staff trained in agriculture for any given commune, rate of adoption/extension of new techniques, and changed levels of agricultural productivity. Though it is difficult to sort out confounding variables linking various interventions (including adult education) to changes in productivity, communes such as Luciduo Peoples' Commune in Taojiang County proclaim that "out of the 44 production teams where the graduates [sparetime agrotechnical schools] live and work, 40 increased their grain yield. Their output increase represented one-third of the output increase in the whole commune." According to extension performance criteria, they claim to have "popularized and extended" the following techniques through scientific experimental activities in 1980: (1) ridge and furrow cultivation of rice to an area of 930 mu, (2) saving of 210,000 jin of seeds due to less seed cultivation of rice, (3) success of late rice seeding and (4) ridge cultivation of sweet potatoes to 750 mu. In the absence of baseline data and comparative performance for similar communes, however, it is difficult to accept the Chinese proclamation of uncontested success. 104. Since the Study Team was primarily looking at adult education under the guidance and auspices of the Bureau for Worker-Peasant Education, attention was focused on the commune level sparetime agrotechnical second- ary school and not on other agricultural training and research activities which are directly under the auspices of the Bureau of Agriculture (especially at the provincial and national levels). Therefore, financing can only be discussed in the context of these sparetime agrotechnical schools which are totally financed by the commune. For example, the costs quoted at Luciduo People's Commune were 30 yuan (US$20) per student for the two year program which lasted approximately 60 days (4 days per month and about six hours per day). The individual production brigades bore the cost of the students which they sent to the school. The teaching materials, administrative costs and school building were provided by the commune with some assistance from the State. This amounted to about 700 yuan (US$840) per year in Zhuyinda People's Commune. During their days of study the students are given work points by the commune and thus earn their usual income by converting their points. Board and book expenses are in effect born by their original units, and operational funds for staff salaries as well as capital facility costs (usually amounting to nothing as existing structures are used) come from the commune. 105. Two other innovative peasant agricultural adult education institu- tions of a historical nature, even though they are now nominally obsolete, are worth discussing. During the Cultural Revolution the so-called May 7 Peasant Agricultural Colleges functionally substituted for the present day - 32 - sparetime agrotechnical schools./11 In effect, the May 7 Peasant Agricultu- ral College was an attempt to upgrade the status, if not the quality, of an agricultural secondary education to a college level, and to load it with ideological content so that it would serve as an instrument for breakingdown class distinctions and divisions between manual and intellectual worker and work. A parallel to this (sometimes integrated with the May 7 Peasant Agri- cultural College) was the decentralization of Agricultural College and Uni- versity Faculties, which had formerly been centralized in and around major towns and cities. The intent was to locate individual faculties in communes throughout the country. This was not unlike the pattern of industrial extension of factory workshops discussed earlier. The Jiangsi Communist Labor University (Agricultural College) was one leading model for this program. It was reorganized in 1958, to train agricultural technicians and cadre (management) in the surrounding Jiangsi Province. At one point there were some 130 branch schools ("straw hut" universities) located in communes and production brigades throughout the countryside. The Chenyang Agricultural College in Liaoning Province was another example of this model. Dedicated to the principle that "crops could not be grown on black boards," research was done in situ on small farm plots with most instruction taking place in the field (Lucas, 1976). The Chao Yang Agricultural College, also an early model for the ruralization of higher education, was "held up as a model for the whole country and regarded as the educational equivalent of the Dazhai Brigade in agriculture" (Lofstede, 1980). 106. There is little empirical evidence to determine how well this latter innovation worked in terms of promoting relevant agricultural research and development. In fact, it is now the Government's intention to relocate and recentralize some of these faculties onto their original campuses. 107. In summarizing, the literacy and agricultural foci of adult education in the context of the rural commune today, the key institutions operating are: (a) upper primary and middle secondary sparetime schools under the administration and financing of brigades and production teams essentially for the purposes of providing basic education or raising the cultural level of peasants in a form, content, and level equivalent to the regular age-graded primary and junior secondary schools; (b) the commune run sparetime agricultural schools) providing sparetime upper secondary school equivalent agricultural based education primarily for lead peasants who are preparing to become production team agrotechnicians; (c) and short-course and field-based extension type training for peasant farmers offered by the brigade agrotechnical production teams and the staff of the commune agricultural research station and agromechanical workshops. 108. Other commune administered forms of adult education apart from basic school equivalency, literacy, and agricultural extension and training are sideline industry training through factory extension (already discussed /11 Quoting from Shirk (1979), "According to Vice-Minister Pu, the May 7th Universities, the rural counterpart of the July 21st Universities, had never achieved true university levels of training and therefore are being downgraded to May 7th middle schools." - 33 - at length under worker education) and health, nutrition, and family planning education. A brief review of adult education activities for peasants in this latter category follows. 109. Health, Nutrition, and Family Planning Education. Herbalists, midwives, and acupuncturists who combine traditional and modern health care techniques exemplify the Chinese principle of "Walking on Two Legs," i.e., combining the old with the new. Most production brigades have a health unit staffed by about four workers selected by the brigade on the basis of past basic medical experience (traditional or modern) and general interest. This unit is the basic primary health care institution; outreach staff are known as "bare foot doctors."/12 Barefoot doctors receive at least one short training course in the basic principles of diagnosis, prescription, injection, midwifery and the preparation of herbal medicines. These short training courses are offered at the commune or country level by medical staff who have received training at provincial health centers. 110. The tasks of the local production brigade health unit, as noted during a visit to the "Red Cross Chapter" (Health Center) of Liangming Brigade, are as follows: - to conduct training on first-aid and other health knowledge; - to organize its members to mobilize people in joining the patriotic health campaign; - to promote propaganda on health knowledge, thus raising the people's health-consciousness level; - to coordinate with related departments on family planning pro- paganda and birth control guidance; - to assist in propaganda and organizational work of blood donation campaigns; - to improve the reporting system of epidemic diseases and encourage the masses to report incidence of epidemic diseases; and - to carry out emergency care and simple treatment of minor injuries and illnesses. /12 It should be pointed out that a community health care system using paraprofessional lay health workers locally selected, trained, and supervised to (1) record births and deaths; (2) vaccinate against small- pox; (3) promote clean water; and (4) provide simple first aid, basically serving as the "advance guard of scientific medicine" at the village level backed up by subdistrict Health Stations and District Health Centers was first developed in China from 1931-35 under the Tinghsien Mass Education Movement (see Chien, "Development of Systematic Training in Rural Public Health", Annual Report, International Rural Reconstruction Movement, New York: 1935). - 34 - 111. Since primary health care programs have been described in great detail elsewhere (e.g., Rogers and Chen, 1980), they will not be treated further here. However, like the worker and peasant education programs in industry, agriculture, and basic education, health training is currently being qualitatively upgraded with standardization and certification being an integral part of this process. 112. Family planning, child care, and nutrition education fall under the auspices of the Bureau of Health, the National Federation of Women (a mass organization), and more specifically, the "women's worker," an adult education role found in every commune. The major tasks of women's workers are to organize weekly meetings of women's groups to discuss women's issues and to disseminate child care, nutritional, and family planning information. The National Federation of Women is the mass organization which provides the backup support and training to these frontline women's cadre. Maternal and child care, children's education (particularly preschool), and the promotion of women's participation in productive and political activities are the major goals of the National Federation of Women which are implemented by the women's worker. Nutrition education generally takes a back seat to more visible preventative health care priorities, such as immunization, nor do nutritional considerations appear to be well-integrated in agricultural policies. Local Government Sponsored Adult Education 113. Enterprise, commune, and production brigade sponsored adult education insitutions are all educational, productive, and political (governance) in nature. There is yet a third set of local governmental institutions which sponsor adult education activities. These are located predominantly in cities and large rural towns and are not directly engaged in production. An excellent example of this is the Honkow Avocational Institute, a district (local) government administered and financed adult education prograr, in Honkow District, Shanghai Municipality. Actual costs were not available. The Institute offers six major areas of study: mechanical engineering and machine design and fabrication; electronic engineering and automation; chemical engineering for chemical analysis; environmental chemical analysis; Chinese literature; and foreign language. These are provided in a four year, two semester per year program of 20 weeks per semester. Approximately 17 instructional hours per week are usually offered in three half-day working hours and two sparetime evening sessions. Upon completing required course work and passing standardized exams, students are granted tertiary degrees equivalent to that of East China Normal University, an affiliated regular institution of higher learning. 114. Faculty are drawn from neighboring universities and the profes- sional and technical staff of enterprises. There is a fulltime staff of 133 teachers and 85 "visiting" or part-time instructors. Costs are totally borne by the Honkow District Government. Instructional materials and - 35 - content are the same as those used by regular universities and colleges. There are 10 such district-run sparetime colleges in Shanghai and one major municipal run sparetime college. The arrangement is very similar to that of a North American state university and junior college system, but it is organized exclusively for workers pursuing degrees on a parttime and spare time basis, with release time and financial support from employers. Instruction takes place primarily through T.V., correspondence courses, and classroom lectures held in an old city building, formerly a District post office. Practical work is coordinated on-site in neighboring factory workshops. The Institute also offers sparetime secondary education courses but on a much smaller scale than the university equivalency program. The Institute has over 64 classes with a total enrollment of 2,572 students. The Institute began in 1958 with two areas of study, mechanical and chemical engineering, but was forced to close during the Cultural Revolution. It is now in a period of "reconstruction and rehabilitation" with plans to become "Hankow Adult Education Center" by 1982, and to offer a wider range of university and secondary school degree equivalency programs, as well as other short specialized courses. 115. A second example of a municipal/district administered adult educa- tion program is the Guangzhou Sparetime College founded in 1962, a com- prehensive college for workers. The college has four major departments: mechanical, electrical, and chemical engineering, and Chinese language and literature. Courses in mathematics, foreign language, and political science are also offered. 116. There are four different programs: four year specialized univer- sity equivalency programs (8-13 hours per week); two-three year teacher training courses (9-14 hours per week); single subject courses for one to two or so years (3-5 hours per week); and six month special short courses (3-4 hours per week) in such areas as T.V. repair, literature and language study. In addition to these offerings, the college conducts special classes for industrial and commercial accountants under the auspices of the Municipal Bureau of Finance as well as courses for lawyers and judges through the Provincial Bureau of Justice. 117. As in the Honkow Institute, admission is by examination; textbooks are selected from those used by fulltime colleges and universities and supplemented by locally produced materials geared to meet special learner needs. There is a full-time staff of 165 teachers with an enrollment of about 4,022 students in over 47 classes. The college leadership estimates that the cost of training a qualified technical graduate is approximately 1,000 yuan (US$660) while that of educating a liberal arts student is about 7,000 yuan (US$400). It costs about 318 yuan (US$210) per student per semester at Honkow Institute. If students take an average of 17 class hours including lab work per week for a 20 week semester then the unit cost can be roughly estimated to be about 340 student class hours per - 36 - semester divided by 318 yuan (US$210) student semester or 1.1 yuan (US$.75) per student instructional hour. 118. The Director of the Institute estimates a two percent dropout/failure rate per annum. The failure/dropout rate at Shanghai Municipal Sparetime University was estimated to be one percent for full time students and 30-40 percent for short courses. The reasons given for the large number of short-course dropouts were work load, family problems, and job transfer. On another note, female enrollment at these two institutions was 25 percent and 10 percent, respectively. The argument was that not too many women were interested in the engineering field which was the major emphasis of these programs. 119. While many of these local government conducted adult education pro- grams suffer from a shortage of up to date equipment and a lack of instruc- tional facilities, some are admirably drawing strength from the regular state university system (books, faculty, curriculum) to meet the growing need for trained manpower and the demand for higher education and specialized training. Mass Organizations and Adult Education 120. Mass organizations have served primarily mobilizational (organi- zational), motivational (popularizing) and instructional (communication) functions in the larger scheme of worker-peasant education in China. They have also, in varying degrees provided financing for adult education acti- vities. The major mass organizations operating in China are: the All China Federation of Workers; the National Federation of Women; and the Communist Youth League./13 121. In general, mass organizations are the catalyzing agents of adult education. Adult education in China has been organized essentially along lines of functional interest groups, e.g., women, workers, farmers, and youth. The role of mass organizations as natural channels for organizing these functional groups of learners and creating learner demand through popularization and peer pressure is critical in the horizontal spread and vertical influence of. adult education in China. 122. All China Federation of Workers. Prior to the Cultural Revolution (during which period many were blacklisted), labor unions not only made a substantial financial contribution to the adult education of workers but in many instances directly initiated and administered factory run sparetime colleges and secondary schools. Originating from the Government Adminis- /13 The Chinese Communist Party and the People's Liberation Army, while important mass institutions for education and training, were not covered by the Study Team and will not be treated here. Although it can be said that the Party has enormous direct and indirect influence over the mass organizations which are discussed in this paper. - 37 - trative Council's "Directives on Developing Sparetime Education for Workers and Staff Members" of June 1950, trade unions were given the task of mobil- izing for the implementation of sparetime worker education. 123. Unions also conducted cadre or leadership training for union leaders. Initially, such courses included mobilization and organizational techniques, ideology, and literacy. As summarized by Harper (1964), "although no systematic technical education program was instituted [at that time], master-apprentice contracts and occasional lectures and campaigns were used to promote advanced techniques at the Wusan factory." By 1956, complete factory-based sparetime technical education programs, which placed emphasis on technical rather than political training, had evolved. However, due to the thrust to increase productivity of the Great Leap Forward, time for study decreased, the number of qualified teachers dwindled and a general lack of qualified students and funds all converged to make production and study mutually exclusive. Only in the period between the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution (1961-65) did a more comprehensive and realistic system of worker education which stressed different levels of worker aptitude and offered a variety of sparetime schools, e.g. upper primary, junior secondary, etc., to meet individual worker needs - begin to exist. Unfortunately, during the Cultural Revolution the "revisionist" label took its toll on the labor education movement, and it is just now beginning to restore its pre-Cultural Revolution momentum and once again play a key role in adult-worker education. 124. An exceptional example of a sparetime college run by the trade unions is that recently reported in the Beijing Review (1981) run by the Beijing Municipal Council of Trade Unions. It enrolls 885 students selected by examination from 3,580 candidates in the main subject areas of electrical engineering, Chinese, mathematics, industrial accounting, statistics, and environmental protection. Classes are held three half days and two evenings per week and students are released at full pay and benefits from their respec- tive enterprises to attend classes. 125. Workers' Palaces were also established in a number of cities pro- viding both recreational, library, and educational programs. In a recent visit to the Shanghai Workers' Palace, a trade union sponsored recreational cum educational facility, the Director of the Palace stated that the Palace was a "college for the workers - in a sense a place of learning as well as a paradise with the primary goals of serving the workers and the Socialist Revolution." In line with the three principles of labor education - to raise political consciousness, to enrich general knowledge, and to entertain variety in life - activities at the Palace range from public lectures to singing-dancing competitions. There were several study areas and a large library-reading room as well as a general game area. The Palace is now conducting 32 formal courses with an enrollment of over 6,000 workers. These are typically short courses to raise basic educational levels and to improve the quality of job related worker performance. Courses are also offered in specialized areas such as foreign language and energy conserva- tion. The staff try to relate all courses to the needs of the workers and - 38 - practical problem solving. Exams devised by the Palace are used to select students for participation in the heavily subscribed courses. An example was given where only 250 of 500 applicants were admitted to a business management course via exam criterion. Student records are kept and communicated to factories. Union and Palace staff keep in close contact with factory education committees to assess what workers need, what they have already learned, and the like. There are only three permanent educational staff so the Palace must rely on outside visiting faculty from regular schools and factory professionals and technicians to teach their courses. Teachers are motivating and training others to be teachers. As the Palace Director stated, "We light a candle here and put light in the whole room." 126. The present All China Federation of Workers, as labor unions go, is somewhat different than the North American-Western European union in terms of the priority which is placed on various activities. Chinese unions are more concerned with worker education, more specifically political education under the party directives, than with traditional labor-management wage-benefit negotiations. As Harper (1964) notes "the trade union cadre must endeavor to bridge the gap between the interests of the workers and those of the State; to do this he must succeed in transmitting the ideology of the Party to the working masses." 127. In theory, the workers are the State and the union is the management in China, thus the mobilization of workers for the State rather than in protest against the State is the current modus operandi. The current lower union political profile may indeed be a result of the aftermath of the Cultural Revolutionary period; unions appear to be reverting to their late 1950s and early 1960s focus on technical rather than political education of workers, while the Party is contriving to maintain indirect influence and control over workers' education as administered and implemented by the union cadre. In 1978, at the Tenth National Congress of Chinese Trade Unions the basic objectives of the unions were stated: "to unite, educate and help the workers and staff members steadily to raise their political consciousness, acquire scientific knowledge and technological skill, take an active part in enterprise management, launch socialist labor emulation drives, raise labor productivity, gradually improve the material and cultural life of the worker and staff members on the basis of increased production, and strive towards building a powerful, modernized, socialist China as early as possible" (Pao, 1980). The eleven years hiatus in the All China Federation of Trade Unions activities had finally come to an end. 128. After quoting Lenin, "The trade union is a Communist university," one union official the Hunan Provincial Symposium on Adult Education (fieldnotes, 1981) proceeded to say that, "the unions would now take the lead in worker education again, by: mobilizing the masses to understand the importance of adult education, implementing an organization and leadership in all departments and enterprises with full time cadre in charge of adult - 39 - education, conducting a general survey of worker cultural and technological levels in order to modify adult education programs based on factual analysis of learner levels and requirements, and to implement methods of providing trained teachers for adult education." 129. National Federation of Women. In theory, the main function of this mass organization is to defend the benefits and rights of women in politics, economics (work), and social life. As spelled out in the Fourth National Women's Congress in 1978, the tasks of women's organizations are: "to support, encourage and organize women in their effort to study politics, enhance their literacy, study science and technology and the skill of management, so as to raise their ideological, educational and technical levels; to propagate and implement the principle of equality between men and women and the policy of equal pay for equal work and to protect the rights and interests of women and children; to cooperate with relevant departments in promoting collective welfare and social service for women and children; and to improve the work concerning their health and family planning" (Pao, 1980). 130. Women's groups exist at all levels of government down to the brigade production team. At the commune level, there is a Women's Committee with a representative of that Committee on the Commune General Committee for Worker-Peasant Education. Women's committees also exist at the Provincial and National levels. At the Commune brigade level there is a Women's Worker, whose role and function were described under peasant education. At the production team level, are organized women's groups. Additionally, women play roles as mass teachers in evening literacy classes (sparetime primary and secondary schools), facilitators for women's groups, and the like. 131. Organizing women to study and learn has been the major activity of the National Federation of Women since its founding in 1949. The promotion of scientific agriculture and industrial skills, birth planning, and spare- time basic education are the main adult education content areas for women's groups. Child care is also an important topic of study. This includes the inculcation of collective values to counter the "only child (spoiled individual) syndrome" caused by the growing number of one-child families. 132. Health education for prospective mothers is another focal area of women's education. Courses cover pre-natal to post-natal periods of maternal care and child development. Short training courses are organized for a range of infant and child caregivers - employed sitters, infant nursery staff, grandparents, and other family members. The Women's Worker, with the support of the Federation (and in cooperation with the Bureau of Health), is respon- sible for parent education. The Central Committee has recently assigned the National Federation of Women the task of coordinating all agencies for children's education from the performing arts, traditionally under the Bureau of Culture, to children's literature produced by the Bureau of Education. - 40 - 133. While marriage, inheritance, and employment laws have at least in legal and rhetorical terms improved the status of women in China, female participation rates in work and adult educational activities are still below their proportional representation in society at the large. Although the Chinese have come a long way in the last thirty plus years in promoting the equal opportunity and welfare of women primarily through the efforts of adult education, they would be the first to admit that there is still a long way to go. As the now infamous Jiang Chiang once observed in an interview with Roxane Witke, "ideals and reality should not be confused; women still have a long way to go in China. Custom died hard in rural areas. Arranged marriages, celebrations and costly feasts could not be endured in a Socialist State. Despite agrarian reforms, women still allowed themselves to be given smaller or inferior parcels of land" (Mitgang, 1977). 134. The Communist Youth League (CYL). The Communist Youth League, Young Pioneers, student and other youth associations have always been both objects and instruments of adult education and political change in China. Today, the CYL has over fifty million members and is entrusted by the Party with guiding the Young Pioneers, China's mass organization of about 170 million children. The League also has the task of mobilizing and motivating young workers (under 28) as stated in a recent Xinhua (1980) editorial, "the Plant Youth League Committee attaches importance to political and ideological work among young workers and gives particular attention to helping those lagging behind." 135. As Young Pioneers during the early revolutionary period and as Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution, Chinese youth have historically been involved as learners and teachers in adult education. Chinese officials now openly share their concerns over the crisis of confidence of the youth, who were deeply affected by the Cultural Revolution-Red Guard and rustification activities. The young people's confusion over conflicting values resulting from recent ideological shifts coupled with the problem of youth unemployment could be a critical watershed for the current Government leadership. The Government's concern about the psychological problems of its young people is so great that a major youth education campaign called the "Four Beauties" (mind, language, behavior, and environment) and "Five Talks" (health, social order, morality, civilization, and politeness) is now underway. 136. Children's palaces continue to exist "providing guided recreational and learning activities, carrying out a significant program of education extending far beyond the schoolroom" (Chen, 1978). In addition, Youth Palaces, whose central purpose is to reintegrate youth into main stream. post-Maoist Chinese society through adult education are currently being stressed. The Shanghai Youth Palace, for example, is a recreational and education center providing a range of services from career and psychological counseling to public lectures and short courses to enhance basic education and teach marketable technical skills. Youth are also being organized into - 41 - professional "survival groups" to open up small street canteens and businesses in order to tackle the unemployment problem. Talks are organized to bring persons from varying age groups together in an effort to bridge the generation and ideological gaps. Such programs are usually financed by municipal and local governments. 137. While the rustification program has not been totally abandoned, it is no longer compulsory. Manual labor is still considered an important part of the educational experience for youth (Chen, 1978); however, many young people who were forcibly relocated in rural areas are now flocking to the cities in search of their future. Showing idealism that may not be the norm, one former youth who went "down to the villages and up to the mountains" and is presently a sparetime factory college student stated: We are very anxious about the future of our country. We could not see prospects for our generation because we lost the cream of our youth during the Cultural Revolution. Now the most important thing is to make up for our loss. Even though I am over thirty and married I still feel young and want to do something for my country. Many students in my class are mature and energetic and still think that they can do many things. The challenge for adult education is to channel this feeling and energy into reintegrating Chinese youth into the work force and general life of the nation. The propagation of youth palaces and mass campaigns are steps in that direction. The Mass Media 138. The final all pervasive adult education institution is the mass media. Using the electronic media of radio and T.V.; the printed media of correspondence materials, bulletin boards, chalkboards, posters, flyers, newspaper and libraries; museums and exhibitions; lectures and assemblies; and face-to-face communication, the Chinese are masters at providing a media blitz which rivals any commercial advertising campaign in the capitalist world. At the receiving end, one can typically find residential and workplace study groups organized by neighborhood, production team, and workshop education committees into informal listening and educational forums. 139. Access to and proliferation of the mass media, is considered an indicator of development. On a wall chart depicting commune success at the Xiang Fu Commune, the number of public address speakers was given along with more traditional indicators of development such as number of mu under cultivation and grain output. Parish and Whyte (1978) similarly noted that in the 45 villages they used as a data base, 39 had a broadcast network (see Appendix J for Basic Commune Data). - 42 - 140. Television and Radio Broadcasting. Beijing Broadcasting-Television University was first set up in 1960 as an institution of higher learning on the air waves. It was supplemented by classroom tutoring and self-study via correspondence course materials. It was dissolved in 1969 in the midst of the Cultural Revolution and only recently resumed operation in 1979. Its national counterpart, the Central Broadcasting and Television University formed in February 1979, similarly offers a three-year college equivalency course which includes instruction in math, physics, chemistry, and English. The classes are aired nationwide in over 30 special T.V. universities which are locally administered by cities and provinces. The T.V. University is also plugged into numerous enterprises throughout the country with local stations in such major cities as Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou offering specialized courses in teacher training, secondary school equivalency, and technical education. Nationwide about 420,000 students are registered on a parttime or fulltime basis in the National Central T.V. University (McCormick, 1980). Tuition is free and local enterprises or municipal government often purchase the ground equipment necessary for reception and organize and pay for tutorial services and textbooks. Students include workers, teachers, army personnel, and, unemployed youth. Enrollment targets and costs are as follows: TV UNIVERSITY: ENROLLMENT TARGETS, 1980-90 1980 1985 1990 Total enrollments ('000) 420 1,200 2,000 (full-time and part-time) Number of year-long courses offered 18 50 100 Central Broadcasting and TV University (Beijing) (i) staff 700 2,000 (ii) space (sq m) 40,000 130,000 (iii) foreign exchange requirements ($ millions) 3.3 6.3 12.6 Total staff/a of central and provincial TV universities 10,000+ 40,000 /a Estimated at one teaching staff member per 50 students and one administrative staff member per 100 students. Source: Hultin, 1981. To illustrate the range of students composition in a given urban area the following student enrollment breakdown was obtained from Beijing T.V. University for 1979: - 43 - ENROLLMENT BREAKDOWN BEIJING T.V. UNIVERSITY (1979) Number Occupation of Students Percentage Workers 11,543 39.7 Government functionaries 3,472 12.0 Scientific and technical personnel 9,240 31.8 Teachers 3,411 11.8 People's Liberation Army 1,396 4.8 Note: The total 1979 cohort is 29,062 students. 141. Since the early days of T.V. and radio broadcasting, the curriculum has markedly expanded to include a broad range of university topics and areas of study from electronics to computer science and language. Texts are those used by regular degree-granting institutions of higher learning and supple- mental materials are produced by the local sponsoring units, e.g., factories, municipalities. There are regular homework assignments, examinations, and certificates as in any normal degree granting formal educational program (Zhenhua, 1980). Students typically spend about four hours a week viewing and eight hour per week doing homework. 142. It actually costs the T.V. university about 20 yuan (US$24) per student per semester. Employers typically pay for setting up classes, tutors' salaries, and lab experiments. Unemployed youth attending classes usually pay a small fee to cover their costs, but local governments (municipal and dis- trict) often provide most of what is required to conduct the courses. Such district government-sponsored sparetime educational institutions are oriented toward T.V. University students who are unemployed and provide references to prospective employers of their graduates. 143. As in other educational programs, scant systematic tracer data on graduates is presently available, but based on student achievement, all indications are that the T.V. instruction program is a heralded success. For example at Guangdong Radio and T.V. University, Foshan Branch, after two years study 96.2 percent of those students (600) taking electronics and mechanical engineering courses reportedly passed the 1979 national examinations. For Beijing Branch T.V. and Radio University, the pass ratio of third term students (7,941) who were enrolled on the average in over four subjects, was 86.5 percent. 144. While the T.V. University has been criticized for not attempting to use teaching techniques which might be better suited to the medium (at present, most courses are presented in lecture form); being understaffed, not having adequate printed or other instructional materials, e.g., kits for - 44 - science as used in the British Open University, and having a very poor techni- cal quality and low capacity, the ambitious efforts which have been made by this relatively young national educational venture are noteworthy (see Appendix I). Although still concentrated in urban areas, with T.V. ownership growing (from 630,000 in 1977 to over seven million sets today) due to increased output and reduced costs, T.V. is an educational medium to be reckoned with in China's future adult education plans. 145. Printed Media. Enough cannot be said about China's use of printed media. Daily newspapers are publicly posted in communes, factories, and neighborhoods; mini-novels are available for rent through the private picture book network; billboarads, charts, posters, and character sketches abound. The public eye is continuously being selectively exposed, informed, and guided. However, when examining libraries, Study Team Media Specialist, H. Campbell (1981) observed: "In factory, commune and public libraries, the methods are largely those of closed access to material, severe penalties for infraction of rules, occasional need to surrender identify cards to secure materials to read and much control of access in general. This results in a proportional low use of the facilities which, although numerous and generally isolated, have a high percentage of out-of-date material, and do not provide an integrated service to the uses." 146. Folk Media. Traditional media, social drama, and face-to-face communication were essential development communication apparatus of the Mass Education Movement/14 as well of the propaganda teams that were formed during the early revolutionary years. During the Cultural Revolution, revolutionary opera, social drama, dance and song troupes mixed socialist politics with art and mass communications. Based on Mao's Yenan Art Forum talk, the arts became politicized and proletarianized to serve the masses in their quest for a Socialist State. Most of the same folk communication media are now being filled with the re-emergence of neo-Confuscian Chinese cultural themes (Howard, 1978). In instances where such media are now serving development goals, it is generally in relationship to the popularization of science, technology, and the "four modernizations." 147. While the debate continues as to whether art and literature should be for life's sake or mere tools of socialist politics, a balance between these conflicting views is now surfacing. This was best expressed in a recent editorial quoting the late Mao Dun, Minister of Culture (1949-65) deposed during the Cultural Revolution: /14 As Yen (1934) acclaimed, "Literature, drama, painting, the great historical characters of Chinese history, and the modern medium of radio are to be marshalled for intellectual and spiritual nourishment of the people as well as for their recreation, to create a reconstruction mentality, and ultimately, to rediscover the soul of the race and revitalize it for the modern world." - 45 - Literature cannot be reduced to diagrams of political movements but the artist must arm himself with dialetical and historical materialism if he hopes to capture the essence, the main trend and the direction of things in the great complexity of real life. 148. The role of mass media can be summarized as follows: to propagate government plans and policies, to exchange experiences (inform and educate), to praise model efforts such as good teachers and productive enterprises, to criticize bad experience and laggards, and to entertain. It has always had this role though content has changed to reflect the ideological and development themes of the times. As Walls (1980) so aptly summarized, "The ruling establishment in China always recognized the power of the popular media to influence behavior by providing dramatic examples of good and evil, reward and punishment, success and failure". Issues and Lessons from the Chinese Experience 149. Despite the periods of political turmoil and unrest and the radical shifts between ideological/educational foci which have characterized China's recent history, the results of its efforts at worker-peasant education over the past thirty years (1950-80) have been most impressive in absolute, if not, relative terms. It is reported that from 1978-81 alone over 130 million new literates have been generated and over 38 million semi-literates have been raised to primary school equivalency level. An additional 3.3 million workers and peasants have obtained secondary school equivalency and 200,000 have reached the level of higher education equivalency through adult education programs. About 80 percent of the participants of worker-peasant education programs have been promoted to ranks of technician, engineer, or other leading positions and now form the "backbone" of Chinas development (Yao, 1981). About one-half million workers are currently enrolled in factory-run universities and in sparetime colleges sponsored by provinces and municipalities. In addition, there are approximately 30 million students in sparetime schools run by enterprises, communes, production brigades, workers' and youth palaces, local government, regular universities, among other institutions (see Annex L). 150. There is little doubt that, from the Chinese viewpoint, the most important functions of adult education have been political socialization (value change), the solving of practical problems in industry and agriculture, and the raising of the basic educational (cultural) level of the masses. Relative priority on these three aspects of adult education has shifted over the past three decades as ideological forces have struggled for, and exchanged, power, but all three aspects have always been evident. 151. Currently the priority of adult education efforts is placed on worker and cadre (leadership-management) training in support of achieving the go'als of the "Four Modernizations." As one plant director of sparetime education stated: "Most students are from factories and have over,10 years experience, so their goals are clear. Apart from theory, they wish to bring up their ability to deal with practical problems they encounter in their daily work." Commenting on the recent National Conference on Adult Education Mr. Heng Wei, Director Bureau of Education, Shanghai Municipality and Deputy - 46 - Director of the National Committee of Worker-Peasant Education, told the Study Team that the Central Committee recently submitted a document on adult education which outlines the priority tasks: We shall formalize adult education step by step, the preliminary concept is to achieve a systematic and preliminary formalized adult education system. The first task is to enlighten leaders of all enterprises to the fact that adult education is closely related to productivity. In order to increase productivity we must go for adult education. We must coordinate short term and long term planning. We must organize national coordinating committees in each province, city, county, and commune to coordinate work and to plan adult education across bureaus of varying ministries. He further added that increasing financing, upgrading teaching, generating student places, and improving instructional materials would be the operational targets. Of course, one is quick to question the meaning and wisdom of such steps to formalize adult education given the general worldwide view that a major strength of adult nonformal education programs is its ability to be flexible and react to changing and diverse learner needs due to the absence of a constraining formalized structure. 152. This is not to say that peasant education or basic education is being ignored, but only to note that it is presently a lesser priority - one which is being handled in local contexts, e.g., communes and production brigade, and linked to other training or educational activities, e.g., primary schools offering sparetime primary school equivalency (basic literacy studies) in the evening and factories offering sparetime secondary school equivalency to prepare workers for further training in technical and professional sparetime programs. "Do in accordance with local conditions" is the underlying principle of present-day peasant education program offerings. 153. While adult education is applied and production linked wherever possible, it is currently being pursued as an equivalent to formal education in quality, certification, social status, and financial remuneration. It supplements and builds upon any previous formal education of participants. Hawkins (1979) accurately summarizes this tendency toward equivalency and institutionization: "the message here seems to be that these kinds of programs (alternative adult education) are allowable provided students reach comparable levels with students in the more conventional formal colleges and universities." 154. The above outlined parameters set for adult education in turn guide the design of adult education programs. They: (1) must focus on quality, not only on quantity; (2) must have an immediate application and an identifiable economic payoff, and, therefore, must directly relate to increasing unit production; and (3) should be in accordance with concrete conditions, and thus, meet identified local needs. The Government is now attempting to develop a more systematic and institutionalized adult - 47 - education network with committees for worker-peasant education at all levels of the political hierarchy from the national to the communal level. This measure will be supplemented by the design of caurses to upgrade the leadership skills of cadre and instructors and by the coordination of instructional materials development. A series of national and provincial materials development conferences at which guiding principles for instructional materials and actual texts, worksheets, and activities in accordance with these principles are produced are now underway. Research activities to assess learning needs, identify appropriate teaching methods and strategies, compile syllabi, and generally review the experience in worker-peasant education over the past thirty years are now being planned as tasks of adult education committees at the provincial level. 155. The persistent questioning of the Study Team by Chinese educators on topics regarding research and evaluation techniques may provide evidence that the Chinese are now seeking pragmatic solutions to problems which emerged during their past efforts at providing comprehensive adult education, and that they will subsequently make "substantive compromises with the Cultural Revolution education system" (Pepper, 1980). 156. The Chinese clearly view the current era of adult education and development as a period of restoring, restructuring, and consolidating the better elements of earlier programs, particularly those of the 1950-1958 and 1961-1965 periods. Consequently, the fear that the baby may be thrown out with the bath water regarding the abandonment of adult education innovations introduced during the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution periods may be premature. For example, recently attempts to discredit Harbin Workers' Sparetime University were thwarted when its sparetime college graduates were tested and scored on a par with the graduates of regular universities who had pursued similar industrial architectural curricula. Also Jiangxi Communist Labor University has recently been held up as a model for sparetime colleges because of its effectiveness in offering short term training and correspondence courses and in using traveling teachers (Hawkins, 1979; also Kobayashi and King, 1980). 157. Presently, the educational pendulum is swinging toward the institutionalization of an adult education program which emphasizes quality and legitimacy over equality and access. Historically the first five-year plan stressed production linked with training; the Great Leap Forward's pendulum swung toward production linked to ideology; the Post Leap marked a return to the production-training nexus; and the Cultural Revolution's swing reinstated the supremacy of ideology over training. Today training is linked to production and certification; politically speaking, industrial and economic readjustment has led to educational readjustment. "Learn from Tachai [a successful agricultural commune]," "Model Jiangxi Labor University," among other such quotes, are visibly being replaced throughout the countryside on schools, houses, and factory walls by others more akin to the "Four Modernizations". - 48 - 158. It was stated in several discussions with the Study Team that technological and organizational adjustments in enterprises and agriculture logically allow workers and peasants more time to participate in adult education programs. Parenthetically such education programs also serve a caretaker function for potentially under- and unemployed workers. However, this still begs the question of whether or not certification will open up more employment opportunities for the hordes of rural youth now immigrating, often illegally, to the cities. This group includes about 20 million youth who because of the upheavals of the cultural revolution still require cultural and technological upgrading to the middle school level. 159. In many areas, changing conditions have meant changing demands. For example, in the area of health, the requirements of primary health care staff have been reached and the focus has now shifted to upgrading the skills of those currently serving as barefoot doctors and to screening out those who cannot meet the newly-set, higher standards of performance. Chinese peasants now demand better quality health care (as a direct outcome of having had their basic health needs met). Will it be possible for the barefoot doctor system to provide access to health care of higher quality? What will happen to those barefoot doctors who don't make the grade? Also, the current stress on worker education may be potentially detrimental to farmers (who still comprise the majority of the population) in terms of access and equity. Down-playing peasant education cduld in the long run increase inequality and alienate the masses since the "trickle-down" distance is much greater in a resource tight environment with mass demands, such as China has, than elsewhere. On the other hand, one ould also speculate that increasing peasant education opportunity could also fuel rising frustrations due to higher employment expectations which are Anequalled by a slower growth in actual job opportunities. 160. What are some of the major lessons one might draw from the Chinese experience in adult education to date? First and foremost is that the mobilization of a political will, the creation of a strong bureaucratic organization, and the establishment of a definitive planning process which endeavors to coordinate demands with available delivery services are sine qua non of China's adult education success. The Chinese educational bureaucracy not only penetrates vertically to the lowest level through the Party, the Army, and the Government cadre - but it also spreads horizontally - through key mass organizations such as the Communist Youth League, All China Federation of Workers, National Federation of Women, and mass media. It is a broadly based and participatory organizational mode which serves the double function of promoting communication and of standing ready to serve as a mechanism for exercising political social control. As Lin (1975) succinctly stated "putting planning and coordination back in the hands of local authorities has the effect of enhancing self-reliance within the overall framework of national planning." - 49 - 161. This uniquely Chinese strategy of extending adult education both vertically and horizontally provides for decentralized planning, local finance, control, and commitment - including responsibility and accountability - and insures that adult education offering will meet the needs of the lowest societal levels, e.g., production teams, neighborhood committees, workshop units. On the other hand, central authorities at every political level, guide, influence, and sanction the planning, policy setting, and decision making of the entire development process. Upper-level units require that all units - from production teams to health centers and factory workshops submit plans for the provision of adult education plans; and even study plans from individual adult learners. As stated by one Jintang county official, "The plan should be concrete to every person to be trained and open to all so that it can be carried out without failure under the supervision of the masses." 162. A second key lesson lies the Chinese use of "modeling," "meetings," "on spot conferences," and other ad hoc group arrangements in a decentralized but controlled system for promoting the exchange of experiences and the summing up of lessons. China has a built-in organizational learning capacity by continuously encouraging the sharing of experiences and the critical analysis of how the lessons of a given experience might be applied in varying conditions. Such a systematic means for applying new and old knowledge in various settings makes China look like one large "learning exchange." Rogers and Chen (1980) refer to this process as summarized in the Chinese slogan, "Grasp both ends and move the middle forward," meaning the most advanced units should provide models for others on a widespread basis, as a means of "horizontal diffusion." 163. A third important lesson lies in the Chinese ability to mobilize unused and under-utilized material and human resources, integrating the two to make for a balanced or eco-system approach to development. Factory and school staffs and facilities provide educational services to both adults and youth. Traditional herbalists become front-line health care workers. Those who have lost their jobs due to the introduction of mechanized agriculture are often gradually integrated into a commune's developing sideline agro-industry. One might say that the Chinese see the forest as well as the trees in every development endeavor. 164. A fourth lesson concerns the realm of motivation. "Popularization" is a key Chinese educational concept. User demand regarding government policy and the functional use of ensuing adult education programs is created through "pre-education" or "consciousness-raising." For example, during the literacy campaigns, propaganda teams were sent to communes to publicize relevant documents and instructions of the State Council among the peasants. Peer pressure, exercised through the praising of models and the criticism of failures by the mass media and mass organizations, is instrumental in further motivating potential users to the advantage of available programs. Wall posters, billboards, chalkboards, public meetings, among other media, are - 50 - highly visible methods of reward and sanction in China. It was stated that in one region of the country the "preparation of the soil" for the literacy program through popularization preceded the actual classes by over one year. 165. China's models of educational extension may provide a fifth lesson. Their three extension models - (a) program extension, exemplified by factory workshop extension to build sideline industries in the countryside and street industries in the urban neighborhoods; (b) the institutional extension model, for example, moving agricultural college faculties from urban environs to the rural communes; and (c) the information extension model, as demonstrated by the mass campaign approach for health, literacy, and family planning - all have many elements which could be replicated in other development settings. However, according to Study Team findings, the Chinese are now downplaying these innovative extension models. For example, sideline industries are being shut down or consolidated into larger production units (in order to reach economies of scale); agricultural college faculties are being reconcentrated into their original urban centers; and campaigns for literacy, health, etc., are now being relegated to institutional primary school and health center-based models of delivery. It is questionable as to whether or not innovative programs of previous eras have been adequately evaluated before decisions to abandon them have been hastily taken solely because of their previous ideological associations. For example, at some level, the charismatic appeal of the mass campaign approach to raising literacy levels based on the information-extension approach will almost certainly be missed as adults are shunted off to school-like forms of adult education. As Flora and Flora (1977) observed "this institutionalization but not routinization of charisma [embodied in the Mass Campaign approach] is crucial to the understanding of the Chinese approach to development." Nevertheless, some of the earlier educational innovations may be retained in form, even if their original identify is masked by changing their names. 166. In fact, as one can see from historical recapitulations of the trends in the provision of worker-peasant education, during the periods of post independence (1949-58), the Great Leap Forward (1958-60), the Post-Great Leap Forward (1960-66), and the Cultural Revolution (1966-76), philosophical swings between ideological (political indoctrination) and technical (training) education were mainly reflected in the name changes and the altered content emphasis of institutional forms which remained basically unchanged. 167. Many problems and questions abound when one gazes into China's adult education and development future. As Shirk (1979) has noted, "It is ironic that today, when elements of the Chinese model have become incor- porated in development criteria and the policies of some Third World countries, the Chinese themselves seem to be abandoning the model." In a way, Chinese education theory and practice, like those of Western countries, are concentrating on a "back to the basics movement" while the Third World is left with their respective hand-me-downs: the over- implementation of political content, open classrooms, and new math. There is a critical need for the Chinese to scrutinize their past efforts closely - 51 - in order to avoid overlooking the good aspects of the adult educational innovations of earlier periods just as there is a need for Western educators to analyze the results of past innovative educational strategies before the wholesale abandonment of them. Especially in China, it is difficult to access empirical evidence on just how effective and efficient such innovations were. 168. Furthermore, there is a general need to establish the comparative cost effectiveness of various adult education efforts, e.g., workers' universities in comparison to regular technical secondary schools or university training, and to balance such economic and financial analyses with assessments of social cost accounting. In addition, existing inequities, such as rates of illiteracy in minority areas /15, unbalanced economic development throughout the country in general, the shortage of teaching materials, and the low quality of educational staff whose knowledge and skills are either incomplete or obsolete, are matters for serious thought and action. In addition, there may indeed be limits to self-reliance from a sheer environmental deprivation point of view. As Unger (1980) has observed in his analysis of the failures of educational reform in China: "The irony was that the best off villages also tended to be the ones already possessing government financed schools. The new programs persuaded the middle range of villages to foot their own school programs and left the /15 The issue in minority education has always been one of promoting cul- tural identity versus social mobility. During the Cultural Revolution, special programs and institutions for minority peoples were either scaled down or closed in an effort to integrate minority peoples into regular educational programs to promote egalitarianism. As reported in an interview with the Director of the Central Institute for National Minorities, the cultural identity approach was negatively referred to as "Big Han Chauvism." During the Cultural Revolution customs were banned, ethnic clothing prohibited, and books in minority language banned. Today it is currently the view that the Gang of Four mixed the problems of minorities with the issue of class struggle. As stated by an adult education official in Sichuan, they were "revolutionary in appearance but counter-revolutionary in reality, even some of the minorities were deceived." During the period of "restoration" (1976-81) it is'felt that the government has done much to make up for the deeds of the 1950s toward National minorities. Examples given of recent actions are: the restoration of bilingual instruction and boarding schools; efforts to eradicate illiteracy in local languages; and a new directive from the Committee on National Languages to restore printing and publishing in such media. There is now a National Minorities Press in Sichuan Province, radio broadcasts in minority languages, and a policy in the Province to release minority peoples from work for one month to resume literacy classes with pay. Books are also distributed at a lower cost through the Government stores to national minorities. The two neighboring autonomous regions also have their own song and dance troops which are revitalizing traditional media and cultures. - 52 - poorest villages unwilling to participate." This analysis may apply to adult education as well. 169. The emerging problem of youth unemployment and alienation pose a major challenge to the role of adult education in value formation/16 and production-employment linked training for China over the next decade. As the Kerr Commission (1978) on Education and Work found many youths are still 'dumped' into rural areas to avoid unemployment in the cities; are assigned outside their area of preference; and are stuck for life in places they would rather not be. On the other hand, there are places for everybody - no unemployment, no dropouts. It seems strange, however, that a society that seems to do so exceedingly well with children should do so much less well for its youths. Despite the re-emergence of youth palaces and special youth oriented sparetime schools run by municipal and district authorities, the real question is whether such efforts will be "too little, too late" and thus fail to quell the rising disaffection among youth. 170. Though a review (such as this one) of worker-peasant education in China tends to leave the reader with a feeling of "qualified optimism" about the future of adult education there, many questions remain unanswered. Will formalizing adult education reduce its ability to respond to changing local/individual needs? Or rather will equivalency and certification efforts serve to legitimize adult education and put it on a par with more traditionally accepted forms of schooling? Does the current system of Chinese adult education lead to the development of critical thinking skills or does it merely endeavor to create a disciplined workforce? How do policies and educational offerings simultaneously accommodate the needs of those in rural and urban settings? Of young and old? Of men and women? What efforts need to be made to provide educational and cultural activities for those who are too old to work? As the rapid pace of technology and mechanization eliminate jobs, will there be a need to totally reeducate workers rather than merely upgrade them. Should career counselling/ education be made a standard part of educational curricula? How can relevant textbooks be functionally improved? How can they be produced and distributed on a mass scale? Should more energy be placed on developing a variety of teaching media, e.g., films, filmstrips, transparencies, which can be widely distributed? How can formal universities be mobilized to play a more important role in providing continuing adult education? What can China teach the rest of the world about adult education, or vice-versa? And how can such an exchange of information best be implemented? /16 Daycare, forced mobility, and re-education campaigns and programs have been effective mechanisms for breaking down inter-generational patterns of socialization. But to a large extent much value confusion among the young has resulted as those in control of such mechanisms have been replaced once more. - 53 - 171. The time is ripe for China to evaluate its rich experience in.adult education and to share the lessons gleaned from such evaluations with the rest of the world. Clearly, on both sides, there is much to be learned and gained. - 54 - BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Abe, Runemitra, "Spare-time Education in Communist China," China Quarterly, Vol. 8, 149-159. 2. Adult Education in China, Peasants' Education Division, Bureau of Worker- Peasant Education, Beijing: 1980. 3. Baohua, Yuan. "Staff and Worker Education as an Important Means of Developing Intelligence and Fostering Talent," Xinhua, March 19, 1981. 4. Barendsen, Robert D. 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"China Enters the Television Age," China Reconstructs XXX (March 1981): 12-17. - 62 - Apendix A rage I or 6 Peoples Republic of China Places Visited and Persons Met Institution Key Person(s) Bureau of Worker and Peasant Mr. Yao Zhong-da Education, Ministry of Education Deputy Director Bureau of Worker and Peasant Education Mr. Xia Kuai-Sub Unesco National Commission Mr. Wang Yian-Wei Division of Peasant Education Mr. Wang Jian-Tiang Central Institute for Educational Research Mr. Guan Shixiong Director Beijing Bureau of Worker and Peasant Education (and Beijing T.V. University) Central Institute of National Mr. Song Shu-hua Minorities Vice President Beijing General Internal Combustion Mr. Sha Ji Engine Factory Spare Time College Principal Spare Time College Mr. Chang Nien Lin Vice President of the factory Beijing Broadcasting and T.V. Mr. Guan Shixiong University President Beijing Second Cotton Mill Evergreen Peoples Communce Haidian, Beijing Symposium (Beijing) Mr. Sung-Juie Len Director of Education Beijing Municipal Labor Union Mr. Juye Shu Nan Vice President Beijing Textile Plant Sparetime Workers College Appendix A - 63- Page 2 of 6 Mr. Wu Tong Wai Beijing Municipal Education Bureau Mr. Jie Wei Zheng Vice President Beijing T.V. University Mr. Ma Shu Nan Provost Medical Training College Beijing Mr. Ren Zun Lian Haidnan District Office for Worker and Peasant Education Sichuan Province Sichuan Provincial Department of Mr. Wang Zeng Xian Education Deputy Minister Provincial Department of Educatiqn Chengdu Rolling Stock Plant Mr. Lui Shao-Hung Sichuan Plant Vice Director Mr. Liu Kokyu Head Peasant Education Division Chengdu Mr. Long Gui Yun Pedagogical Research Section for Worker and Peasant Education Chengdu Xiang Fu Peoples Commune Mr. Cheng Jia Bin Jing Tang County Director Sichuan Committee for Worker and Peasant Education Mr. Diao Gua Jung Director Bureau for Worker and Education Mr. Ma Hai Mujia Director Sichuan Provincial Office for Minority Peoples Chengdu Maternity and Child Hygiene Center, Sichuan Dujiangyou Irrigation Works Sichuan Appendix A - 64 - Page 3 of 6 Shanghai Shanghai Division of Worker and Mr. Heng Wei Peasant Education Director Bureau of Education Shanghai Mrs. Li Li Director Division of Worker and Peasant Education Mr. Wang Ling Deputy Director Hongkou District Spare Time Mr. Fang Jing University, Shanghai President Shanghai Association of Science and Mr. Yu Chi Jing Technology Director Foreign and Scholarly Relations Mr. Zhung Yu Ying Deputy Director Workers Education Department Shanghai Youth Palace Mr. Wong Director Shanghai Municipal Spare Time Mr. Lu Wen Tsai University Vice President Shanghai Municipal Library Mr. Che Shanghai Natural Science Museum Director Shanghai Workers Palace Mr. Zhu Chen Zhao Director Shanyang Peoples Commune Mr. Zhang Wao Hui Jin Sha County Commune Director Shanghai Region Mr. Whang Pin Head of Education Mr. Pan Chu Xiong Head of Technical Education Jin An District No. 2 Mr. Gung Yu Jiax Workers Spare Time Middle School Director Shanghai Shanghai Childrens Palace Appendix A - 65- Page 4 of 6 Hunan Province Provincial Bureau of Education Mr. Xu Zen Ming Hunan President Mr. Sun Yen Vice President Mr. Sha Xing Zi Chief Department of Worker and Peasant Education Bureau of Worker and Peasant Mr. Sun Tao We Education Director Taojing County County Bureau of Education Hunan Mr. Xe Bai Jun, Director County Office for Worker and Peasant Education Xiao Shan Wan Brigade School Gaogiao Peoples Commune (combines pre school, primary school and spare time Agro-technical training) Zhujinbu Peoples Commune Agro-technical Spare Time School Mr. Wang Ti Fang Principal Taojing County Symposium Range of participants from Commune Directors to Agro-technical school students and County and provincial Bureau of Worker and Peasant Education staff. Hunan Provincial Level Spare Time Mr. Shin Xin Ying Education Committee Department of Popularization of Science and Technology Mrs. Tang Xi Ying Mrs. Xia Xing Yuan Provincial Federation of Women Mr. Zhang Lichu Provincial Economic Commission Mr. Lui Zhou and Mr. Yang Zu Provincial Agricultural Bureau Ms. Ding Luang Guang Provincial Communist Youth League Appendix A -66- Page 5 of 6 Mr. Peng Xiang Ling Hunan Daily News Mr. Chen Zhen Hunan Radio Station Mr. Chang Yong Provincial Trade Union Messrs. Zhang Zhaoming and Zhang Xun Zun Provincial Office of Worker and Peasant Education (Representatives from finance and trade; Labor Bureau; Construction Committee; Defense and Industry were absent from the Committee meeting) Hunan Power Machiner Plant Majitang Hydraulic Electric Power Station Construction Site Training Taojing County Hunan Guandong Province Guandong Provincial Education Ms. Yang Hang Bureau Deputy Director Provincial Department of Education Mr. Zhong Bo :Yuen Director Provincial Division of Worker-Peasant Education Guanzchou Heavy Machine Plant Mr. Han Jing Gua Plant Vice Manager Guanzchou Municipal Spare Time Mr. He Rui College Vice President Conghua County Bureau of Education Mr. Jian Ye-Ying Deputy Director Bureau of Education Mr. Wang Rang Du Chief Section on Worker-Peasant Education Shawei Production Brigade Longgongtan Peoples Commune Taojing County, Hunan Appendix A - 67 - Page 6 of 6 Yunxing Production Brigade Mr. Liong Wenquan Peoples Commune Production Brigade Head Corghua County Guangdong Province Ms. Cheng Deputy Head Production Brigade Mr. Li Director Brigade, Spare Time Education Liangming Production-Brigade Mr. Ye Gen Pae Liangkou Peoples Commune Production Brigade Head Conghue County Guandong Province Spare Time School Foshan Branch Bank of Guandong Province, Chinese Peoples Bank Guandong Radio and T.V. University Foshan Branch Guandong Province Foshan Wei Man Silk-Textile Factory Guandong Province Appendix B - 68 - Page 1 of 2 BRIEFS FROM FIELD VISITS Prepared by Host Chinese Institutions 1. Worker Education (a) An Introductory Talk on the Education of Staff and Workers in Chengdu Rolling Stock Plant by Liu Shao-hung, vice- director of the plant. (b) A Brief Introduction to the Educational Work in the Guangzhou (Canton) Heavy Machinery Plant. (c) Brief Introduction of the Hunan Power Machinery Plant. (d) Brief Introduction of the Hunan Rubber Plant. (e) General Condition of the Staff and Workers Education in Beijing General Internal Combustion Engine Plant. (f) Guangdong Province Foshan - A brief introduction of workers' education condition of Foshan "Wei Man" Silk Textile Factory in March 1981. (g) General Condition of the Staff and Workers Education Peking Second Cotton Mill. 2. Peasant Education (a) A Brief Introduction of the Peasants' Education in Conghua County of Guangdong Province in March 1981. (b) Brief Introduction of the Education of Shawei Brigade of Longgongtan People's Commune in Taojiang County. (c) Brief Introduction of the Agricultural Spare-time School in Luciduo Commune Taojiang County. (d) Brief Introduction About the Education in Xiao Shan Wan Production Brigade of Gaoqiao People's Commune in Taojiang County. (e) Brief Introduction of the Spare-time Agricultural School run by Zhujinba People's Commune in Taojiang County. (f) Brief Introduction of the Education of Zhongjiaduan Brigade of Longgongtan People's Commune in Taojiang County. (g) A Brief of Spare-time Education in Shanyang People's Commune (h) A Brief Introduction of the Education of Xiang Fu People's Commune Jintang County, Sechuan. (i) Introductory Remarks About the Agrotechnical School Attached to the Evergreen Agricultural Commune, Haidian, Beijing. Appendix B -69 - Page 2 of 2 3. Provincial/County/Municipal Overviews of Worker-Peasant Education (a) A Brief Introduction of Adult Education of Taojiang County in Hunan Province - April, 1981 (b) A Brief Introduction of the Peasant Education in Jintang County, Sechuan. (c) A Brief Introduction to Adult Education in the City of Chengdu by Tun Xi-gen, the deputy director of Chengdu education office. (d) A Brief Introduction to the Education for the Workers at Yuexiu District of Guangzhou in March,1981. (e) A Brief Introduction of Adult Education in Sichuan Province. (f) Worker and Staff Education in Guangzhou. (g) The Guangzhou Spare-time College. (h) A Brief Introduction of the Honkow Avocational Institute by Mr. Fang Jing, President. 4. Mass Media (a) Brief Introductions to Beijing Broadcasting Television University - 1980. (b) A Brief Introduction to Guangdong Radio & T.V. University, Foshan Branch - March, 1981. 5. Other Institutions (a) The Brief Introduction About the Staff and Workers Education - the Foshan Branch Bank of Guangdon Province of the Chinese People's Bank in March, 1981. (b) Briefing of the Spare-time Education on the Construction-site of Majitang Hydraulic Electric Power Station in Taojiang County. Organization Chart Bureau of Worker-Peasant Education Ministry of Education* Central level National Coordinating . I Bureau of Worker-Peasant Education Committee Division Division of Division of of Peasant Correspondence Worker Education Education Education Provincial level 0 Provincial IProvincial Division of Cr i Worker-Peasant Education Coordinating_______________ Committee Department of Department of Worker Education Peasant Education Worker Teaching Peasant Agro Worker Spare-time Materials Spare-time technical colleges Schools Development Schools Schools * For organization of Worker-Peasant education at country level and below see Appendices D and E. 0 ýrimary school class 8, origade peasant apare- 00 40 student: 3072 -: eime Sch. (Evening sh-I :c - - [easant Inter oCCasi- 0 iddle school clse2,nal training sch.si :3n- 267 St. 7670 -:--3 ICommune Agric. Sch. 28 0- nts 192l, _n l 11 Lectures ono Agro-n County Agro-0 20 lscine 57 thnolo ho0tr prf Orgecaia gytnass 5 la. Stude t: - T_.echocl Sc.1 589 om ...ure Prof co rspo nc County Fgoetr dn,nc on speialty ScolM- - - las. County e Mdical Long-0erm pro Furthe S:chool 1 _ _ risar schol clss 5 siude cas:t 2.St.e-Of 0 0 t ( County hsehry' ,m0fF 0 s c 7 st. l8 u cma Scoo clr - edn 5 pea rimary tschoocl Aprnie0rf dn frBueufl===== L lesc eong-term proter. Fut y co A 0 tlassen cc ass ec. 84t==== ..633f 0m school,hool 51 no srof. cts Cunty Corery Ba t n cndt tedicl = . c ls tdycl12St0 edn,~~-' 5 pcaiis 0 Is .1 80rln n l s e flppShrette prof. fErt. forS Burau & 5tuyclasses 17040epa:1 a- O0fl o~~ ~ 1.s .4c fl~~~ onnt Coer Of f 0. " m OQ m fl t.Oh, 51eiliis Aprn epor e-i e . n. fo Bueu ..l gy 10lassess,0 1 schol techs,St2 Appendix E -72 - Class for cadre (backbones) of Brigade Political 0 training Class for women M Class for youth 0 Class for Agro-tec OQ 0 Class for accounts 0 1 0 Junior high school 0 m OQ Brigade r > Elementary school r1 t Junior high class 0 1-" (.(D Run by - productio 0 II Ort0 team Elementary class M 10 m ri 0 Run by Elementary class another product team Enrollments and Staffing of Select Enterprise Worker Education Programs* (Enterprise) No. Staff Cost Factory employees Enrollment Permanent Invited Capital Operating Yuan Yuan Beijing Internal combustion engine factory 10,200 3,600 57 100 300,000 280,000 Beijing Textile Plant n.a. n.a. 50 100 n.a. n.a. Chengdu Rolling Stock Plant 4,500 4,380 39 83 36,000 200,000 Hunan Power Machinery Plant 2,144 906 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Hunan Rubber Plant n.a. 1,145 n.a. n.a. T.V.University 700/yuan/yr Worker University 3000/yuan/yr Spare-time 2,400 yuan/year Guanzchou Heavy Machine Plant 6,300 731 29 35 n.a. n.a. Foshan "Wai Man" Silk Textile Plant 1,500 1,420 3 32 n.a. n.a. Peking Second Cotton Mill 7,600 2,259 40 n.a. n.a. n.a. Notes: * Recurrent costs 2% of 25% of annual workers'wages allocated to Union Activities plus variable amount from factory profits. Operating costs include books and salary of instructor and workers being paid Admission - recommendation of unit plus exam Entitlement - each worker right to 6 hrs.. education per week Fees - individual fees are paid by workers for those courses not related to enterprise production. n.a. - not available - 74 - Appendix G Page 1 of 3 ADULT EDUCATION MATERIALS TAOJIANG COUNTY - HUNAN PROVINCE NUMBER TITLE 001 Illiteracy Eradication Check Cards 002 Illiteracy Eradication Check Cards 003 Empirical Data 004 Local and County Empirical Data 005 Provincial, Local and County Empirical Data 006 Provincial, Local and County Empirical Data 007 Provincial, Local and County Empirical Data 008. Results of Examinations in Sparetime Middle and Elementary Schools 009 Sparetime Middle and Elementary Examination Registration Cards 010 Middle and Elementary Inspection Results 011 Sparetime Middle and Elementary Examination and Inspection Results 012 Sparetime Middle and Elementary Examination and Inspection Results 013 Model Experiences 014 Model Surveys 015 Summary of Illiteracy Eradication Work 016 Summary of Work Over the Years 017 Summary Data 018 Summary Data 019 Summary Report 020 Summary of Illiteracy Eradication Work in the Fifties 021 Power Plant Site Sparetime Education Data 022 Work Bulletin 023 Daily Work Log 024 Regulations for Full-time Cadres in Worker-Peasant Education 025 Model Speeches by Model Workers 026 Model Speeches by Model Workers - 75 - Appendix G Page 2 of 3 027 18 Annexes to the Report to the Central Committee 028 Leadership Talks 029 County Committee, Propaganda Department, Culture and Education Bureau and Sparetime Education Group Documents 030 Documents from the National Education Work Conference 031 Drafts Relating to Data 032 Empirical Data 033 Some Statistics on County Worker-Peasant Education Classes and Partial Culture-Education Classes 034 County, Regional and Commune Communications Report 035 Speeches and Some Individual Experiences Concerning County Com- mittee, Culture and Education Bureau and Worker-Peasant Education Classes 036 Report on Central Committee Documents, Leadership Talks and Edu- cation 037 Circulars from All Party Organization Levels Relating to Sparetime Education Work 038 Work Summaries and Related Statistics 039 Various Worker-Peasant School Reports for Future Reference 040 Individual Empirical Data 041 Labor Education Data 042 Preschool Education Data 043 Minutes of the Sparetime Education Work Conference 044 Summary of Sparetime Education Work 045 Partial Unit Individual Draft Speeches 046 Local and County Senior Representative Meeting Materials 047 Regional Worker-Peasant Education Summaries and Plans 048 Model Data 049 Roll of Teenage Illiterates and Semi-illiterates 050 Partial Roll of Commune Teenage Illiterates and Semi-illiterates. 051 Empirical Data: Regions 1, 2 052 Sparetime Education Work Data: Regions 1, 2, 3, 5 053 Summary of Sparetime Education Work Data: Regions 2, 4, 6, 7, 8 - 76 - Appendix G Page 3 of 3 054 Sparetime Illiteracy Eradication Education Survey: Regions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 055 Sparetime Education Work Survey Data: Regions 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 056 Partial Regional, Commune, Brigade and Individual Empirical Data 057 Statistical Tables for the Taogushan Region 058 Statistical Tables and Data for the Taohuajiang Region 059 Some Statistics and Tables for the Xiushan Region 060 Statistical Tables for the Sandangjie Region 061 Empirical Data for the Xiushan and Sandangjie Regions 062 Empirical Data for the Daligang Region 063 Empirical Data for the Wutan Region 064 Compilation of Sparetime Education Work Data for Regions 6, 7, 8 065 Empirical Data for Majitang Region (1) 066 Empirical Data for Majitang Region (2) 067 Empirical Data for the Shanshuyu and Huishangang Regions 068 Roll of Illiterate and Semi-illiterate Teenagers in the Shanshuyu Region 069 Empirical Data for the Songmutang Region 070 Provincial and Local Leadership Talks and Outside Empirical Data 071 Documents Issued by the Education Department, the Education Office, the Local-County Education Department, the County Committee and Other Units 072 Talks by Leading Provincial and Local Comrades and Partial Outside Empirical Data 073 Documents and Materials from the Provincial Peasant Education Conference (March, 1980) 074 Outside Reports and Communications 075 Outside Model Data (1) 076 Outside Model Data (2) Appendix H Page 1 of 3 September, 1980 SHAWIE BRIGADE SPARETIME EDUCATION PLAN 1. Guiding Principle Vigorously promote rural sparetime education, quickly raise the level of cultural and scientific knowledge among rural children, youths and a- dults, achieve a solid foundation for agricultural modernization. 2. Form of Schooling In accordance with the concrete conditions in our brigade, three classes will be set up: The sparetime junior middle class will be set up in'the Shawei Ele- mentary School, under the leadership of teacher Xue Shangguang. He will also be responsible for language instruction. The cash crop class will be set up on the brigade's tea plantation under the leadership of comrade Hu Jianjun. The agricultural skills class will be led by comrade Xue Qi- cai. 3. Length of Schooling Sparetime junior middle school: graduation after two years. Cash crop class: graduation after two years. Agricultural skills class: graduation after one year. 4. Class Content Sparetime junior middle: language and mathematics (including abacus). Cash crop: soils, cultivation, harvesting, etc. Agricultural skills: Soils, paddy rice, wheat and rape cultivation; disease and pest prevention, scientific use of fertilizers, water, etc. 5. Study Principles More intense study during slack agricultural periods, less study during busy agricultural periods. Suspension of classes during intensely busy periods. Summer classes when possible. - 78 - Appendix H Page 2 of 3 Student enrollment is strictly voluntary. Enrollment is free of charge (includes textbooks, notebooks, lamp oil, ink, etc., all to be borne pub- licly). 6. Class Time Sparetime junior middle: no fewer than 40 evenings (80 periods). Cash crop: at least 25 sessions. Agricultural skills: Centering on links in the production chain, no fewer than 15 sessions for the entire period. 7. Study Discipline A. Students must observe study discipline. The established class times must be maintained. No late arrivals, early departures, skipping classes. B. In class, attention must be paid to the lecture and homework must be conscientiously completed. C. No disruptive talking during class, no joking. D. Respect public property; conserve lamp oil. E. Study together and help one another; ask questions when you do not understand. Relate knowledge to reality to solve problems. 8. Instructional Requirements A. Each comrade in charge of a class must organize his students, follow the study plan, and complete his instructional task. B. Each instructor must conscientiously study the teaching materials, conscientiously prepare for class, and conscientiously explain the lesson. C. Assign homework when required; read and criticize promptly. D. In lecturing, seek to do your best to increase instructional results. Seek to solve thoroughly any concrete problems. 9. Organizational Structure A. The brigade will hire a secretary. The -instructors will form a sparetime education guidance group to oversee instruction. - 79 - Appendix H Page 3 of 3 B. Each class will appoint a class leader to organize study, pro- paganda instruction, etc. 10. Develop Comparisons and Assessments In order to promote study and achieve results, at the end of the term carry out a comparison and assessment to select the outstanding students and most enthusiastic participants, to be given prizes by the brigade. 11. Strive for Recognition and Respect A. Members of the guidance group must file a report with the brigade and strive to receive recognition on solving concrete problems. B. Persons responsible for the classes must work at encouraging the students and seeing that their study is considered important. C. Strive to ensure that the students take'their studies seriously and not skip classes. D. Do good propaganda work among the masses to ensure that they take sparetime education seriously. E. Strive to see that instructors are respected. Offer advice and suggestions. - 80 - Appendix I Page 1 of 3 THIS WEEK'S TELEVISION PROGRAMS Monday, April 13 Channel 1 (Central Broadcasting Station) 17:30 Pulse Circuit (33) 18:20 English Lecture (1-10-9) 19:00 Network News 19:30 Hygiene and Health: Birth Control Is a Must (Gansu Broadcasting Station) 19:50 Hunan Opera: The Hundred Flowers (performed by the Hunan Provincial Hunanese Opera Troup) Channel 9 (Hunan Broadcasting Station) 19:00 Network News 19:30 Weekly Opera: "The Hero's Terrace," a selection from the Hunanese opera The Hundred Flowers. 19:35 Hunan News 19:45 Fine Arts Film: The Three Monks 20:05 Science Film: Flying Beyond the Earth Tuesday, April 14 Channel 1 (Hunan Broadcasting Station) 17:30 English Lecture (1-10-9) 18:00 Middle School Basic Mathematics Lecture: Algebra (42) 19:00 Network News 19:30 Weekly Opera 19:35 Hunan News 19:45 Science Film: Mechanization of Bulk Foodstuffs Transport 20:05 The Hundred Flower Garden: Chen Ailian and the Snake Dance 20:15 Television Play: Mother Was a Slave (Zhejiang Broadcating Station) Channel 9 (Central Broadcasting Station) 19:00 Network News 19:30 Cultural Life (31): Peking Hand-painted Spun Silk Wall Paintings 19:45 Television Film: Wind and Sun 20:15 Fiction Film: The Lin Family Store 21:35 Selections from performances by the Shizuko Ken Fuji Secondary School's Music Class during their tour of China Wednesday, April 15 Channel 1 (Central Broadcasting Station) 17:30 Pulse Circuit (34) 18:20 English Lecture (1 - Review 2 - 1) 19:00 Network News 19:30 Comic Dialogue: Welcome to Peking Withered Trees in Spring 20:00 Television Play: The Demon Chasers (Sichuan) - 81 - Appendix I Page 2 of 3 Channel 9 (Hunan Broadcasting Station) 19:00 Network News 19:30 Weekly Opera 19:35 Hunan News 19:45 Be Healthy: Preventing Rabies 19:55 Peking Opera: The Blood-Spattered Palace (Performed by the Changde Peking Opera Troup) Thursday, April 16 Channel 1 (Hunan Broadcasting Station) 17:30 English Lecture (1 - Review 2 - 1) 18:00 Middle School Basic Mathematics Lecture: Geometry (22) 19:00 Network News 19:30 Weekly Opera 19:35 Hunan News 19:45 Worldwide Science and Technology: Human Oddities 19:55 Fine Arts Film: Performing Artists 20:15 Korean Stories: A Nurse's Story Channel 9 (Central Broadcasting STation) 19:00 Network News 19:30 Children's Program: "Five Talks and Four Beauties" The Red Flower Blooms Lyric Prose: White Forest Springs 20:00 Live broadcast of Chinese-Korean men's and women's friendship basketball competition Friday, April 17 Channel 1 (Central Broadcasting Station) 17:30 Pulse Circuit (35) 18:20 English Lecture 19:00 Network News 19:30 International News 19:40 Science and Technology: Science and technology news in brief: Part 2 19:50 Northern Opera: Thank You, Spring (Liaoning Broadcasting Station) Channel 9 (Hunan Broadcasting Station) 19:00 Network News 19:30 Weekly Opera 19:35 Hunan News 19:45 Documentary: Wondrous Sights of Huangshan 20:05 Fiction Film: The Second Handshake Appendix I - 82 - Page 3 of 3 Saturday, April 18 Channel 1, 9 (Central Broadcasting Station) 17:30 English Lecture (1 - Review 2 - 2) 18:00 Middle School Basic Mathematics Lecture: Algebra (43) 19:00 Network News 19:30 All Over China: Mount Lao (Shandong Broadcasting Station) 19:50 A Window on Physical Education (100) (1) Judo (2) Acrobatics 20:00 Fiction Film: Three Missing People 21:25 Concert: Songs and Dances performed by the Air Force Political Headquarters of the Chine People's Liberation Army Sunday, April 19 Channel 1 (Central Broadcasting Station) 8:30 Children's Program: Bookbag on My Shoulder Little Experiment: water pressure Performance organized by the Ancient Music Group (2) 9:05 Television Series Play: Madame Curie (3) 10:00 Fiction Film: Road Test 14:00 Sunday English: Zhenni and Xingxing 14:50 Chamber Music Concert 19:00 Network News 19:30 Atongmu the Mighty (20) 20:00 All Over the World: Syria Today 20:20 Investigating and Pondering: A Visit to the Kowloon Pass 20:40 Television Play: The Broken Bowl (Tianjin Broadcasting Station) 21:35 The Dance Art of Shang Xiaoyun Channel 9 (Hunan Broadcasting Station) 19:00 Network News 19:30 Atongmu the Mighty (20) 20:00 Weekly Opera 20:05 Hunan News 20:15 The Red Turban: Little Gold Goose Returns to the Flock (Guang- dong Broadcasting Station) 20:25 Unsung Heroes (15): The Pitch-black Night Basic Statistics Yunxing and Liangming Brigades 1981 Demographic Basic Yunxing Liangming Productive Indicis Production Brigade Production Brigade Production Teams 13 12 Families 313 415 Population 1770 2156 Laborers 650 758 Cultivated Land 1900(ha) 133 (ha) Hill area 300 (ha) 80 (ha) Total Yield (grains) 1075 (ton) 930627 (Kilo) 00 Basic Education Statistics 1952 1981 Classes Students Classes Students Yunxing Liangming Yunxing Liangming Yunxing Liangming Yunxing Liangming Nursury - - - - 1 2 60 57 Primary 20 3 50 102 10 14 422 481 Sparetime - - - - 10 4 272 78 Jr. Middle School - - - - 2 - 70 - Illiteracy - 243 758 - 10 626 (92%) (87%) (13%) (18%) r'00 o - 84 - Appendix J. Page 2 of 2 XIANG FU PEOPLE'S COMMUNE BASIC DATA General Data Commune population - 21,393 Area 17,282 mu - .81 mu per person Agriculture station/farm tool/sideline industries - cement, light bulb, wire, wine, silver/3179 biogas units/1 construction team/i broadcasting station/i supply station/15 brigades/4556 households/115 production teams of about 100 people each/1 hospital/15 clinics/i middle high school/16 primary schools/13 criches/1 cultural center. Literacy Results 1952-1981 915 can write letters; 20 can do math;. 741 can write notes; 30 play role of teachers; 896 can read news magazines; 336 can read general documents. Production Indicators 1977 1980 Production output 19,594,767 Jin 21,313,369 Enterprise 733,241 Yuan 3,506,000 Total agriculture 2,728,096 4,644,184 Oil seed 920,965 1,519,235 Industry/sideline production 340,593 1,106,931 Income 1,705,530 3,040,344 Per capita 84 142 Pigs 20,350 25,981 Material Goods & Savings Bicycles 2,222 Radios 750 T.V. 21 Sewing Machines 210 Recorders 1 Cameras 1 Address Loud Speaker 1 Watches 2,562 Loud Speaker Wire 3,750 Savings 178,400 EDUCATION CHINA ENROLLMENT PYRAMID 1979 INCLUDING FORMAL AND NON-FORMAL EDUCATION* AGE POPULATION AGE GROUP - 21 0.1 +0.09I __ _____ HIGHER EDUCATION 20 0.3+0.2 1.02 M in formal MOE 1.28 M in non-formal or Institutions outside MOE 19 0.3+0.5 24% Female Total 2.29 M 18 0.3+0.5 MALE FEMALE 17 0.3+ 0.6 0.2+03 SENIOR SECONDARY EDUCATION 12.8 M in MOE institutions 16 34+1 23 +(7 4.7 M in other Institutions I IMale 10.7 M Female 6.8 M 15 4.0+1.2 2.6++ 0.7 Total 17.5 M 14 6.6+0.3 4.6+0.1 JUNIOR SECONDARY EDUCATION 46.1 M in moe 13 10.1 + 0.3 7.1 + 0.2: 1.5 M in other institutions I Male 28.1 M Female 19.5 M 12 10.4 + 0.4 7.3+ 0.2 Total 47.6 M I st 1218+ ,10.4 +1 10 14.1 +2 11.5+ 1 PRIMARY EDUCATION 146.6 M in MOE formal institutions 9 15.6 3 12.6+1 21.2 M in non-formal or other institutions . Mole 94.8 M Female 73.0 M 8 17.5+3 14.3 + 2.1 Total 167.8 M 7 20.8 + 4 1..0+2.1 5 KINDERGARTEN 8.79 M Children 4I a 0 I I 20 15 10 6 0 5 10 15 20 E] MOE DOTHER * Nonformal Education is equivalent to Adult Education enrollments as represented by the darkened areas. World Bank 22430 - 86 - APPENDIX L EDUCATION IN CHINA Students, Schools and Teachers in Nonformal Education, 1979 Primary Level - 21.2 million students, of whom 16.4 million are in literacy courses. Secondary - Postsecondary Level - 4.7 million students, of whom 1.5 million are estimated to be in junior secondary education, 0.6 million in general senior secondary education, 2.2 million in technical secondary education and 0.4 million in technical postsecondary education. Full-time students are estimated at 0.6 million, while the rest are spare-time students. University Level - 200,000 students are in full-time studies and 660,000 students are in spare-time courses (TV, correspondence, night schools, etc.). Teachers in Nonformal Education Full-time Primary education - 0.120 million Secondary education - 0.026 million Higher education - 0.020 million Part-time Primary education - 1.000 million Secondary education - 0.135 million Higher education - 0.033 million Source: Hultin, 1981 - 87 - WorldThe Johns opkins University A Cost of Siblings: Word B nkApril 1982. About 216 pages (including Child Schoolng In Publications bibliography, appendixes, Index). Urban Colombia LC 81 -4 7612. ISBN 0-8018-2575-X, Nancy Birdsall of Related $18.50 hardcover. Interest World Bank Reprint Series: Number Ability In Pre-Schoolers, 160. Reprinted from Research in Popula- Earnings, and Home tion Economics vol. 2 (1980):115-50. Environment Stock No. RP-0160. Free of charge. Roger Grawe The Economic Evaluation World Bank Staff Working Paper No. of Vocational Training .322. April 1979. 92 pages (including appendix, bibliography). Porm Stock No. WP-0322. $5.00. Manuel Zymelman A methodology for appraising the cost effectiveness of alternative methods of Industrial training In Education and Basic Attacking Rural Poverty: developing countries. Human eeds How on-Formal Education The Johns Hopkins Uniersidj Press, Abdun Noor Can Help 19 76. 1.34 pages (including chart, Conceptualizes basic education and Philip HI. Coombs and .3 appendixes, bibliography). examines Its ability to help the poor Manzoor Ahmed LC 76-4868. ISBN 0-8018-1855-9, $6.00 acquire skills that enable them toEdctoaefotousethfrml (35)pebck meet their basic needs. Groups coun- Edctoaefotouiethfrml (.5)pebck tries into four maijor categories and school system that offer,potentlal for Spanish: Prograrnas de formaci6n profe- suggests policy choices-based on rural development and productivity. sional: su evaluaci6n econ6mica. the unique socioeconomic circum- The Johns Hopkins University Press, Editorial Tecnos, 1977. stances and stage of development of 1974; 3rd paperback printing, 1980. countries in each category-that will 310 pages (including 3 appendixes, make basic education universal by references, Index). the year 2000. the ear200. -LC 73-19350. ISBN 0-8018-1600-9, Education World Bank Staff Working Paper No. $25.00 (1l 00) hardcover, Wadi D. Haddad, 450. April 1981. Iv + 64 pages (Includ- ISBN 0-8018-1601-7, $10.95 (f25) coordinating author ing 2 annexes). paperback. Emphasizes the pervasive role of Stock No. WP-0450. $5.00. education In development and draws Spanish: La lucha contra la pobreza extensively on the Bank's experience rural: el aporte de la educaci6n no In education for two decades and Its formal. Editorial Tecnos, 1975. close collaborative ties with other Fame Euctin ndISBN 84-309-0559-6, 725 pesetas. International agencies, individuals, armerand institutions of developing Farm E'iclency countries. Dean T. Jamison and Lawrenc%e J. Lau Sector Policy Paper. April 1980. 143 This book complements earlier Cost-Benefft Analysis i pages (including 18 annexes, map). studies by reviewing existing litera- Education: A Case Study and Arc ture on the relation between farmer of Kenya education and farm efficiency. The Hans Heinrich Thias and Stock Nos. 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Stock No. WP-0319. $3.00. - 88 - Education and Income Primary Schooling and Teacher Training and Stu- Edited by Timothy King; pre- Economic Development: dent Achievement in Less pared by Mary Jean Bowman; A Review of the Evidence Developed Countries George Psacharopoulos; Christopher Coiclough Thrsten Husen, Lawrence J. Marlaine E. Lockheed, Dean T. World Bank Staff Working Paper No. Saha, and Richard Noonan Jamison, and Lawrence J. Lau; 399. June 1980.31 pages (including World Bank Staff Working Paper No. Albert Berry; and Gary S. Fields references, 5 tables). 310. December1978. Ii + 133 pages World Bank Staff Working Paper No. Stock No. WP-0399. $3.00. (including annex, bibliography). 402. July 1980. viii + 315 pages Stock No. WP-0310. $5.00. (including appendix, bibliography). Priorities In Education: Stock No. WP-0402. $5.00. Preschool; Evidence and Conclusions Why Impoverished Children Education Programs M. 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