Facing the Future (sr)

FA C I N G T H E F U T U R E

OSCE Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

Mission to Serbia ^akorska 1 11000 Beograd

Democratization Department

Front page: Photo Trsha, Kula

Jury members: Bojana Balon Zorica Mr{evi} Sonja Liht FA C I N G T H E F U T U R E Drinka Gojkovi} Aida ]orovi} Vladimir Biland`i} Danica Todorov O N G UILT, T RUTH AND R ECONCILIATION Authors of the best esseys 1. On Guilt, Truth and Reconciliation I NTER -R ELIGIOUS D IALOGUE AS A M EAN FOR First Prize: Sr|an Milo{evi} Awarded: R ECONCILIATION Adel Abusara Jelena Jorga~evi} Ivana Karamarkovi} Aleksej Ki{juhas Ljiljana Jovanovi}

2. Inter-Religious Dialogue as a Mean for Reconciliation First Prize: Dunja Poleti Awarded: Sr|an Atanasovski Sanja Kanazir Nikola Baki} Slobodan Vasi} Milen Kaku}a

Copies: 100

Computer design and publishing: SGR „ORIGINAL“, Beograd Belgrade, July 2006  O N G UILT, T RUTH AND R ECONCILIATION

PREFACE During November 2005 and April 2006, the OSCE Mission to Serbia and Montenegro, together with the European Movement of Serbia and the Serbian Students Union organized discussion panels with students 1 and prominent young leaders in all Serbian University Cities on how to “Face the Future“. The aim was to stimulate young people to think about and express2 their views on the importance of facing the recent past , to acknowledge legal, political and moral responsibility as a pre- condition for the integration of society in a union of democratic European countries and to promote democratic values, tolerance and a society without discrimination. As part of the same project, young people were invited to write essays “On Guilt, Truth and Change in Serbia“ and “Interfaith Dialogue as a Means for Reconciliation“ to accompany the discussions held at the university centres. During the panel discussions the participants showed a very strong orientation towards the future: their aspirations, wishes for their individual lives and hopes for the country. The young essay authors also contemplated the past, stressing the fact that facing the past is a traumatic experience for all societies and is left to all citizens of this country as heritage. The students called for objectivity in research and presentation of the past instead of blindly trusting false patriots. They also pointed out that not only do they have the right to know about the past but consider it a responsibility to know. Many argued that inter-religious dialogue presupposes de- monopolization of truth, self criticism and consciousness about our own prejudices. The essay authors do not want Serbian soci- ety to become a closed community, sceptical and intolerant towards all that is different. The authors write about the role of

1) Belgrade, Novi Pazar, Nis, Novi Sad, Kragujevac and Subotica. 2) The ideas, messages, fears and hopes of the authors are their own, and do not reflect the OSCE’s views and standpoints. The OSCE only provided a space for discussion.

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religion in history and invite religious communities to contribute to reconciliation. Many argue that diversity does not separate but that values, on which all religions are based, may enrich and lead LIST OF AUTHORS the society forward. One of the messages of the essays is that our future is in the European Union not only because the living conditions it may On Guilt, Truth and Reconciliation provide are better, but also because in the EU, there are rules, norms and values which are necessary and without which Serbia Isidora \or|evi} 11 cannot progress. Adel Abusara 15 Marijana Aracki 19 Marko Bankovi} 23 Marko Tasi} 27 Bojan Savi} 32 Marko Be{lin 38 Jelena Jorga~evi} 41 Dejan Vujani} 45 Ivana Karamarkovi} 48 Maja Perovi} 52 Aleksej Ki{juhas 56 Ljiljana Jovanovi} 62 Sr|an Milo{evi} 66 D`enis Bajramovi} 71 Aurelija \an 76 Jelena Budimirovi} 81 Jelena Beli} 86 Vanja Miljkovi} 90 Senka ^ekr|in 95 Aleksandra Uskokovi} 99

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Inter-Religious Dialogue as a Mean for Reconciliation

Ivana Franeta 105 Dunja Poleti 109 Andrea Kaitovi} 112 Emilija D`aja 121 Sr|an Atanasovski 124 Miljana Trifkovi} 128 Sanja Kanazir 132 O N G UILT, T RUTH Nevena Gojkovi} 135 AND R ECONCILIATION Nikola Baki} 139 Slobodan Vasi} 143 Mirjana Bo{kovi} 148 Tijana Bajovi} 151 Milen Kaku}a 155 Aleksandar Andreji} 159 Vladislav Radak 162 Milica Stankovi} 166

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Isidora \or|evi}

Serbia in the nineties: wars, isolation, sanctions, poverty, crimes without culprits and names, fears, frustrations; Serbia – a moral and political ruin. Nowadays, fifteen years after, the question arises relating to what has been essentially changed in Serbia and how much we have changed, the question whether and to what extent we are actually isolated, whether we still fear, or feel weak, desperate and frustrated, and whether we are trou- bled with suspense. Apart from all this there comes fatigue, as the result of waiting without the prospect of an end or goal. There is no change before the truth. The space for implementation of overall changes is possible to conquer only if we have previously understood all aspects of truth, which is always one. First, I would like to point out a strong cause and effect connection between guilt, truth and change. After crimes were committed, it is necessary that truth be established and awak- ened, by facing the facts and accepting the responsibility and guilt as the only way to a deep, radical and final change. The very purpose of this paper was actually pointing out the necessity of facing the events from the recent past, which, unfortunately, we either witnessed or took part in. Have we experienced an authen- tic feeling of facing the truth or have we only converted the com- mitted crimes to the acceptable form for our conscience, failing to catch the opportunity for changes? An objective, unbiased look back over our shoulders is our commitment, to the same extent as our right and responsibility to our own life and lives of other people. It is impossible to make these three painful steps without a mature and firm decision; we will still be their prisoners. Therefore all of us must take part in this process, starting from soul-searching. If we don’t face these crimes then we create the possibility of repeating them. We shouldn’t give it another chance. Let’s prevent it from repeating. The logical, legal and ethical groundlessness of the expres- sions collective responsibility and guilt needs to be pointed out,

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so that the process of facing the past can rest on the grounds of sequences of employing people on the basis of being a member of reality. We cannot and must not feel guilty for crimes in which we certain political parties or acceptability of ideological orientation, never took part and which were made without our will, knowl- are driven with these criteria today. On the other hand, certain edge and possibility to stop them. On the other hand, both (but not sufficient) changes in the field of media freedom have dimensions of responsibility are present – individual and collec- taken place. I have the impression that today there are no tive – for creating a spiritual ambient, social environment and untouchables anymore, but most scandals do not end in court, intellectual climate. This is then suitable for the process of defin- culprits do not take the responsibility for committed crimes, and ing and establishing responsibility, identifying and sanctioning they continue to appear in public and perform public functions culprits and intentions to present the truth with arguments to without shame. The abovementioned results in the increased level those having been deprived of it due to subjective or objective of resistance of the public to crimes and criminal acts. reasons. Facing the fact that some of the crimes were done in the The basic precondition for implementing necessary name of larger or smaller social and political communities, even changes is the transition of the whole system of values in all in the name of a whole nation, is a rather delicate task. An inte- aspects and in all levels of life; we only multiply the problems by gral part of every adequate change is presenting groundlessness acting in surface layers without touching the essence. The pres- and impossibility of the attempt to equal the crime’s perpetrators ent system of values didn’t undergo a radical break up with the with the whole nation. By keeping our mouths shut, we ourselves previous and devastating ones, on whose basis it was created. Of commit the crime of keeping silent, in relation to crimes and course, we are encouraged with the fact that certain changes have their perpetrators and also by hiding and not facing them. We taken place, leaving no possibility of returning to the previous have no right to keep quiet, to deny and forget these crimes. state of things in certain fields of life. When speaking of the Facing these crimes is the only way to feel cleansed and only in achieved aspects of changes worthy of our attention, it is neces- such a manner can we plan our future without the guilt, the sary that a more intensive international exchange of contents in remains of the past and ghosts of perpetrators. fields of science, art and culture be stressed, as well as more Trying to make an unbiased view of changes in our society, opportunities to be hosts to representatives of these fields as a I face the fact that a considerable number of the protagonists in country, which in the 21st century is a significant step for the our public life are actually yesterday’s and often today’s men of integration of a country in contemporary world trends. Achieved power, the same ones who encouraged the war by voicing the individual changes increase the level of the individual and collec- hatred, convincing us that we lived in the most beautiful and only tive obligation to finally get rid of the remains of the past. Above reality. Today they are our present again, passing us the same all it is necessary that we build a real and questionable picture messages but in a more sophisticated and implicit form, mes- of our own values, cherishing self-respect, as well as perfect sages rich in new passions and intolerance. In order to avoid insight into our own faults, deficiencies, and fatal actions made oblivion as a form of participation in crime, our obligation is to in the past by individuals. This is the only way to avoid living the point out that everything that starts with voicing of hatred and unreal picture of ourselves and being distanced, isolated and intolerance ends in physical violence. uninformed, creating unreal presentations of our own signifi- Unfortunately, yesterday’s warriors against certain models cance and dimensions. of behavior characteristic of that dark period have adopted these If we keep quiet for a moment, close our eyes and do not act models. Nowadays those in charge of making decisions and estab- openly and unambiguously, pointing out our rejection to accept lishing guilt and encouraging the process of facing truth and tak- our participation in crimes, we will actually support these crimes ing responsibility have done the same. Those who used to point and make new ones at the same time. A crime may be, and is usu- to the significance of fighting against corruption and to fatal con- ally initiated from “higher instances“, but its implementation

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depends on the support of a critical number of citizens. If there was no such support, there would be no possibility of committing a crime. Our responsibility and obligation, and also power in this respect is great. Let’s use it in the most efficient way for the pur- Abusara Adel pose of our past, present and future. For the purpose of establish- ing guilt, facing the truth and making a change. In almost each of the last fifteen years, Serbia experienced, and was described as being in, the “year of the final outcome,“ in which the Gordian knot of all its problems, starting from the least to the most serious, would be resolved in this or that man- ner, first by addressing the issue of staying on the world map and then by addressing the problems of its micro-environment. However, it is only in the last several years that we have heard the voices of those who think that the key to exit from that, historically short, but for us who lived it, infinite period of time, is to face ourselves, i.e. to face everything that has happened. “Let’s face our past in order to start towards our future“ – appar- ently a simple and easily acceptable slogan, bears the idea of a deep change of the society from its roots, the idea of awakening from a dream, nightmares of nationalistic screams, sounds of weapons, blood, meaningless deaths, faces distorted with suffer- ing… How can Serbia be “awakened“? Without the intention to claim the exclusivity of my ideas, I think that two ideas are criti- cal and I will pay full credit to them: the first one refers to the fact that everything that happened must not be forgotten, and the other one refers to the fact that we should get to know who will accept things that happened in the best possible manner and who will in time become the bearer of the country’s “becoming aware again“ and consequently the bearer of its “renaissance“. “The burden of silence“ (Janja Bec) and/or “hiding dust under the carpet“ is a typical behavioral pattern of each society that has been through a similar unfortunate experience in its his- tory. The Serbian example is more complicated though because it underwent a period of denial of any crime being done by its part. This period ended recently when unquestionable evidence has been given to the public stating that “each side has commit- ted crimes“, to use a euphemism that some people use to express their confession of crimes. The present political moment, the death of the last creator of bloody wars of the Balkans at the end

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of the 20th century, suits well those whose wish is to put every- self free“ from the burden of the past are, actually, the youth. thing ad acta. However, it is also excellent for starting a painful Taking into account the age and educational structure of the and necessary story referring to the reasons of Serbia’s partici- country, it becomes clear that a rather dangerous and unfortu- pation in these wars, the story of misguided goals, inverted cate- nately chosen thesis of “two halves of Serbia“, existing since the gories of national interests, the fatal story of equating the state’s 5th of October changes, might make sense. The “half“ consisting and national interests, and above all, the story of crimes commit- of people who participated a little or didn’t participate at all in ted in the name of the abovementioned. Therefore, I do not agree the cataclysm will be able to distance themselves from it decisive- with the thesis that it is necessary to wait for a time when we will ly, and in the example of their parents realizing the meaningful- be able to accept the period of crisis without emotions and that ness and the absurdity of making wars and killing another we will be unbiased, since that would mean something written by human being without reason. That half will (and already has) be Timothy Garton Ash – namely, oblivion, the death of witnesses, able to overcome differences separating the Croats, Bosnians no victims and their families’ satisfaction, and the possibility of and Serbs. Though controversial and often used in contempo- a later politicization of the tragedy… We must not allow this to rary writings in this field, comparisons with Germany are suit- happen because of others, above all because of ourselves. able in this context in respect to its distancing from Nazism and However, less numerous Serbian “warriors of the cross“ the terrors it brought. It was only in the elevation of the genera- cannot spread the truth alone and therefore they cannot be con- tion of ’68 that a real reconciliation of Germans with themselves vincing enough. It is necessary to “build up“ the whole generation and acceptance of their nation’s participation in history came of those who will be capable of realizing first by themselves, and about! Of course, I hope and expect that we will not need twenty then by explaining to others the reasons and consequences of a years and that the next generation will make this radical change, moral decline in the nineties. and that Serbian youth of today will be able to understand the significance of its role and the present moment. On one hand, The question, however, is whether all people in this coun- this generation does not have a problem with the unsuccessful try feel ready to accept a completely different way of seeing the idea of Yugoslavism, the antipodes of which are nationalism and current reality in comparison to the previous one? I think the chauvinism, while on the other it is witness to the catastrophe answer is a negative one, due to different reasons, depending on that such nationalism caused. That is why they will be able to see a specific group we are talking about. First of all, the terms a man in a boy of same age who is a Croat or Bosnian, having the “guilt“, “tolerance“, and “reconciliation“ are hardly acceptable to same problems: lack of money, the same attempts to find their those who lost someone or something (for example their proper- place under the sun, and to realize that there are more things ty) in wars. The absoluteness of their tragedy in a great number connecting them than those separating them. of cases makes them see someone else as the culprit, easily iden- tified in an opposing nation or religion (these two terms were The presumption of this whole conception, taking a more almost always directly connected in the Balkans). Here we have complex stance, is that this entire generation needs to be educat- few opportunities for individualization and for any attempt to ed and cherished in order to go in the right direction. The role of make the hatred meaningless. On the other hand, now it is diffi- political elites and civil society is necessary here and they should cult to convince those who supported the politics that prevailed do their best in order to not falsify history in the future, to accept in Serbia for years, to change their rooted attitudes. The reasons all events and the role of Serbia under Milosevic (and with them- for their “stubbornness“, for example “years of brainwashing“ or selves). In this way it can be made sure that younger generations deeply rooted principles, or perhaps “shame“, would not be develop a level of critical consciousness necessary in order to important enough to support this idea. Those who will easily face ourselves. If politicians cannot do so (and to a great extent accept reconciliation as the result of the process of “setting one- they are unable to do this because of the burden of the past), we

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need to pressure those I labeled “the warriors of the cross.“ In this respect, this essay competition makes good sense. A relatively quick success of this idea does not depend exclusively on determinants found in this paper, but on many Marijana Aracki other things we cannot influence. The manner in which the world is going to support Serbia (or not) in its attempts to get rid of a Every period has its problems. To the more fortunate their “nightmare“ is important. We must not neglect the processes tak- forefathers left at least a chance to rise as high as their spiritual ing place in other countries who took part in wars. Possibly the wings are able to take them; a chance to instill a sense of signif- greatest significance should be placed on political issues that must be solved this year and which are related to the future sta- icance into their lives. Our forefathers probably were not even tus and appearance of Serbia. However, I think that something able to fathom what was in store for their future generations, or that stimulates optimism, which is not simply the product of my were just simply not able to cope with all the evil spirits of their youth, is actually the fact that it is a reversible process – the issue own times. Whatever the case, this difficult, but by no means is not whether we will get rid of the burden of the past. The issue overbearing task of first facing our past, however painful it may is when will we do this? be, and then, having survived the catharsis, clean and fresh, turning toward a brighter future in which we shall finally have the chance to create a basis for a normal life, for ourselves, and our children, is now left to us. As long as there is the energy, will and persistence, there is no problem without a solution, no goal without realization. This means tireless work, first to better ourselves, but also with “struggle“ as the word of the day, since it is only this that can stop us as a nation from (again) falling into hibernation, in vain wait- ing for a new Sutter, who would, overnight, rescue us from the mire bogging us down for over a decade. By turning a blind eye to problems, which is basically what we are presently doing, we are no further away from them. Quite the contrary! They are closing in on us from all sides, geograph- ically, but also in all other respects, threatening to engulf us in the near future, unless we engulf them. Thus, we must face them, and as soon as possible, while we have at least some little strength left after our endless scurrying to escape the danger. One never knows – once when we stop and turn around – it may be that the problems will run away from us, if we have truth on our side. The first, and unavoidable step forward in the dire process of facing the past implies that all crimes committed in the region of the former SFRY must finally be attributed a name and a sur- name, in order to avoid collective guilt, and to do justice.

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However, before all this, it is indispensable to not only solve the all this possible (to make individuals take on responsibility for problem of the judiciary and of the legal system as a whole, but their criminal acts), it is indispensable to posses a considerable also of all other systems in our society. This means to win the dose of objectivity, which can be achieved only and solely with the fight against corruption, and against party (and not only party) assistance from a public that must see victims, including all their nepotism, since only then shall we be able to speak of justice as affiliations, political, religious, and national, as human beings. A such. The fact that the individual is not punished for breaking victim has an identity and must be able to use the media to pres- the law speaks on its own, primarily about the character of social ent his or her story, and so to obtain not only gratification (if this institutions, but also of the very society, and of moral values nur- is at all possible), but also the chance to recover his or her own tured within it. Another source of problems exists within the dignity. Like the victim, the criminal is also an individual, who if judiciary system, as well as in the army, the police, the health proven guilty, must be justly punished, which will represent the care system, the system of education, and in basically in all final triumph of good over evil, and which will in the long run – walks of our society. This is the unfavorable economic situation, we hope – extinguish the desire for revenge, and bring about the which has resulted not only in a lack of technical equipment in reconciliation and forgiveness that are so needed. Thus, the slow, these institutions, but also presents a real challenge for all those but still attainable, justice will also bring stability, both social individuals suffering various pressures, whose moral norms and economic, as a possibility to at last channel our potentials have been put to the test. Therefore, the creating of basic condi- toward the present and the future. tions for a normal life shall create also the basic preconditions However, once we face the future, we also face new prob- for normal work and functioning of all institutions. lems. “In this country you must always run as fast as you can in In relevance to the above, it is mandatory (following the order not to remain in one spot,“ wrote Lewis Carroll in “Alice in practice established by countries that have gone down the thorny Wonderland“. It is as if he were speaking of Serbia. Therefore, we road of transition from an authoritarian to a democratic society) must all put in a tremendous effort to make even that smallest to continue to form the so called “Committee for Truth and step, but in that step move forward. After all the time lost in vain, Reconciliation“, with the task to elucidate the truth of the events busted, wasted, and by all means lagging behind in development, from our immediate past, and to assist the judicial system in we are facing the phenomenon of the “World Cup“, offering us not solving the problem. For such a committee to survive (unlike the only the possibility to play the game of life with the rest of the Committee for Truth and Reconciliation that was formed after world, but also demanding strict discipline and daily workouts, the fall of the regime of Slobodan Milosevic, and that quickly which is something we are not used to. Still, any missed chance ceased to exist due to lack of consensus pertaining to goals for is a luxury we have offered ourselves for far too long. We have which it had been formed), it is indispensable to engage the cul- been on the sidelines long enough. tural elite within our society to publicly discuss results of its The cruel reality we face daily, which as time goes by is activities, which would also, to a certain extent, awaken the reminding us more on more of a “Twilight Zone“ with no way out, awareness of the people, since any attempt to impose anything without a doubt seems discouraging to us all. We need to look externally cannot lead to a sincere acceptance of responsibility. around and realize the many issues we need to challenge - cor- After all such preconditions are formed, the long and ruption, criminal, affairs, senseless hatred, and even more painful process that must follow is sure to alarm all those minds senseless xenophobia. Naturally, it is easiest to despair and give always ready for the hate which seems never to subside in the in to depression while life is passing us by. We must stir, right mountainous Balkans, and always ready to fling another spark now and instantly, awaken from lethargy, as a nation and as indi- into the already overflowing powder keg. However it is a process viduals, and become active in finding solutions to problems if we that will finally put an end to a dark age in our history. To make don’t want our lives to be designed by others. Unless we do so,

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we shall have no one to blame but ourselves. Life – is there a bet- ter motivation? In the race toward a better tomorrow, we have one more obligation, to teach those with retrograde minds that by joining Marko Bankovi} the world we are not traitors set to oust the national symbol, but quite the contrary, that we bring it into the light of day for others The dictionary definition of truth reads: the quality or state to see, while by a continued isolation we remain in the dark, of being true; the quality of being in accordance with reality; real- alone. ity, actual existence. Guilt is defined as: a painful feeling of self reproach resulting from a belief that one has done something wrong or immoral, while change is defined as: a broad general term with the sense of becoming different, altering, transforming, converting, undergoing variation. Still, regardless of such, appar- ently quite clear definitions, the question must be asked what these concepts mean in Serbia today. The answer to this ques- tion, as well as to the question of what these concepts should mean in a future, better Serbia, along with a suggestion on how to achieve such a Serbia, will be presented in this paper. The precondition for all change, including the reform of Serbia, is facing the truth. Unfortunately, in Serbia it is hard to clearly define truth, because here and now a war is being waged between several “truths“. Namely, what one sees as his “truth“ depends to a large extent on his point of view, on the direction he is looking in, and the moment when he (on purpose, or by chance) turns his gaze in some other direction. For these rea- sons, there are completely opposing “truths“ about practically all of the contemporary histories of this region. Varying viewpoints about who started the war, who is to blame for sanctions being imposed, who wishes Serbia only the best, and who is a traitor, are just some of the general issues present on our political scene in the last fifteen years. Which can be used to illustrate the exis- tence of opposing “truths“? Serbia was often very craftily pointed in a certain direction, simply by a positioning the camera, all the while forgetting (filled with emotions, or on purpose) that there are also other angles, and other components of the comprehen- sive image of reality, regardless of whether it corresponds to our desires and ideas about it or not. And this is exactly how our image of the world we live in should look: complete, from vari- ous perspectives, and objective. Instead, information should only be the starting point for analyzing and comparing in order to

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reach the whole truth on what in fact happened, or is happening. opinions that the assassination of the Swedish Minister of This is taken to be the whole accepted or rejected “truth“, Foreign Affairs, Ana Lind, is the act of an emotionally unstable depending on its agreement with a previously defined standpoint individual of Serbian origin, and only one more product of the about that given subject. And this is exactly the key to the prob- criminal nature of the Serbian people). A common denominator lem: people need to be educated on how to use information, how of the two attitudes is that both are externally motivated, and to analyze it, and discover manipulation, i.e. how to use different that neither of them leads in the direction of a real solution to (often contradictory) information to compose a comprehensive problems that Serbia is facing. In addition, guilt should not be image – the truth. linked only to crimes. If we knew that crimes were being commit- Only when the whole truth is reached, can the individual ted, but did nothing to prevent them, we must admit that we too (as well as the entire nation) begin to face it. By learning every- are responsible. However, we must also admit our responsibility thing about the world we live in, we also learn everything about for all that others did to us, since if we as people were victims of ourselves as individuals and as a nation, about our good, but genocide several times in the past. In the eyes of the world we also about our bad sides. The good sides give rise to a feeling of became genocidal, and turned a favored into a hated state, there pride, and the bad to a feeling of guilt. Accepting one’s own guilt must be guilt of our own there, because we should have been is a very difficult and uneasy process, but it also has a cathartic wiser and more methodical. quality. It enables you to look at yourself in the mirror, complete- The standstill that can presently be felt in changes initiat- ly aware of your good and bad sides, ready to accept responsibil- ed in 2000 is but a consequence of the fact that October 5th ity for your own acts, with the lesson that this will not be repeat- never happened in the minds of people. Since then, the process ed ever again. There is no need for a judge, a prosecutor, for of facing the truth and confessing guilt never took place in prosecution – each person is his own best prosecutor and the Serbia; it has not been possible to implement real, complete most objective of judges (provided that he is prepared to go all changes. In Serbia, change is still felt as a forced phenomenon, the way in facing the past). The verdict he passes on himself is resulting from dissatisfaction with a certain state of affairs, or not a single act, but also a remedy and assurance that something from external factors. It is then defined as a change of the pres- similar will never happen again. ent status, with no clear plan of where it is going, nor any real Unfortunately, this is a description of an imaginary Serbia. goal. Changes are abrupt and often represent a complete alter- In the real Serbia, maybe also because many require of her to feel ation of previous points of view, no moral is drawn from mis- guilty, guilt is not taken as purification, as something that comes takes, but rather one heads for new mistakes. This is done with- from within, but as a request that needs to be fulfilled, as some- out any deep, essential change emanating from individuals - the thing coming from the outside. For this reason, it is either reject- kind that would be directed to changing that which was not good. ed in any form, or just as uncritically accepted. On one side, Rather, changes are externally motivated: the impossibility of there is the view that Serbia and Serbs are not, and cannot be standing a certain state any longer, personal gain (numerous. guilty of anything, including participation in wars, the economic “butterflies“ ... members of parties of the former regime who crisis, and the bad international position. Guilt is most often joined democratic parties after 5th October), pressure (from the transferred to someone else, to world powers, to the previous EU, the Hague Tribunal, or other international organizations), government, or to sanctions. On the other side, there are opin- conformism, or the quality of being fashionable. ions that the Serbian people are guilty and must be punished for In order to achieve a Serbia in which change will be defined all evils from the past. In turn guilt is accepted for everything not as the change of the current status, but as an aspiration to a (more often than not, speaking in the third, instead of first per- better status, a Serbia in which change is understood as a prod- son) they have been accused of (even to the point that there are uct of the cathartic act of learning the truth. With a clear vision of

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the goal, and a realistic insight into how the process of change will take place (including the difficulties it will bring). We must first take a good look at our past, face our past, because the extent to which we do this will condition the extent to which we will be able Marko Tasi} to see what our future will look like. Only such a changed Serbia, which has faced its past and its responsibility, will be able to become a part of the European family, and not of the mythologi- October 2005. A historical month for Serbia. The achieve- cal Europe that is the solution to all our troubles. We look for a ment of the only uniform goal, in respect of which citizens and real Europe, in which we will, as in a marriage, be equal in shar- politicians shared undivided compliance, took place five years ing the good and the bad, a Europe in which we will be respected after unforced democratic revolution: the beginning of negotia- and in which we will respect others, a Europe ready to face its tions for the accession to the European Union. Because of so own history, to take on guilt (among other things, also for how it many years of isolation, constant wars and unbearable poverty, had wronged us), and to change in order to become better. there were few who had the courage to take into a serious con- sideration such an orientation. The conditions were already known: strengthening legal institutions, increasing production and cutting down on misuse. Our country, as well as the coun- tries of former Yugoslavia, had an additional condition: facing the crimes of the recent past. However, the main forces of the pro- European community were directed towards removing the exist- ing regime, so that a true democratization of the society could bring the country back to the continent. As a result there were no serious public disputes, something the orientation towards Europe and its means of accomplishment actually presume. This is especially true on manners of overcoming a gap between the reality of a country almost without the protection of human rights and a destroyed economy, and transforming it into a preferable full member of the most developed community of nations in the world. The Serbian Government started the negotiations almost unprepared for providing state institutions and the economy conditions necessary in the process of connecting to the European Union. Sometimes the government was sincerely sur- prised with the requests of foreign diplomats that more needed to be done in respect of facing the past, as well as in the govern- ments of neighboring countries. This negligence caused only harm, especially to our country. Difficulties were numerous; therefore due attention wasn’t paid to the beginning of negotia- tions. The Constitution, Kosovo issue, relationships with Montenegro were above negotiating parties. Once again the diffi- culties of the territory of southeast Europe, especially its western

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part, have never produced a winner’s sigh of relief because of the after the 5th of October changes has not even become operative. achieved political progress. It became obvious that these results Many of its members resigned before the Committee started to were the only necessary steps for meeting the four abovemen- work because this body did not have essential powers necessary tioned crucial conditions, so that this country could become a to justify its formation. There have been no similar attempts member of the family of the most developed European nations. since then. New authorities didn’t want to see the benefit that Events to come have proved this. could come from such a process. Being lulled into peace with the The ink on the agreement of stabilization and the EU acces- support of over 90%, the ruling parties at the time would rather sion had not become dry by the time there were riots in the north see their to-date allies as threats than as parties who had imple- of the country, as well as in the areas of Medvedja, Bujanovac and mented the politics that had led to the complete national catas- Presevo where ethnic Albanians wanted to overcome internal trophe. Instead of discrediting their programs and bad acts problems and ask for full autonomy within Serbia. Europe was through unbiased investigation and facing the recent past, the worried, and leading politicians spread all over Serbia to con- authorities of the time made different political, monetary and vince citizens (and Europe) that there were no reasons for worry safety agreements, resulting in criminals becoming overnight since in the future, state institutions would have timely answers heroes-guardians of a revolutionary flame, thieves becoming to all imposed challenges thanks to better cooperation with local respectable businessmen, while villains easily became the secu- government authorities and representatives of minorities. rity of politicians in state authorities and parties. However, the frequency of the incidents and a clearer revival of ideas from the beginning of the nineties indicated that there were The rehabilitation de facto and de iuris from crimes made reasons for increased caution. The situation did not become in the name of the former regime had such a negative impact on worse only owing to a timely answer of state authorities to the overall society that the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the time extremists’ provocations by means of force. Although it is impor- stated that 2002 was a lost year for Serbia. He wasn’t the only tant for maintaining present stability in the country, a prevention one with this attitude. However everything was in vain. All these of causes not resulting in sanctioning should be stressed in the warnings did not inspire actual activities in this respect. The future. Is this goal achievable? authorities of the time, due to constant internal fights, seemed to If this is done by means of force, then it would not be have lost their strength not only to face the past, but also to make achievable. Using force to establish the rule of law will only make a decisive move in relation to reforming society. The shadows of the situation worse, which has already been bad due to hatred people who made numerous politically-driven crimes were cast present for a long time. Those who hate all orientations have a over the whole society. ready answer for suspending riots by force: by directing hatred The beginning of 2003 promised nothing better: people with towards the state. By proving that their citizen rights and free- shady pasts used their influences to start a specific correspon- dom of speech are allegedly endangered by a democratic state, dence through the media, unworthy of a serious state. They even they spread hatred among their numerous followers. This dared to point out in their correspondence what path Serbia results in doubts in the state’s efficiency and personal safety of should take, stressing a past full of patriotism, not willing, of other citizens, which may have negative impacts on the stability course, to prove to the public in what manner they had achieved of the society. Therefore it is necessary that a social climate be it. Why would they do so anyway? War criminals and villains established resulting in true reconciliation and facing the recent became so powerful that they didn’t have to hide behind the secre- past, along with legal steps. cy of certain services and affairs of state interest, rather they start- The process of reconciliation and facing the past was killed ed to lecture on the political and economic future of Serbia, in our country even before it started. The Committee established humiliating its officials as being incapable and lost. Everything

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indicated a big misfortune, lots of people warned, but did so in Cases are taken into consideration individually, everyone has a vain. The state was completely incapable of taking action. different opinion, and the tragedy of the past years cannot be With the tragedy of 12th March 2003, the process of facing seen in its whole. the past became significant. If the state officials had addressed Leading politicians and representatives of religious com- this social and state issue seriously, the immediate assassins munities in Serbia need to participate in this process together. A would have been demoted, at least, if not imprisoned and cooling of tempers and seeing the war tragedy as a whole took deprived of any possibility to tragically influence the state’s fate. place for the first time in religious communities. The first con- But another chance for a final fight with the past after the Prime tacts in respect to inter-confessional understanding took place at Minister’s assassination was lost for good. Instead of the widest the time of clashes in the territory of former Yugoslavia, but little national action taking place in which, along with force, institu- has been done in respect of this so far. Disagreements and deeply tional bases for a detailed dispute on the causes of this national rooted prejudices still exist and inter-religious dialogue seems to tragedy and facing the bitter past would be established, the new have faded away. The state must take action and protect this government decided to arrest and discredit political opponents. process in order to prevent unpleasant surprises such as setting Police investigations and witnesses before courts confirmed alight religious facilities and causing religious hatred. However, a something that almost every citizen of Serbia had feared: deep promising thing is a publicly expressed attitude of condemnation interlacement of war crimes, criminal offences and business. on the part of great religions and religious communities towards Relying exclusively on police actions and indefinite court pro- extremists. Therefore, the support of the state, parties, non-gov- ceedings have shown to be insufficient and far away from a ernmental organizations and the public is necessary so that this meaningful strategy of a national reconciliation with committed process could be continued and not be based only on kind words crimes and overcoming their consequences at the present time. and true wishes. Since then, delivery of the accused and material evidence to Of course, we cannot neglect the role of Europe. Europe as the Hague Tribunal has been the only significant action in terms a political, economic and societal goal of Serbia at this moment of facing the past. It would be needless to point out that Serbia must encourage us every step of the way towards international itself is capable of facing the past. Everything is not so dark, but reconciliation both within the country and in the western part of urgent steps are needed to complete this process. First, we southeast Europe. Reconciling the past on the territories is con- should protect what we have accomplished. Threats and irre- nected in the shared decomposition of the SFRY and the mutual sponsible statements of politicians have made things worse for heritage with and mutual tendency towards a future within the investigating authorities and judges in charge of war crimes and European Union. Encouraging inter-dependency and coopera- organized crime. Strict punishment and providing conditions for tion among newly formed states will contribute not only to their timely action of prosecuting authorities and administration of reconciliation of the past, but will enhance their journey to justice would remove this obstacle. Europe and ease adaptation to conditions they need to meet when they have become full members of the European commu- Apart from legal steps, public debates on committed war nity. This can be done only with the full support of Europe. With crimes should be stimulated. Of course, these public debates full support, we can ask: Quo vadis, Serbia? should fit in a larger frame as a base of serious research of experts from different fields, whose results would be presented to the public as the beginning of a serious reconciliation with the past. In order to accomplish this, immediate cooperation among authorities, parties, non-governmental organizations and media needs to be established, which unfortunately has not been done.

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tion that should lighten the current awkwardness and confusion pertaining to the identity of the Serbian society. In its back- ground lies in fact a clear value – a productive archival of all past Bojan Savi} nightmares and modernization of society (not only technical and technological, which is possible even without finding solutions to difficult questions). Once the critical mass of social will to dig INTRODUCTION into the recent past is formed, and we reach some sort of con- sensus about discoveries as a result of a collective viewpoint of The goal of this essay is to postulate and to offer answers the society pertaining to the definition of the problem and its that, submerged in unilateral perceptions burdened by emotions solutions, Serbian society will be capable of removing itself from and day to day political uses, delineate the ontological core of the bottom of humanity and rejecting the collective amnesia that awkwardness, divisions, and irrational anger existing in Serbian preserves a spiritual peace of mind. society at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st cen- tury. This is done in relation to the “Balkan tragedy“, and the In this respect, here we shall make an attempt to show that phantasmagorical system of decapitation that left in its wake the key responsibility for undertaking required steps toward countless consequences, and in fact countless lives reduced to modernizing society by accepting the existence of other national the brink of senselessness. The problem is assessed based on histories (however less glorious they may be), lies on the dynam- three questions: ic, (somewhat amorphous) segment of the social continuum, a part of the general public – the civil society, and consequently the • How are we to close the labyrinth of legal, political and moral responsibility for acts committed during social individual. conflicts and bigotry, which persistently disorients ANALYZING THE PROBLEM Serbian society into a second decade, and naturally, It is not only that the general public in Serbia is not being whom to leave behind inside this labyrinth? offered messages that there were also guilty parties among “our • Is the labyrinth in this case synonymous with chaos, or own“. The strength of any society lies in a moral responsibility to is it an unavoidable reflection of the complexity of the victims and the establishing of the level of legal responsibility, problem? but rather here the message has been turned into a collective lie • Can and should anyone assist the Serbian society in fac- to ourselves and to the world: “naturally that none of ‘our own’ ing the defeating facts from the immediate past, and if are to blame, as proven by the sincerity of our resistance, but for someone is in fact able to do so, who should this be? the sake of our country, we must deliver certain individuals, and process some ourselves...“. The lack of respect for legal and The criterion that dissects this overly complex and contro- penal mechanisms could in fact somehow be accepted if a legal versial phenomenon, and represents the source of the above state existed, as well as the will to implement the law (but such three questions, is the seemingly utilitarian, therefore nonessen- mechanisms are not respected, because they do not exist). tial “bad service“ that the Serbian society can offer itself if it Existence of this would offer some sort of hope in a functioning undertakes to deal with this seriously. We cannot simply offer penal system, however the general (within the system of govern- space to fact quasi-solutions and pseudo-answers, such as: “Balkan and foreign politicians are to blame / none is to blame, ment) lack of will to approach the process seriously is much it was war“, “it is the duty of the EU, USA,... the west to assist us more overwhelming. in surpassing economic problems, which will then lead to pacifi- The most serious point in this problem is the attitude of cation of the Balkans ... “. The criterion is the fact or the situa- the public towards events in the immediate past, as well as

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towards war crimes and war criminals. Here, we reach the, as well as the lack of success in profiling this avant-garde and seemingly, key player of the story about the search for truth and having it “take the lead“, inhibits the actions of a civil society (as its constructive use in social reform, and of the public as the a form on the core continuum society - civil society - public) and depository both of the problem, and probably, of its solution. buries it in a new spiral of ineffective dilemmas. Apparently, the It is clear that the Serbian public, being a connected socie- solution is that no one should undertake responsibility for us ty equipped with the media, is interested in public affairs and and with us, that responsibility should be taken on by the indi- has pronounced and dynamic viewpoints, reactions to events in vidual (or the awakened/atomized group of individuals), initiat- the real world, as well as requests aimed towards the legal and ing the process, infecting numerous social networks as resources political system. It is, quite apparently, deeply divided when it of the civil society, which, finally and as a consequence, pres- comes to the issue of the past war, to such an extent that we sures the public to alter the general self-perception of Serbia. could even claim that there are two publics in Serbia, diversified This seems to be the response to the characteristic preju- in their values. diced question: who should answer the three abovementioned So, why should it be claimed that the solution of this con- questions as a principle of reaching a social consensus. With all stitutive social problem lies with exactly such a public? There are possible limitations of the offered answers, it is important to at least three reasons: state that, in view of the gravity of the problem, one must dare to answer these questions. • the fact that in rapidly functioning political systems, faced with requests from the modern society, one of the Even though little is done at the level of authority to final- rare barriers to the rapid growth of the democratic deficit ize the process, the volume and reach of legal and political within these systems is exactly the public, which through responsibility, at least at the level of courts, seems to be clear, its reactions, requests, and public opinion, compensates and we have generally answered by beginning to analyze the the declining role of parliamentary control and the problem (focusing the legal edge at individuals for whom there increase of comprehensive control by the bureaucracy; are grounded doubts of having committed war crimes, partici- pated in their planning, or assisted, and propagated hate • the public, by using capacities of its continuous speech). In truth, numerous practical puzzles appear when in appendage, the civil society (for example, media often each concrete case there is the need to assess if there is legal and gain important explanations, information, even from the realm of the “insider“, from the academic and university political responsibility (it is exactly within the concrete cases that circles, from NGOs, etc.) obtains the largest relative sum it is important to disentangle these two categories from the par- of social resources and information (some of this comes tially conciliated relationship). This especially occurs when there from synergistic effects); is the need to assess if this implies political and legal responsi- bility in such a case (i.e. if for the listed form of political conduct • the public is the element that can, owing to its elasticity there was a legally established route of responsibility), and to and dynamics, enter all pores of the political system (leg- assess how to proceed toward individuals who had made a islation, government, judiciary, political parties, bureau- wrong political decision, but cannot be called to answer for this cracy, political behavior, and culture) to peel away the in the legal and penal framework (for example, what is the level sediments, and to initiate the process of self-reform. of Milosevic’s responsibility for not accepting the Rambuie docu- Regretfully, dilemmas pertaining to whether the process of ment in 1999). However, in this field the only debatable point is “peeling away“ requires some sort of avant-garde (and the wrong the strength of the society to be rational, and to assess the con- conviction that it does, which is reflected in the never ending and sequences it suffers from such acts, or lack thereof. Here, again, destructive lamentation over the loss of Prime Minister Djindjic), the society is the depository of all subsequent rights for moral

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and historical responsibility. But when it comes to moral respon- of us. Europe usually knows the values, and in the long run, the sibility, one should not be sparing. In addition to the already use of respecting human rights. It also had to learn this. And in known, and somewhat frayed thesis, that, after all, Serbian vot- this context appears one of the “parasitic“ theses imported into ers had voted for Milosevic, it is important for each individual to this society: let Europe and the USA assist our economy, and ask himself: did I ever feel as if I supported an escalation of acts thus stabilized we will be more capable of solving difficult prob- of war, potentially aggressive goals of war, or finally, any war lems of identity, of identifying perpetrators and, as a conse- crimes, due to a sense that they would elevate my national pride? quence, reconciling with others. The basis for this viewpoint is, Did I ever feel that Serbian victims are our victims and these are in fact, a general thesis: economically more stable societies lack the only ones that should be considered? Because, after all, each conflicts. In addition to the fact that this thesis is untrue, since takes care of his own, and based on this, have I made any polit- the contemporary situation offers numerous examples to the ical decision carrying even a minimum of political significance? contrary, in our context it also contains a clear logical error: The sum of the network of individual or group candid answers identity problems are successfully solved by, in the cultural will gradually, however much this may sound like utopianism, sense, modern societies, not by rich societies (which may be change the state of public awareness, guiding also the Serbian additional caution to enter into conflicts, but this is a complete- public toward exerting stronger pressure on authorities to pun- ly different matter; for example the formation of the EC was ini- ish, or take part in punishing the guilty. tiated by the reconciliation of former enemies, led by new elites, at a time when they were still poor and devastated by war, and The labyrinth seems very complex, but the point is the not when they, as already functional markets that have already existence of an exit. However much the process of coming full- accumulated social wealth, saw the uses of a simple economic circle for the responsibility at all three levels (political, legal, integration). Chasing all the benefits of utilitarianism, it is hard moral) may seem unpleasant and long, it offers some sort of a to see how our society could behave differently. This means more way out, which is again endlessly better than the senselessness than that we must not make a mistake in the sequence of steps. of going around in circles. All may not be punished, and it may On the contrary, this is essentially important in the sense of be difficult for us to confess our share of responsibility, and all selecting players who will take on responsibility. By transferring may not take on their share of responsibility, but as long as the the entire responsibility of our reform of identity, and the social generic core of democracy – the critical mass – does so, this is modernization of the west (which purportedly stems from eco- better than being in a perpetual state of scuttling in order to nomic prosperity), we in fact deny responsibility of accepting our avoid the truth. The truth will probably burden the social field, own mistakes. No one can bring us to terms with ourselves and at least in the short term, but by the force of logic, it will mobi- with others unless we ourselves beforehand decide to come to lize – it will create a new state in the society, a new fact. However terms on solid foundations (any other direction is but sweeping beforehand, it is important to present the truth, both in the the truth under the carpet of history, and not reconciliation). media and in people’s minds. Serious societies cannot afford the luxury of running away from This brings us to one of the puzzles of instrumental signif- responsibility. It seems that Europeans have realized this. Now it icance: should we do all this on our own, or should anyone help only remains for us from the Balkans to accede. us, and to what extent? It is good and natural to do difficult things with support, and that makes the task easier to do. It is good to have generous assistance too. However, it is important to draw a quality line (even though it may seem like quantity): we need to be the ones who will cope with our difficult problems. So, it is useful when someone does the job with us, but not instead

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Political representatives are those who lead a country in the name of a nation, therefore it is difficult to understand reactions of some countries who would like to assign the role of a culprit Marko Be{lin to the whole Serbian nation. Such definition of culprits is silly and would destroy a complete nation. I say it would mean injus- tice not only since it would automatically denote my own guilt, The issue of guilt is undoubtedly the most sensitive issue since I am a Serbian citizen, but also because it would result in facing man. The obligation to avoid the continuous feeling of guilt mixing collective and individual accountability. Sharing the same seems to be rooted in us since childhood. We would do anything religion and territory with those who actively took part in crimes to escape from sharing this type of moral responsibility with oth- must not result in my feeling of being responsible and guilty, not ers, or to escape from, God forbid, consciously taking part in it. for a moment. I am not to be blamed for being born in the coun- We pass it to someone else unselfishly since this is much better try where people accused of crimes live. If someone has not com- and less painful for us. I don’t know whom we should thank for mitted a crime physically, he cannot be guilty and accused. Here this “gift“, but it’s obvious that this feature is common to a great I would like to point out my specific attitude towards those who majority of the population in our country, and it will definitely were in charge of making commands. I cannot represent their adorn future generations. side at all. A drop that surpasses the brim of a glass would defi- However, when speaking of guilt we cannot help but put nitely be generalizing guilt and obliging unborn children this feel- forward the issue that has been looked at by the public with ing. This glass was full for the last ten years, and certainly it more and more intensity. It is the issue of individual and collec- would not be wise to spill it now. It would be better to leave it tive accountability. Serbia is a country that managed to get into filled to the top until the last drop evaporates in time. more wars during last ten years than some other countries since The solution may be initiating proceedings for individuals their beginnings. These wars brought forward a sea of guilt of dif- based on the principle of hierarchy of responsibility and powers. fering weight. Running away from accountability and denial are This is the only acceptable solution. No one wants to be respon- only the instruments for temporarily hiding the truth. Wars have sible and sentenced for something he is not responsible. We don’t ended and the time to collect debts has arrived. We have post- want to pay debts of individuals, but we must constantly remem- poned this way of offsetting accounts for a long time and with ber our political and election orientations since powers of crim- great desires, but this has also come to an end. The Federation inals were based on them. Facing a not so distant past and its of Bosnia and Herzegovina has initiated the court proceedings sincere consideration may be a guide on the journey towards against Serbia and clearly pointed out to the whole world that it European integrations. The politics of oblivion and mottos: “It’s wanted to break with the past. I can understand the attitude of ancient history“, must not be prolonged in this case. our neighbors only in view of their wish to determine guilt, how- ever I cannot understand that they want to accuse the whole Every man has his own vision of truth. One will manage Serbian nation of what happened to them. War was outrageous to convince oneself that his vision of truth is the real one. Final on both sides, sparing no one. In every country leaders are elect- changes have not taken place in Serbia yet. There are lots of ed in order to represent the nation. We selected a leader not to people who look down on these changes. My personal attitude lead us towards death, but to tread paths for a continuance of is an optimistic one in respect of benefits these changes and life. Our only fault was that our interests were not represented in reforms will bring us. Maybe I will be laughed at for my hopes an adequate manner by those who should have done so. It would and wishes, but I have the right to believe in a better tomorrow. be silly to think that one nation elects politicians and leaders I would like to be a pawn in a new order, but I would also like whose life missions are killing and destroying. to build my own future as an individual. The importance of fac-

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ing the past is not only crucial in respect of European integra- tions, but also for making the solid basis of a new state and political philosophy. We must independently carry out the changes and reforms in the country, and then ask for support Jelena Jorga~evi} from abroad. Of course, this support is always welcomed, but it can also cheat us into believing that with each new donation we are closer to our goal. We are to be blamed for being where On guilt, truth and change in Serbia we actually are, therefore we are the best ally to ourselves. A I often fear thinking that Nietzsche was right when saying well-known saying “let’s clean our house first, and then a neigh- that there were no truths but only perspectives. When I listen to bor’s“ might be applied here. Every individual should look into people who are very much confident in what they are saying, and him of herself, and then feel free to make comments on others. then when I hear the opposite side of a story with equal passion, The issue of changes is a complex and long-lasting process, and I can only smile, with the approval of Nietzsche’s words. But it is impossible to carry it out overnight. It is important that there is something that cannot be wiped away, reinterpreted and many people have hope for a better tomorrow, so that we could turned away. go faster towards Europe. Changes must take place and every individual should actively take part in them in accordance with These are facts, figures and evidence. However, these are his or her abilities. Mistakes must not be repeated, at least not not numbers that in their coldness can take away human qual- those meaning the loss of human lives. A top quality prevention ity and equal a man to a figure, or life to statistics, rather they of potential mistakes may be a constant remembering of our form the sum of an unquestionable past that cannot bear cal- wars during the last ten years. A society under such psycholog- culations. Turgenev used the expression “inevitable evil“ in ical pressure has chances for the future. The last straw before such a beautiful way when saying that once our conscience the abyss called isolation has been given to us, time will show becomes accustomed to accepting something as an “inevitable whether we have caught it. evil“, then things soon begin to look more “inevitable“ and less “evil“. I guess we should protect ourselves from this - the buy- ing off a primeval feeling for morality or looking for justifica- tions for the unforgivable. Outbreaks of blindness, just like in Saramago’s novel. Whenever I speak of this “war of ours“, as they call it with pleasure, I become afraid I would be either too pathetic or that I would not be able to stop saying things like: We have to accept our guilt. We must be ready to change. Since that is the only way. The more I hear these words, the more they sound insin- cere; they attain the value of some hit slogan and lose their real meaning. I guess people think that if something is repeated a suf- ficient number of times, it will be accepted. Also, the issue of guilt and regret is often taken as something abstract, too easy to handle. That is a process, not a moment. It is a period of grad- ual reflection. For, it would be wrong, I think, to accept some- thing since something has been said to be like that. Since the one “from the above“ has said that the only way is the way of changes.

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I believe that if something is taken as it is, if it is not really responsibility. And too many justifications. All kinds of justifica- accepted, then suspicion will appear sooner or later and it will tions. But, at this moment, I cannot think of any meaningful one. burst into flames owing to some good speaker. All people individ- Things were called wrong names for too long here. For too ually, I do not use the term “nation“ since it reminds me of a driv- long, three fingers were a symbol of patriotism, while common en mass, must understand that it doesn’t refer to someone’s sense meant betrayal. People say that amending mistakes takes capriciousness. Jealousy. Malice of some big country. No one twice as long as the time spent on making them. Something was casts revenges on us. It is something that takes place here all the accepted here too quickly, and something constantly makes trou- time. An idea, urged again and again all the time that Srebrenica ble in our heads, not allowing us to breathe in fresh air. Let’s rub was framed on us because someone did not like us. our eyes, or at least take off our glasses. Things are not black and white. We are not all killers, or martyrs. But people with names and surnames, the Serbs, used Where do we go? to kill civilians. That is the fact. There were elections and major- To some better society. Kant himself admits that everlast- ity of people chose Slobodan Milosevic to represent them. That ing peace is only a utopia, but this doesn’t mean we should not is the fact. He is not the only one to be blamed since one man, no strive towards it. matter how powerful he is, can make war alone. And this is also a fact. Between two opposites, being completely innocent or com- The words “tolerance“, “accepting differences“, “non-dis- pletely guilty, there stands Aristotle’s golden mean. As a nation crimination“ look worn out to me! However, their success is nec- we are inclined to the extremes. We must protect ourselves from essary. A human, a thinking one. Born without knowledge or this as well. desire. “Thrown“ to Serbia, Croatia, Cuba, America. Build aware- ness of the fact that all of us are humans. Not equal, since this There is no small evil. I often hear disputes on the number reminds me so much of uniformity, but equal in rights. In my of killed civilians. This doesn’t make one’s sin less. Human lives opinion, that is a healthier form of equality. should not be weighed. If one innocent person was killed, we should find the culprit and sentence him. There is one more Build a society in which such things are not allowed to thing that worries me. Why? Why should we know what hap- repeat. We have a very strong warning behind ourselves. So pened? Since this is the precondition for entering the European strong, that every day we are reminded of it. People say if some- Union. And if this becomes the main reason, a leading thought, one is not ready to run away from his past, he will never be able then we will not make a step farther than the beginning. We must to make a real step forward. The past will come back to him like accept certain things because of ourselves and our own peace. a boomerang and pierce his skin when he tries to move. Some of There is no worse thing than insincere penitence. us do more terrible things. They falsify a yesterday and make it How everything seems meaningless nowadays when Croatia according to what is good for them. They manipulate everything is one of the rare countries we can enter without a visa! I am twen- and everyone causing collective amnesia. And they give us a new ty years old. The war for me then was sending parcels to cousins yesterday. in Sarajevo, embellished news and a few conversations of the What I’m trying to say is that we have to face them. Without adults that we might ask for immigrant visas to New Zealand. But withdrawing. Political points should not be scored on other peo- now, it’s simply impossible that so many people kept quiet then. ple’s suffering, no matter if they are for or against the attitude I How many of them didn’t dare oppose? Is obedience such a state here. When insincerity is felt in speech, words, everything strong emotion? Was it possible to convert people so easily, as if that has been said becomes grotesque, a lie. You should keep they had been marionettes? There are many who bear moral good intentions in everything. You should mean what you say. It

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doesn’t take much time to see what has happened. These are those mentioned figures and facts. I read somewhere that history is written by winners. When I look back it seems that there is no one to write ours. It seems Dejan Vujani} that all of us are defeated. By everything that happened. I hope this is the only thing I can say. I remember the story of a remarkable hero who sits in a museum during the Second Guilt, Truth and Change in Serbia World War and cannot grasp the fact that the same species that Nowadays one does not talk much about guilt, truth and produced those works of art can actually savagely kill because of change in Serbia. It should be talked about more. In media and someone’s name and surname. political parties this topic is hardly mentioned, and when one While writing this, the words of George Bernard Shaw talks about it one has the impression that what is being said is come to my mind: “Freedom means responsibility. That is why not what is actually meant, and that what is being said is not most of us fear it.“ actually implemented in practice. The saddest thing is the fact that this topic must be a central one in any serious social and political dispute in the country in the transition process and its journey to the European Union. Attention should be paid to prioritizing this topic instead of trying to understand the situation and criticize it, which is the easiest thing to do. Why? Because if one does not accept one’s responsibility for something one has been determined to be responsible for, simply there will be no progress. Is talking about guilt, truth and change in Serbia going to help us, being the citi- zens of Serbia? We cannot tell for sure, but we know that inhu- mane avoidance of this topic is not useful. Another issue is: Who benefits from avoiding the conversation of guilt, truth and change in Serbia, for whom this might be harmful? My answer is simple. It is harmful for those who should “bear“ this guilt as their bur- den, who should contribute to truth by accepting this guilt and who should lead us to changes necessary for all of us by that humanistic act. The same ones who are the most responsible hide behind ourselves as a community, pushing both the nation and the state further into the abyss. Other citizens who are not directly related to the guilt are responsible as well. They are responsi- ble because they do not think about it, because they turn their heads away from it. They are responsible because they behave as if they didn’t live in this country, and while behaving so they might not even live in this country not because they will leave

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it, but because they will completely destroy the country with changes for better. Only positive work and hope for the future such behavior. It might sound pretentious but we are the state will lead us to that future. and we should take care of it and its (our) future. We cannot do Although most of the problems we have to face are the this if we do not establish who is guilty, what is true and what problems of the past and are very difficult to define, we must not the truth is like, on what side is our future and who may build spend much time on them. In my opinion, facing the truth and this future with us. problems should not be a long-term process. Facing the truth is Let’s start from the thing we know for sure. We know the moment in which such truth is accepted, the moment in where our future is. The future of Serbia is in the European which things are seen as they are and the moment in which one Union, and there should be no doubt about it. Our future is in moves forward. We should accept our truth, history and guilt as the European Union not only because life conditions are better they are. They are ours and we must not run away from them. than here, but because the rules, standards and values we need These are things that may not be changed and for the sake of a to make progress are there. Those are rules, standards and val- real future they must not be changed. The example of ignoring ues that this society used to have and which have been com- and rejecting the history is the whole twentieth century. What has pletely destroyed, lost and forgotten during the previous years it brought to us? A repeating of events we are trying to hide from. of war and life under sanctions. In order to live such a future, There is a sentence which is very important for citizens of we must face present problems, some of which are new - capi- Serbia, “We cannot stay the same in changed Serbia.“ The way I talism and democracy, but some of which are old - Kosovo, rela- understand this sentence is that Serbia will change only if we tions with neighbors, constitutional definition of Serbia, imple- change. If as citizens we understand that we bear the responsi- mentation of laws, etc. In order to keep pace with the world we bility of this country, although we are not the government. It is need to avoid making the same mistakes of previous genera- important that those on the top of the state’s pyramid see that tions. Because of these generations, the majority of Serbian cit- our relation to the state depends on the way they treat it. When izens still think that crime is actually a heroic act, that populism the people on top start changing, the chain of changes will end at is a legitimate political option, that the European Union is a the one on the bottom. This means that government authorities thief of identity, and that international institutions are the arro- are the first who should accept the responsibility, guilt and truth, gant inquisition, etc. Certain changes may happen when you and after them citizens, which makes this circle complete, after have such attitudes, and these changes are changes for worse. which we may start together our journey towards the future. These changes took place at the beginning of the nineties. The beginnings of the nineties nowadays mean a lost chance. Then we had a better opportunity to do what we need to do today. Then we had a chance to accept a different but lesser guilt and truth, to define Serbia’s journey, journey to Europe, journey to law and institutions, but unfortunately we know what happened. That is why Serbia of today has greater responsibility since it must break with its dark past and literally crash against histo- ry. If this does not happen, I am afraid of a loss of people who think about guilt, truth and changes. Something I also think is important is that Serbia needs positive and healthy attitudes not because someone wants to hear them, but because only such attitudes will lead towards

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The state structure is composed of nonfunctional and mostly corrupt institutions, the police abuse authority, encourag- ing lawlessness in their lack of reaction; state organs do not Ivana Karamarkovi} sanction infringements of human rights, the judicial system is slow, laws are not implemented, and social stratification has ceased to exist. Serbia is divided into the few who are rich, and “Without a clean up of thejudicial sys- the army of the poor. Perturbed value scales efficiently destroy tem, all our efforts to increase activity of initiative among citizens by offering them no reason to develop the police, the civil society, and the gov- any feeling of common interest. Citizens are powerless. Serbia is ernment will remain ineffective, because falling into the trap of the radical nationalist political current. the court shall decide in the end, as in This comes as a result of the tendency to compensate the crimes any other country.“ committed against citizens during the regime of Slobodan Milosevic (ideologically still very much alive), from wars on the Zoran \in|i}) territory of the former Yugoslavia and in the name of democracy The goal of this paper is to emphasize the need to fight using NATO bombs that were against international laws and the against corruption in Serbian society, and the need for the police, rules of the UN (when the citizens personally felt the lack of bal- and the judiciary to function. Before embarking on the first term ance between human rights and political practice), by negating “truth“ within the domain of Serbian society (which I would for crimes that had been committed in the name of the citizens of these intentions and purposes rather equate with the term Serbia, and from citizens of Serbia using the principle of “an eye “responsibility“) – we must establish guilt. for an eye, a tooth for a tooth.“ During the rule of Milosevic, post totalitarian nationalism was created and selectively used to The problems Serbia is facing at the beginning of a belated strengthen internal occupation. The actions of criminals and war and painful ransition are great, numerous, multilayered, and profiteers, in the name of the nation and the faith, degraded closely interrelated: the negative transformation of Serbian soci- Serbian society and marginalized real interests of the people. ety during the past fifteen years, abuse of the most significant The defense of Milosevic’s politics caused catastrophic conse- institutions in this country, abuse of the police and the judiciary, quences, while its “logic“ still presents the completely outlandish the deterioration and arrogance of these institutions, corruption, positions of its primitive interests as the national and historical illegal economy, organized crime, lack of decency in the media in interest of Serbia. The honoring of criminals and war profiteers, Serbian society, and radical nationalist political currents and their raising to the level of national heroes by the radical obstructing positive changes and accession to the EU. nationalist political current can be attributed to the lack of democracy. For years, the Milosevic regime made use of control The pathetic term “collective guilt“ often masks the avoid- over the media, very liberal interpretation of historic facts, one- ance of responsibility. Only a clear clash with the past and sided projections, selective use of, and complete hiding of facts, penal processing of individuals holding political, legal, and and of the monumental image of the innocence of the nation, moral responsibility for events in Serbia in the last fifteen years embellished by theories of conspiracy and hate speech. These can normalize Serbian society. There is no point in apologizing were instruments used to subdue citizens, to rob them of their to Srebrenica. Srebrenica does not need the apology, but the rights, and to weed out civil values. Psychological blindness of competence of the Serbian legal system, as proof that crime is the masses resulted from a combination of manipulations by not ignored nor forgotten – that crime is punished according to authorities who used ideological pressure and material force. the law. But how? This was a certain road to mental retardation.

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The atmosphere in Serbia is still full of apathy, ignorance, cials, managers of public institutions, company managers, and as well as a lack of ethics and critical thinking. How can one members of the government. translate the concept of civil society into Serbian? It is indispensable to provide continuity in the process of Immediately after 5 October 2000, a reform of the judicial reform of the judicial system. Representatives of the authorities system was initiated; at the beginning of 2002 new laws on the should not be afforded the possibility to influence the prosecu- judicial system were adopted, which were blocked by the tor’s office and the judges during processes. Prosecutors should Constitutional Court in June of that year. Prime Minister Zoran be given essential independence and control by executive author- Djindjic was assassinated immediately before the constitutive ity should be removed. The adopting and implementation of the meeting of the Anti-Corruption Council. The killers of Zoran new Police Law, as well as a long term and comprehensive reform Djindjic have not been sentenced yet, and there is no great of the Serbian judicial system are preconditions for change in progress in Serbia in the fight against corruption. Still, one Serbia. In my opinion, the Lustration Law would enable a legal should bear in mind that the fight against corruption is on many closing of a Serbian past burdened by huge misconceptions, para- fronts, and that we must not console ourselves by believing the noid politics, and serious infringement of human rights. The pub- optimistic attitude that it will not take much time in Serbia. Here lic must be called to answer for crimes and to establish the truth. I wish to point out the significance of supporting the activity of Guilt and truth are established by competent courts. Thus, the Anti- Corruption Council, the importance of implementation we conclude that the judicial system must become efficient and of the Law on Free Access to Information, the importance of competent if we wish to approach real conditions for change in implementation of the Law on Financing Political Parties, and the Serbia. significance of projects with the goal to inform and educate citi- In the opposite case, the future of Serbia will be isolation, zens about the possibilities offered by laws. degradation and nihilism. The recent government suggestion pertaining to the reform of the judicial system, and the government strategy for achieving an independent judicial policy by 2011, have both caused sharp criticism from the Association of Judges of Serbia. The roots of misunderstandings pertaining to the judicial system lie in the lack of political will to disband those mechanisms that can be of use. Why are laws not implemented? For example, one may inquire why has the existing Law on Responsibility for Infringing Human Rights, better known as the Lustration Law, been forgot- ten? This law could have led to a decrease of a considerable number of judges who participated in rigging elections, and in processes with prepared verdicts held by the regime of Milosevic. The result of this law was the formation of a Lustration Commission which ceased to function before a single case was completely processed. Why should institutions of authority and public services be purged of government representatives? The answer is simple and apparent: because lustration would encom- pass the Prime Minister, the Governor of the National Bank, the President of the Republic, parliamentary representatives, offi-

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(Solution 2) Guilt is established by responsibility and potential repentance. These two concepts need to be established from the aspect of existence, linking them to exact names, which Maja Perovi} would most definitely be the first step on the road to reconcili- ation.

Life in the State Union began to disintegrate at the begin- (Problem 2) Why is there a deep divide between the public ning of the 1990s. War broke out in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and state institutions when it comes to establishing the individ- after there had previously been occasional clashes in Kosovo. ual guilt of Serbs for events in Kosovo and in Bosnia and The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina ended, leaving in its wake Herzegovina? This divide is apparent in the groups “for“ and the unspeakable bitterness, contempt, hatred, sorrow, and remorse. groups “against“ cooperation with the Hague tribunal. On the Clashes resulted in many leaving their homes, and many killed other hand, there is a very visible division when it comes to pro- Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Albanians, and Muslims. It is true that claiming individuals as criminals or as heroes, which is natural- for a considerable period of time, we were all able to live togeth- ly of no use to anyone, but is certainly a stumbling block. er, creating prosperity and a better future. No one really seems (Problem 3) It is true that all solutions in connection with to know what happened. There are many who would like to reconciliation and the future, not only of Serbia, but of the entire learn, especially among the young, who had never directly partic- region, should be initiated by the state institutions. Quite appar- ipated in any of the confrontations. Will there ever be an answer ently, such an initiative is lacking in this country. Bits and pieces to this question voiced more and more often? Today, we face a can be detected among members of certain parties, but not even series of difficult steps, while we aspire to repent and to achieve their unity and resolve are sufficiently strong enough to combat potential reconciliation. opposing interests. In fact, there is a lack of political resolve to (Problem 1) So who is to blame? There is a tremendous speak the truth, since all efforts in this direction appear forced. problem pertaining to guilt and its qualification. Can this be (Solution 3) The forming of the Committee for Truth dur- qualified as justifiable - collective or individual guilt? The sense ing the presidency of Mr. Kostunica was only the beginning. of collective guilt has certainly appeared, due to the fact that the However, for such a Committee to be successful in its activities, process of reconciliation is not gradual. It will not be easy to agreements are needed between the most significant players on achieve truth, because all that led to conflicts in our region is still the social scene pertaining to goals of such a Committee. Such a on the scene in full force. In France, the issue of French oppor- common stance is not present, nor is there a common motive to tunism was not breached for 50 years, nor was de-Nazification face the, more often than not, very unpleasant truth. After only a fast or easy in a defeated, subdued, destroyed, occupied couple of years, it became clear that this Committee was not per- Germany: it was only after 1968 that the Nazi past was faced on forming its role of bridging the gap between acknowledgement a broader scale. and truth, on one side, and guilt and reconciliation, on the other. (Solution 1) The pressure is on while conflicts still rage. There remains the possibility that a new Committee for Truth will Therefore, we should start with the wound which is farthest on be formed, which would this time have serious support from rel- its road to recovery. Thus, in my opinion, we still cannot deliber- evant parties and from the somewhat stabilized state institutions. ate reconciliation pertaining to issues of events in Kosovo, but (Problem 4) How to face the truth when there is a deep when it comes to truth and guilt during the war in Bosnia and divide between the very officials of the state? This state of affairs Herzegovina, this is most certainly possible. results in oscillations among the public, as well as the media,

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who become engulfed in intrigue, affairs, and mutual reproach, perception of the situation, as well as the perspective, which is chasing only after current news, not the truth. basically black and white. Improved communication needs seri- (Solution 4) The media should cooperate very closely with ous work. Anyone who pays the slightest attention to the commu- the authorities to create one more bridge with the general public. nication between public officials is able to perceive a lack of any The media, especially TV stations, should educate the population kind of sense of dialog of those with differing opinions. So, how to accept the truth. They are the ones who should awaken the are we to find a way to create a road to confessing the truth, pun- ishing the guilty, repentance, and mutual reconciliation? Quite desire to know and to unveil secrets. Public discussion is an irre- certainly, it is very important to have a collective memory, not a placeable instrument to eliminate or limit the “invisible power“ collective guilt, in order to enable moral resurrection of the which had been the characteristic of an authoritarian Serbian soci- entire society. It is only collective memory that can enable both ety. Namely, the disrespect for human rights and freedom in the forgiveness, and its basic prerequisite, sincere repentance, which previous period was, as in all similar cases, justified by so-called protects democracy against prolonged misuse by the authorities. state reasons, and was, whenever possible, shrouded in secrecy. People need to come to terms with the truth, however cruel it But Kant once said, “All actions bordering on the rights of others may be, and it is cruel. There are always secrets, prejudices, and are unfair if their maxim is not consistent with publicity.“ conflicts among the highest echelons of authority. The following (Problem 5) In addition to the state and the media, NGOs must be done on the road to reconciliation: should also play an active role. It seems to me that they lack effi- • All steps should be gradual, without any strong pressure ciency in their activities, because they do not attempt to stimu- from the international community. late the population, but rather only a handful of quite often insuf- ficiently influential individuals. I do not mean to say that their • Responsibility for crimes needs to be defined at the level work is not esteemed, but rather that it is inefficiently directed of individuals, and the guilty must be punished. only toward young people, via their engagement in workshops • Initiatives for embarking on the path of reconciliation and seminars. should come from within state institutions. (Solution 5) An activity that NGOs should incorporate in • The Committee for Reconciliation should bridge the gap their spectrum of activities is lobbying, very intensive lobbying, between confession and truth on one side, and guilt and within the top state administration. NGOs should be the third reconciliation on the other. party, and the “invisible player“ to topple the first domino piece. • The media should be used to link actions of the state However before they in fact act, we must set up the legal frame- with the broadest population. Media should play the work which would enable us to establish an organized state. important role of removing veils of secrecy and awaken- (Problem 6) There is a definite problem of distinguishing ing the nation. the permitted from the forbidden, even among the legislative and • Strong political and legal stability of the state is required the enforcement organs of the Serbian Government. This is one to implement any and all measures. Therefore, an ade- more obstacle, precluding the possibility to select adequate quate legal framework, and mutual cooperation of all fac- methods and procedures of acting to achieve reconciliation. A tors in the political life in Serbia must be established. clash between higher and lower ranks of legislative documents on one side, and distorted values and morals on the other, • Intensive education of state officials is required in order results in such a situation. to transcend lack of tolerance, egocentrism, prejudice, (Solution 6) What we in fact require is an adequate change and uncivilized communication. within the legislation and the education of the population. • More pronounced engagement of NGOs, targeted at the Education would be reflected in an attempt to alter the subjective top level of state administration, is needed.

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The basic problem of Serbian society nowadays is the attempt to successfully complete deep social reforms called tran- sition, as well as to find a theoretic model by means of which that Aleksej Ki{juhas process would be successfully, efficiently and promptly complet- ed. The solution to this problem would be a discourse on truth and individual guilt within the context of social changes, this dis- course being able to make these changes deeply and essentially Introduction through everything that it will initiate, and in this way bring Serbian society closer to the place in which life is safer and of a “(We should) meet the emptiness of our patriotism, better quality. This is the thesis this paper tends to prove. unnaturalness of our system of government and hide our faces from shame, for, shame is a type of anger Being also aware of certain reduction of space, and using a turned toward itself. And when the whole nation would slightly retro Hegelian and Marxist dichotomy, we will not focus really shame itself, then it would be a lion withdrawing on the so-called material visible determinants of a (devastated) before making a jump. (…) You look at me and smile state of Serbian society (destroyed institutions, infrastructure, wondering, what has been made by that? And I answer: shame is already a revolution.“ – (Karl Marx, Letter to physical devastation of numerous plants, technological underde- Rugeu, 1843). velopment, loss of former markets, over one million unemployed “The questions, if we are going to Europe, if we shall people, etc.). We will focus on the ideological part, the values of have economic reforms, higher standards, are not the the state of the Serbian society nowadays, since it will help us first, all this is under “b“. The first and basic question, define a new ideological framework and system of values, as, precondition of everything is the acceptance of a gener- al consensus on our understanding of what has been we are very much sure, a potential model of progress on the done in the name of Serbia, what has been done in the abovementioned “list of successful countries in transition“, and name of Serbian people (…) Without confession what therefore the solution to problems accompanying social changes. the Serbs have done, without a public campaign on what has happened on the territory of former Yugoslavia, it is difficult to tell that Serbia can become Current ideological state a civilized country, a normal one – to enter the commu- The situation is very well described by the famous sentence nity of European nations.“ (Petar Lukovic, Nezavisna svetlost, no. 350, June 2002). of (the Serbian) wish for changes in 2000, not caused by the idea of making wars, but caused by defeats in these wars. This skillfully tailored sentence actually means that in the sphere of In spite of the “local“ populist and political story of “unbe- ideas there has been very little transition in comparison to the lievable/unused potentials“ of this country and a realistic wish of period of war hysteria at the beginning of the nineties. the EU countries in relation to the improvement of political and It has to do with open support to individuals accused of economic situation in the country – we are the witnesses of the war crimes, of a media flooded with so-called historical pro- fact that the Serbian society is at the very bottom of the “list of grams in view of promoting national ideas and justifying or mit- successful societies“ in the process of transition. Paying full igating recent crimes, of expansion of nationalistic incidents and respect to the facts according to which this process in Serbia has graffiti in ethnically mixed environments, of constant assaults on started, as well as to significant internal turbulence (primarily churches of minor religious communities, of the appearance of the assassination of the Prime Minister), it seems that these facts several nationalistic ideological movements with unhidden fas- are not just sufficient to understand the “last“ position of the cist sympathies, of the extreme popularity of pseudo-scientific Serbian society. programs and literature of secret societies and conspiracies

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against this country, of folk and rock music, which is in function New system of values as the solution model of promoting conservative ideas, and of beating up those of sex- Certain phrases and terms in public speech of transitional ually different orientation to name a few. Serbia show tendencies towards the change of the ideological par- All these individual examples do not represent incidents, adigm and system of values. Some of these terms and phrases are but the social reality of Serbia in transition. They are a leading “facing the past“, “de-nationalism“, “catharsis“2, etc. That dis- ideological matrix, a leading system of values that does not sanc- course in present Serbian society when it is really in the sphere of ideological discontinuity (and not in the sphere of close mate- tion the abovementioned events, but rather enables them and rialistic interests in terms of foreign financial donations) is sub- maintains1 them. It has to do with the deep and conservative ject to collective criticism of the widest public and widest political roots of the nation, as well as a church and state at almost equal subjects. However, the chance for a successful transition of the levels as was in pre-transitional Serbia. Here is the essence of the Serbian society and actual social changes should be sought in the problem. sphere of a serious and deep discontinuity with the leading ideo- Official transition politics has not done anything to change logical frameworks and system of values described above. this ideological paradigm. To illustrate this we would like to Actually, it has to do with a radical “disappointment“ in the mention the institution of the Hague Tribunal, which represents idea of out of time/out of place significance of the individual the symbol against nationally colored crime and/or ideas of pre- nation, as well as from a state and church that has become a transition Serbia. Namely, the reasons of justifying the coopera- major ideological matrix at the beginning of the nineties and tion with the tribunal by transition forces are special indicative which is still alive. It refers to demystification of the idea of con- elements. These reasons do not originate in the sphere of ideo- stant danger cast upon the Serbian state-church by the conglom- logical break up with the past – but being of a completely mate- erate of the so-called internal enemies (religious sects, masons, homosexuals, etc.), neighbors and that which is colloquially rial nature. This refers to donations and foreign loans which will called “A new world order“. It refers to a deep and overall dele- (not) be suspended, to debts which will (not) be written-off, etc. tion of a dream of “individual heaven-like“ origin/mission and Politicians from a democratic and transitional Serbia (so-called facing the cruel and “eye-pinching“ reality. These new values “different“ Serbia) refer to The Hague as “noose around the would mean an important step away from understanding oneself neck“, “a bitter pill that must be swallowed“, etc., and not as the within collectivist categories at the abovementioned line nation- actual break up and discontinuity with individuals and politics state-church by which the Serbian society is still enchanted. relating to accusations of war crimes. The transition in the ideo- It refers to a deep and humanistic break with the ideology logical sphere does not actually take place, although we see it as of nation and state in view of accomplishing a real human soli- an important aspect in the discourse on transition potentials in darity, arisen from catharsis and discovery of the tragic charac- general. The transition may happen only when truth on the ter of former conservative ideas and a complete activist aware- events of the nineties has been found, and referred with clear ness of the tragic and real status of Serbian society. This radical mind to guilt, which as an activist force, rather than weakness, change of the value paradigm would bring about a complete may discontinuously create a new system of values. break with deep conservative ideas and consequently bring nec-

1) Of characteristics of the so-called “Serbian political ethno myth“ and/or on conserva- 2) The term “sixth October“ should not be mixed up with these terms from public talk, tive, tribal-mythological and above all still-in-use ideological matrix in the form of a since it refers to discontinuity with material in terms of confiscating goods and influ- fantastic myth more in – Ivan Colovic, Politics of symbols, XX century, Belgrade 2000, ences to those who have acquired them illegally, but not the discontinuity with the ide- pages 14-16 ological and conservative politics of those individuals.

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essary subjective activism around certain new ideas directed the ideological paradigm is of crucial significance, as well as is towards the actual development of society. It would be waking creating a new system of values, de-nationalism, and subsequent from a self-satisfied dream of an individual “heaven-like“ nature, disappointment. Discontinuity in values has been made in and at the same time being aware of the “den“ in which society respect to former politics, people became aware of their own illu- used to sleep. A natural urge towards action would bring about sions and of what the illusions created, and Nazism was com- a definitive change of such a state. pletely destroyed before other transitional steps. So, having taken into account all deficiencies in making analogies of this This model of solving the crisis may seem one-sided. The kind, historical specifics and political changes, the results that discourse on the necessity of change is in an ideological sphere should be considered are their rapid ascent from crisis. only. Without any actual productivity, the situation in Serbia may seem barren. However, we repeat again, the events taking place In the end, by explaining the Marxist thesis stated as the in Serbia several years after “fifth October“ exclusively favor the motto of this paper, the position of Serbian society that would material against the ideological. Our immodest proposal might pass through the discourse on its own guilt as shame for the be understood as favoring the opposite: favoring the change of past would be the position of “the lion withdrawing before a leading the ideological framework against the material3. jump“, where “the jump“ would be coming out from crisis. That “shame“ because of a conservative and nationalistic system of Therefore, if a widely-supported political role-player had values might lead into a new discontinuous paradigm of values, an ideological, value discontinuity with the past in his or her pro- which might be called an ideological revolution. By establishing gram, and projected the insistence of accountability and guilt of new, different, collective values and ideas, releasing our creativi- Serbian society in terrors of the nineties in view of clear and ty and then leading towards a goal, we are able to make the mate- unambiguous discourse of the truth, he or she would be the rial-economic “jump“ worthy of a lion. engine that would push Serbian society towards essential changes. Therefore the dilemma between so-called “first“ and “second“ Serbia seems barren since both directions, by making either wrong questions or by making them in the wrong order, leads Serbian society far from essential changes. Unfortunately, only several journalists and leaders of non-governmental organi- zations are assuming the necessity of changing the ideological paradigm in Serbia. In spite of the utopist character of the above stated theses, they have their historical justification. This refers to the posi- tions of Germany and Japan after the Second World War. Paying full respect to particulars of their development (and enormous material investments in their economy), the element of changing

3) For example, although material conditions of living have changed since 2000, the sys- tem started to crush down the moment the ideological sphere has been disputed, sym- bolized by extradition of Slobodan Milosevic to Hague Tribunal in 2001. Hope that Serbian society would be ready to leave its current ideological matrices since it does- n’t have to wait for milk and smuggle petrol – was wrong. The order of moves “mate- rial, ideological“ is the Serbian society nowadays, 5 years after the beginning of tran- sition, has brought to a realistic risk of coming back to pre-transitional state.

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recent events contains inconsistent and contradictory statements and assessments. The society, as an assembly of citizens with various traditions, cultures and characteristics, can also contain Ljiljana Jovanovi} mutually differing or contradicting descriptions of previous events. However, if history books are taken as the criterion, we then speak of memory and truth as formulated or confessed by dominant groups and ideologies. In Serbia, the status of the Introduction “dominant is given to that discursive strategy which simply “Am I guilty for the war crimes committed in the region of ignores this issue (guilt, responsibility)“ (Zhigmanov, The heavy the former Yugoslavia by my fellow countrymen/countrywomen? burden of the Hague Tribunal, Danas, 14 June 2005). Certainly, How can I be guilty of something that I have not done, and against it is not simple for an entire society to accept its guilt. Not only which I clearly rebelled? What do crimes, committed at a time is this acceptance painful, but it quite apparently has many polit- when I was a child without the right to vote, have to do with me?“ ical and economic consequences. However, considering the fact In view of the development of the situation in Serbia, and that the present generations that hold most political power have the distancing of views of political elites pertaining to issues of no intention of facing crimes that chronologically belong to them, war crimes, it is becoming more and more probable that the fac- there remains the question of how this will be possible for gen- ing of crimes perpetrated in these past wars will be left to the erations just arriving on the political and social scene. next generations. In our country, if results of recent research is At first glance, it may seem that for the young it would be to be believed (Belgrade Center for Human Rights and Strategic most simple to deal with issues from the past in which they did Marketing, from: Danas, 9 June 2005), not only do a majority of not participate. Direct participants and contemporaries of events citizens feel indifferent to victims belonging to other ethnic were included in war events, and were thus divided by taking the groups, but also that a majority of the political elite in fact sides to which they belong in a war. They were subjected to suf- approve of crimes against others. Bearing in mind that a nation- fering, and to all the dire consequences, and they were under alist ideology is stronger, and that many citizens decide to vote strong influences of that ideology that led to the war. Every indi- for parties with nationalist ideas, it is understandable that our vidual had some personal explanation for current events, and fellow countrymen believe that Serbs are not to blame for crimes these were often explanations that the conflict was inevitable, attributed to them. that they had justifications for one’s own side, or they promoted Views that are generally accepted at a given time are the individual innocence and helplessness. reality of a society as a whole, even if they might have no connec- It is possible that following generations will think that the tion with established facts. Unless there is a degree of change in wars were senseless, or will not have much need to justify a war the entire society, and the political context, those views remain they did not participate in, to explain what side to blame more or the same. I feel that one of the consequences of the present less, and that they will not maintain a version of events without majority views in our society is that the next generation will be ever questioning it. It is not their war, right? coping with discovering all crimes, with public confession, and In my opinion, it is naive to believe that only time will bring with facing their consequences. important changes of views and political ideologies. To make any ideas and views general, the dominant discourse must address Who do the crimes belong to? them. It remains within the domain of political conflicts and Historic memory of a society is not unified. If we regard a engagement to change relationships on the Serbian political society as an assembly of individuals, the historic memory of scene, and to create new possibilities for a different reading of

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history. But even with this different reading, it is still a question ficed, the possibility that these same people had committed to what extent a new generation will accept responsibility for crimes and genocide must be excluded. crimes committed in the past. It can be said that this refers to Furthermore, the dominant discourse is, regretfully, com- political culture. plementary with the national identity, and only strengthens the Often, in conversations with young people around me, the negation of crime and the covering up of guilt. opinion is voiced that we, the young, are not to blame for events Finally, political power in Serbia today is distributed in the former SFRY. Crimes committed by the army, police, and among those very groups that had caused the wars, and benefit- paramilitary formations, are not linked to one’s own person and ed from them. own responsibility. After all, this attitude is easy to understand. None of my collocutors had participated in the war. They have In order to change the attitude toward crimes committed in not killed anyone, nor injured, raped, or dislodged. These peo- the name of our people, nationalist ideologies must be weakened. It is equally important to instill in young people (since it is prob- ple did not steal, burn or destroy anything. Even though these ably they who will have to cope with the consequences of acts of young people sincerely regret the war and the suffering of many, the state and of the people) a sense of responsibility and a sense they do not feel that it is their responsibility. They played as of belonging. This should not be a belonging to some “holy peo- much a part in these crimes as in crimes committed in Rwanda. ple“, whom only the gods may judge, but a belonging to a people In my opinion, crimes committed by any country are left as that, like any other, has its history and tradition full of contradic- a legacy to all individuals who are its citizens in the same man- tions, good deeds, and crimes. ner we inherit hospitals, schools, libraries, theaters, sports halls, In addition, the media image and the official history must and apartment buildings. Just as we take cinemas and malls to be harmonized with the findings of those who research wars and be our property, the crimes committed by our state and its rep- war crimes, leaving space for facing the pain inflicted to others. resentatives also belong to us. Then, like we say “our economy“ and “our roads“, we will Of course, none of us can chose where we will be born, or also be able to say: “our crimes“. what language we will speak. We can change this by leaving the country in which we live (and many young people have done so in the past period). However for all of us who are citizens of Serbia, and for all those who will become citizens in the future, it is not an issue of choice if we shall accept the crimes from the past as our own or not. The only choice we have is what we intend to do about those crimes. Now the question appears why it is more difficult to take on a crime than, say the external debt of our country. The answer leads to identity, the dominant discourse and the distribution of political power. It seems that the crisis of our society is resulting in a strengthening of the national identity. However, on the other hand, national identity is also important for many individuals liv- ing in societies without any crisis. In order to maintain the local identity of the Serbian people as heroic, just, and unjustly sacri-

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and their ability. The elites in Serbia didn’t do their best to accomplish the task imposed on them by their social role. Incapability, however, is not an amnesty characteristic, especial- Sr|an Milo{evi} ly when the same incapable elite usurp the right to pass crucial decisions for the survival of the nation. Instead of a top quality answer to the epoch’s challenges, a concept of a big country has Before it has declined, been kept. Pragmatic politics of the middle of the 19th century a nation becomes blunt. were raised by these elites to the level of ideology and produced Hercen a chimera, which is today determined by combining the most primitive coatings of barren traditionalism, totalitarianism, vul- gar anticommunism and criminal behavior. At the turn of the 20th into the 21st century, Serbia experi- Originating within the nation, the elites became distant, felt enced a deep dive into darkness, and it cannot identify the rea- contempt for society’s interests and with this put in place mis- sons for such events, or perhaps it doesn’t want to. Incapable of guided plans, manifesting in offending protectionism. The pat- seeing the depth of civilized change that had occurred through- tern of these elites’ survival is constructing tirades built on con- out the world, Serbia devoted itself to one of the rare continuous spiracy and danger for the nation, as well as illusions on an values of its history, and began finding its system of values in tra- inevitable and prepared outcome. ditionalism and myth. The price of such a choice is always paid by hundreds of unhappy people, all over former Yugoslavia, The picture of Serbian society is the most representative including Serbia. In such circumstances, it is more than neces- result of those who usurped the right to decide on the future. sary that we speak of categories of responsibility and guilt in Instead of a strong emanation of optimism that is supposed to fill Serbia, for numerous reasons, both ethical and cognitive. the term “future“, in the case of Serbia, future is just a mere The lack of analysis of causes of such a deep dive into chronological dimension, with reason filled with apprehension. darkness deprives Serbia of the possibility of eliminating the One should not live in illusions; the elites in Serbia are most important generators of permanent societal crises, which dark and morbid. Victimization as a key survival tool, using the are not of personal, but of structural nature. Therefore an main symbol of ethnic quality as a crucial argument in making a encounter with reality cannot be achieved as a critical process of selection represents a path to disaster. And for sure, it is the way establishing a distance towards malign elements of heritage. to avoid the responsibility of Serbia in the dark war drama tak- Such an ignorant attitude towards reality reflects a harmful ing place within the territory of the former Yugoslavia. infantilism in civilization. An unbearable state of disorientation Serbia needs distance from a heritage overloaded with is perpetuated, manifesting dominant lethargy and ending with internal and external violence and crimes in order to reconcile paranoia positioning the whole Serbian nation on the pedestal of with neighbors, engage in historical processes and prepare for a suffering righteous party. the future. This distance, the imperative of a dignified survival of Individuals, the agents of a dominating system of values, the Serbian nation in the 21st century means a distance from are here by chance, but the very system is not. In this respect it illusions and myths, a painful process of facing the dramatic out- is very important to make apostrophe the decisive role of the come of the whole 20th century, and, in particular, its last elites, the agents of political power, and objectively, the only capa- decade. Political elites in Serbia will have to take into account the ble (or they should be capable of) agents of necessary change of fact that the identities of Bosnians, Macedonians and the system. The direction of their action depends on their will Montenegrins were formed in resistance to a Serbian nation with

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assimilating tendencies, rather than potentials. It has to do with The elites in Serbia, imprisoned by traditions of equality, authentic historical processes that Serbia wanted to stop, not collectivism, closeness, and a cult of water, are insensitive to choosing means. problems of this society. Understanding modernization as a “hol- low word“, they ignored dismal everyday life and daydreamt of The last decade of the 20th century is not a marginal missions and new Versailles conferences at which geniality of the episode of the national past. On the contrary, it deals with funda- most responsible Serbian politicians would expand. These rep- mental categories of justice and injustice, truth and lies. It deals resent a breaking with reality, which could be comic and touch- with the period in which radical actions took place in respect of ing, but instead it is fatal and tragic. revision of the identity for which there exists a real danger to be marked with crime, as some referential vertical line. The distance from the Milosevic heritage today is just a mere verbal identity card for any banality promoted on the political Assigning guilt and moral superiority to whole nations is scene. That is why it is difficult to speak about changes in Serbia the expression of a rough simplification. Very often, the varia- because of the wave of social processes. Making relative the secu- tions are made on a morbid topic: “both parties used to kill“, but lar character of the state, rehabilitation of collaborationists from somehow it always seems that our criminals are somehow better the Second World War, ignoring the unsuccessful the educational than “theirs“, since “our“ crimes were provoked by “their“ system, lack of ethical distance from crimes that now “we know“ crimes. The final outcome is a complete revitalization of elemen- took place, value orientation towards traditionalism and lack of tary values and normalization of crimes. willingness to create a modern identity of Serbia are some of the Moral, material and human potentials of Serbia, though indicators identifying a pathological state of the society. dramatically reduced, represent a modest reserve for the 21st Modest successes in the international environment repre- century. Stigmatized by international factors, condemned by sent rather a benevolence of the international community, while neighbors, completely internally exhausted, worn out by wars there is no internal, autochthon reforming capacity, which when and blockades, Serbia normalized every abnormality and mar- it does work is insufficient. ginalized alternatives by cheating itself into believing in its mag- The role of a conscious member of society in said circum- nitude, leadership in the Balkans and moral superiority. stances exceeds usual routine and becomes a dangerous exhibi- Five years after the 5th of October, few people can be sat- tion if the member of the society doesn’t accept even a small role isfied with the results of the new government. The outcome of on the stage in a social drama taking place in Serbia. A disper- that half-decade period indicates the sustainability of a retro- sive action towards building up a modern society is necessary grade model of a society, which rooted itself more after the fall and at the same time difficult to accomplish in a society without of the “old regime“. The identification of Milosevic with com- a developed corpus of ideas of a citizen’s responsibilities. munism misted the essence and made the resistance blade A discouraging picture of Serbia and survival of retrograde blunt for those models of social consciousness that are the models do not make resistance attempts meaningless and akin structural elements of Serbian society, and which communism to “swimming against the flow“. However, we must not have illu- filled with specific contents, not changing the model. The new- sions: trying to make changes in Serbia is dangerous business. old material was cast in the same mould. A dominant place The experiences of some individuals who tried to oppose the flow within heterogeneous oppositional forces went to agents of are unfavorable, while the brutality of offsetting accounts with obscure ideological concepts, which do not correspond to con- them is proportional to talents they had. They paid for their temporary world values just like the concepts of Milosevic pol- visions, courage and lucidity with political and personal discred- itics or communistic ones do not. iting, even with their lives. Incapability of reforming actions was

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not conditioned by a small number of their agents, but also by the brutality of their opponents. In simple words, Serbia developed mechanisms ranging from self-destruction to perfectionism, the outcome of which has D`enis Bajramovi} influenced the whole region. However, it seems that the region will get emancipated and distanced from primitivism. Most Something’s rotten in the State of Denmark. countries in the region build their European future with more confidence, along with solving their internal problems and trou- William Shakespeare bles. And while this European future will give loans to Serbia’s neighbors, Serbia will be given bills by history for things done in the past, bills made by arrogant, untalented intellectual and I would say there’s something rotten in the state of Serbia. political clique, which had not calculated the price of being Rot that spreads more and more, day in, day out, catching all unsuccessful in its anachronous conception of a great state. The parts of society, young and old, Serbs and non-Serbs, govern- defeat of Serbia does not lie in unsuccessful war plans, but in ment and non-government institutions. If Serbia was an apple, trying to achieve them; the reasons for economic destruction with the small, almost negligible rottenness of the eighties that should be sought in the economic policy “pal-partner“. The rea- started to spread very fast, today there is only a small part of that sons for a cultural lagging lie in a chimerical mixture of social fresh red apple that is not rotten. philosophy represented by a national instrument called the “gusle“ (one-stringed Balkan fiddle), national shoes called “opan- What is the rot in Serbia? ci“, homespun peasant coats and “modern“ techniques and The rot is chauvinism, clad in nationalism and patriotism. manipulative machinery. The rot is demagogy encouraging war (through voicing hatred), The moral and material burden of the past epoch will fall which has brought nothing and will bring nothing good or posi- on the back of the generation I belong to. This is the circum- tive to Serbia. stance which gives us the right to ask questions and request The Ambassador of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mr. Tomislav responsibility. The need to point to the state and culprits for Leko, stated at the debate on the topic “Facing the past“ that took moral and material bankruptcy of Serbia represents personal place in Novi Pazar on November 15th 2005 that “political dem- dignity, which is the only thing left in conditions that cancel the agogy in Bosnia and Herzegovina has changed a lot since future and are a sentence to a life in the past. Readiness to Dayton,“ and that the demagogy that encouraged war has been change those conditions is a specific mission, starting from look- replaced with a democratic rhetoric, with full credit to human ing for causes and admitting the reality of problems. That is the freedoms and differences. first step Serbia needs to make. What happened with Serbia? Has the rhetoric that encourages war been replaced with democracy? If at the beginning of a new millennium in the capital city of one country a religious facility is set alight, a mosque, the sym- bol of differences and history in this territory, are there any changes in Serbia? If the police don’t try to stop the perpetrators of this act and if a high police official states that “it is better that a religious facility burns down than to lose a human life“ since

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“the facility may be built again but a human life cannot be one who caused genocide on Bosnians in Bosnia, Montenegro brought back.“ At the same time KFOR is requested to protect and Sandzak is seen as a hero today. Evidences of systematic Orthodox monuments in Kosovo at the cost of human lives, do killing of Bosnians are numerous, such as the letter Pavle we speak here of double standards? Is this the principle “we Djurisic sent to his superior, Draza Mihajlovic, in which he states don’t have to, but you must?“ that “our plan on destroying Muslims is being well implement- ed.“ And then we speak of democracy? I wouldn’t be surprised if It is a horrible thing that happened on March 17th in in fifty years my grandchildren learn of Karadzic and Mladic as Kosovo, but at the same time it is horrible what happened that same as they learn of heroes who contributed to the mankind night in Belgrade, Novi Sad and Nis. It should be pointed out that like Tesla, by “releasing“ Western Europe from several thousand the chaos in Kosovo was caused by Albanians, while the perpe- “Turks“. Horrible! trators in Serbia set fire to the mosques of Bosnians. This fact undoubtedly supports the thesis that chauvinism is still present Is anyone able to believe that after children learn in school in Serbia, as well as a voicing of hatred and that Serbia is still that Draza was a “good guy“, he or she will be ready to condemn not ready to face what individuals have done in Croatia, Bosnia what individuals did in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo? Is anyone and Kosovo. able to believe that a person to whom Draza is an idol would be ready to condemn the genocide in Srebrenica? Those people will If they are not ashamed of what they did, if their nation is never be ashamed of Srebrenica! They will answer: “What about not ashamed of them, if their state is not ashamed of them, how Bratunac?“ It is horrible what happened in Bratunac, it is horri- will they, their nation and their state be ashamed of what was ble what happened in Ahmici, but crime cannot be justified by done in Srebrenica and the whole of Bosnia? Someone will say revenge. Revenge, as well as savage crime, is forbidden both in that the state is ashamed of them and that the state has con- Christianity and Islam. Let’s not defend criminals! They should demned such an act. The highest state officials have done so, but not be by our side, they should be imprisoned! the court that represents the state and takes care of protection of human, minority and religious rights and freedoms sentenced Crimes against Jews in the Second World War were not the perpetrators in Nis to only several weeks of imprisonment. asked for and made by criminals and outcasts, but the elite of Several weeks for such an act! The court in this case showed Nazi society. Some of them are still alive, but German society is itself as a rotten state institution. The court showed that double ashamed of them. What about Serbia? Those who used to encourage people to commit crimes are very much alive! They standards exist in Serbia: “one for us, the other for you.“ are not ashamed of what they did. They enjoy credibility in the If most people still choose an extreme racist, national- citizenry. Over fifty percent of the total constituency constantly istic and extremist political orientation, has anything votes for them. Is this fifty percent ever going to say “I know changed in Serbia? Is Serbia ready to face the crimes com- about Srebrenica, I am sorry, I am ashamed?“ No, they will not! mitted in the name of great Serbia by some ideologists, crim- They will answer the question on Srebrenica by asking: “What inals, and war profiteers? about Bratunac?“ The answer is simple: Serbia is not ready. Instead of aim- What do I get from “I’m sorry“ from individuals, from peo- ing at a critical, political, and social destruction of the Ravna ple who are often a minority in their environment, from Serbs Gora movement and its ideology, the opposite happens. The fol- like Natasa Kandic? I start to understand that not all Serbs are lowers of this idea are glorified as certain famous and significant the same, when I will never hear this simple word from those men such as Vuk Karadzic, Dostojevski, and Tesla. I am terrified who wished for Serbia to become full of rot. Will I live to hear “I with the thought that my children will learn in school that Draza am sorry“ from people who are members of the Serbian Mihajlovic was a hero. The man who collaborated with Nazis, the Academy of Arts and Sciences, from war criminals like Vojislav

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Seselj, Slobodan Milosevic, Karadzic, and Mladic, those who fighters for democracy and rule of law as its idols, why doesn’t openly worked hard for great Serbia, who closed their eyes in the the national anthem refer to the 5th October revolution? This is face of crimes and directly or indirectly participated in them, when a new European Serbia started to grow, until one bullet ordered them, those who spread the voice of hatred today? from a sniper’s rifle terminated one life and real democratic reforms, at least when speaking of minority and religious rights What should you do? and freedoms. If you want Bosnians to stand still while the First, do not proclaim your country to be “the country of Serbian national anthem is played, then take care that this Serbs and other nationalities“ but “the country of all its citizens.“ anthem is acceptable to us as well. That is what it should be, of course, supposing that you want to integrate all nations and nationalities in a new modern society The moment three sniper bullets penetrated the body of resting on European principles of democracy, and respecting your greatest reformist, the rot started to spread again all over religious and minority rights and freedoms. Serbia. Second, all perpetrators of crimes on national and racial You want us to move forward? Leave retrograde ideas basis should be seriously punished in order to set the example behind yourselves, make new ideals. This rot eats Serbia. for those who think similar, starting with the offenders in Sometimes I think that the freedom of thought in Serbia is too Belgrade, Novi Sad and Nis. This would send a clear message to wide, they constantly repeat that some new focal point is in citizens of this country that there is no policy of double stan- Raska region. Muhjahedins and terrorists are often spoken of, dards, especially to non-Serbs. panic is constantly created in public under the motto “it’s better Do not idolize the Ravna Gora movement because you will to be ready“. Ready for what? For plundering and genocide? not be able to face the past. Do not commit a crime against your Hasn’t enough of that been done? children teaching them that Draza was a “good guy“, because they will teach their children that Karadzic and Mladic were Sometimes I think that those who encourage hatred, and “good guys“. Then you would never be able to condemn the those who believe them, do not even know what we look like. events in the nineties. Remove the idea of them being heroes Sometimes I think they see us having long beards, curly hair, and from course books before it is too late, since, eventually, such an that we are dirty savages. Why don’t they encourage young peo- idea offends every Bosnian, a citizen of this rotten state. ple to get to know each other, and stop separating us? Why do If you want the integration of all communities in the post young people come to the Raska region only when there is a foot- 5th October society, when all of us were one, when Serbs, ball game, when they can swear at “Turks“? Who is to be blamed Montenegrins, Hungarians, Bosnians, Romanians and others, for this? Those who encourage hatred! rubbing shoulders, participated in destroying Milosevic’s dicta- Young people, let’s get together, let’s be friends, let’s start to torship, then take care that the national anthem be acceptable forget! How will we forget? By saying everything to each other for all citizens, especially non-Serbs. You have a majority in directly, sitting across a table and not during a football game Serbia? You may chose the song “Get ready Chetniks“ as a national anthem, but then it would be unreal that non-Serbs when police squads separate us. Tell us what you don’t like, and stand still when this anthem is played and that they have accept- we will tell you what we don’t like. Let’s organize debates. But not ed it as theirs. Why does Serbia have to go back to the past and the debates where the single-minded (democrats) will be on both look for its ideals there? Why doesn’t it find them in a new histo- sides, but where there will be nationalists, chauvinists, extrem- ry, this not being war criminals. Why doesn’t Serbia proclaim the ists and democrats, in one word “normal“ and “not-normal“.

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for everything that happened…? Mom, why did you sit peaceful- ly, watching the slaughter! Karl Jaspers explains the issue of guilt in a very good man- Aurelija \an ner. My mom is not guilty, she just sat and watched TV in intact Serbia. The citizens of Serbia are not guilty for having lived in a state of criminals since “where everyone is guilty, no one is This year of 2006, with all those absurd wars are behind guilty.“ This kind of guilt does not lead anywhere. us, as well as a large number of people with sadness in their eyes and the endless question, why? Life in Serbia slowly goes on… Here we deal with a political guilt that means that all citi- But how?? zens should feel responsible for the actions of their state, but it doesn’t include individual responsibility of a citizen for crimes Fifteen years ago, Serbia played the role of a character with made in the name of the state. The responsibility of an individ- a rifle in its hand, the rifle visiting the territories of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and a few years later the territory of ual starts with the acknowledgement of truth and what has actu- Kosovo. The rifle didn’t hear voices communicating the messages ally happened on the basis of the facts, while the truth brings for- of peace. ward the wave of catharsis necessary for starting a normal life, without poisons of hatred left to us by our parents. Nowadays, young people are not interested in what hap- pened. They are not interested in the fact that someone’s father The first step in Serbia’s facing the past and the way of shot at his neighbor for years, the fact that a girl of same age lost healing the whole society lies in the criminal proceedings initiat- her brother, and her mother has not heard of the girl’s father for ed in The Hague and in Serbia. The Committee for Truth and years. They are not interested in these things, nor are their par- Reconciliation brings a certain dose of confidence and hope that ents, for why should we live in the past when a new page could all criminals will be accordingly punished. However, the whole be turned and everything would be forgotten. process of progress and change has been interrupted by differ- ent propaganda of hatred, as well as with the remains of policy I am afraid that if we forget, we may easily allow these of making unsanctioned wars. things to happen again. That’s why I write this essay, as a protec- tion from oblivion… This political trend in Serbia doesn’t want to accept the responsibility for everything that previous authorities have done, A young person in Serbia starts looking for answers for dif- not even to take necessary steps so that the agents of politics of ferent questions only when he or she has faced issues of his or crime would be removed from public and political life for a cer- her interest. Then why cannot I, as a young and self-confident tain period of time. Also, one should understand that as a thief person find a job and get promoted, performing it quite profes- deserves to be imprisoned, a war criminal deserves to be ade- sionally. Why cannot I exchange experiences with people speak- quately punished. This is necessary not for achieving a certain ing different languages, why am I imprisoned in this cage of level of justice only, but because making war crimes public and Serbia… and why must I wait in front of the Austrian embassy their public condemnation would be the best way to draw a line for seven days in order to get a visa, which I eventually don’t get. between the old and new authorities, otherwise, new authorities And then my friend tells me she is not interested in politics will be mere successors of the old ones. Serbia cherishes the pol- and things that used to happen during previous years. Isn’t this itics of silence “and silence is a real crime against the human absurd? species“ (Nadezda Mandeljstam). From time to time I get overwhelmed with the feeling of “The consensus has been reached that it would be all right anger and sadness mixed together. Why should I bear the brunt if your authorities decide to kill. If you kill within your country,

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you will be in a big trouble. If you kill out of your country, in the applied and supported. Insisting on heroism of war criminals right place, at the right time and the right enemy – you will get a represents a continuation of criminalization of the state after the medal“ (Joan Baez.). It is interesting that we witnessed the totalitarian regime has gone for good. awarding of medals and rewards, as well as the magnificent sight The inhibited manner developing in the consciousness of of the generals going to The Hague. youth scares me. Myths and legends of our parents who still live There is no political will saying in a clear and loud voice the Kosovo fairy tale cannot have a positive impact on young peo- that we should be responsible for our crimes and that we should ple. We become the prisoners of stories of false patriotism for first “clean our house“, and then let others bring forward the which we should kill and die, as well as the prisoners of xeno- issue of their responsibility. We should discuss our responsibili- phobia knocking on everyone’s door. Research conducted by the ty, and they should discuss theirs. non-governmental organization “Center of Modern Skills“ shows That is why now we have the situation that our media is that students at Belgrade University would not share a student flooded with prejudices, stereotypes, voicing of hatred as legiti- bedroom with someone who is Roma, Croat, Bosnian, Albanian mate attitudes, and fairy tales of fight and freedom. That is why or homosexual. nationalism is awakened again, that is why Vojvodina is full of Everyone should turn to his or her individuality and over- “National formations“ and “Reputations“, and that is why all bow come a collective identity of “heaven-like“ virtues. Cherishing the to “war heroes“. As if the ghost of “a fleeing general“ is suspend- politics of peace, citizen and human rights and basic values of a ed above, mocking us. humane society is the only way to bring catharsis, which every- Girls and boys proudly and arrogantly pay tribute to one should experience first as an individual. criminal heroes, instead of wearing T-shirts with faces of pop- Post-war Germany was one of the most successful exam- ular singers or actors. They laugh at everything that is differ- ples of facing the past. De-nationalism, along with de-militariza- ent, which contradicts established standards imposed by soci- tion and democracy represented an administrative model and ety, not realizing that wealth and beauty are there. Audrey Lord led to the complete break with the Nazi regime. The laws pro- explains: “Undoubtedly, there are differences in races, age and hibiting relativism, decrying crimes, the holocaust, or glorifying sex among us. But this is not what separates us. We are sepa- of the Nazi regime were adopted. rated by denying these differences, rejecting the questioning of false presentations that are the result of an incorrect labeling of It is interesting that facing the past still takes place in those differences and their influence on human behavior and Germany. It means a constant establishment and enhancement human expectations.“ of a system of values citizens must comply with. This is the evi- dence that the process of a nation becoming conscious again Changes in Serbia will not be logical if the first condition lasts longer than one may think. Pedagogical models of psycho- has not been met. When victims are given back their dignity and logical and social contents should be implemented until the lit- all criminals punished, a solid platform or “absolute zero“ will be tlest memory of evil that took place exists. I have an impression created from which we can start our democratization. “It is that this process lasts forever. impossible to expect the reconciliation if a part of the society does not admit that evil has been made, and that we have never Although the topic of facing the past has been present in admitted the other part suffered, or that the responsibility for the public recently, at this moment Serbia shows its old face. As suffering exists“ (Letter from Human Rights Watch to President soon as the truth in war crimes became known, an event endan- De Clerk). Creating conditions for democracy should reveal the gering the whole process of condemning war crimes took place. “regime of torture“ and explain why certain practice has been Publicly established guilt of the most responsible person will

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never be officially revealed. Therefore we will continue to live the movie of virtual Serbia where bad guys play the role of heroes. The impression that generations and generations will be born before fairy tales are forgotten and epic poems cease to be Jelena Budimirovi} passed from generation to generation is inevitable. The change of public attitudes towards war crimes, as well as a general change of the society, will be possible only with addi- THE QUESTION WE FACE tional legal proceedings and a realization by the new political In view of volatile reactions of the Islamic world to the car- elite that more must be done in regards to this issue. toons representing the Prophet Mohamed, Nobel Prize winner Gunter Grass said: “After the middle ages, the West passed through the Renaissance and the age of Enlightenment, through a painful process during which they won their freedom, while the Islamic world had no such process, is on a different level of development, and this should be respected.“ Today we see the blessings of enlightenment in western civilization, blessings brought about by the liberated and creative human spirit, the man with an awakened awareness of his own responsibility in life. To the greatest extent, this is probably seen in respecting the other man, his freedom of thought and expression, his right to differ, and all his other human rights. However, it is very difficult to detect these blessings in the Balkans, which brings us face to the face with the fact that we have not gone down the road of the process of enlightenment, that we have never left a medieval darkness. So, what happened in the minds of human beings when they left medieval darkness behind? What does enlightenment mean? Will we also pass through the process and feel the light of an enlightenment blessed by peace, mutual human respect, and general progress? These are the questions we face, and which we are obliged to answer.

WHAT IS ENLIGHTENMENT? According to Kant, enlightenment is “man leaving behind his self imposed immaturity. Immaturity is the lack of potential to use ones intellect without the leadership of others. ... Laziness and cowardice are causes why many human beings, even though nature long since liberated them from the management of others, of their own accord to remain immature to the end of their lives,

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making it very easy for others to become their tutors. It is very and destroy us. For the peace of our own conscience, we abolish comfortable to be immature. ... There is no need to think, when freedom of thought and expression, and proclaim anyone who one can only pay; someone will take on the despised job for me“ reminds us of our lack of responsibility and our guilt, as our (Emanuel Kant, Spirit and Freedom, 43). enemy. As opposed to animals, man is a creature responsible for An authoritarian individual constantly expects from some- his actions. Responsibility is imposed by his intellect, con- one else, most frequently from his ideological and political science, and will. When the intellect exposes certain motives as authority, to remove the consequences of his own irresponsibili- irrational and lacking goals, the intellect offers them a moral ty in life. The more irresponsible a man, the greater his depend- value – proclaiming them wrong, demanding man to resist his ence on authority is, while his ideological and political system own accord. When we listen to our conscience, and resist bad becomes more naturally fanatic and authoritarian. Instead of motives and actions, we become men in the most divine sense of changing themselves, authoritarian people think they will sur- the word. By behaving responsibly, we rise above our biological pass historical crises by changing their leaders, their authority. nature and external temptations, becoming free to creatively However, once an authoritarian system is set up, it becomes very change ourselves, and the world around us. difficult for the individual and the populace to mature and rely on the power of an individual’s responsibility. ENLIGHTENMENT LEADS TO TOTALITARIANISM This was the manner of functioning of man in the Middle But, we are free to renounce our responsibility, thus Ages, and the manner in which he still functions in the places becoming victims of our internal weakness and external prob- where individuals and nations have not yet left those dark ages. lems, and therefore also of various external manipulations. In However, such a system cannot function properly even at a for- this case we come into conflict with our own intellectual specifici- mal level – if the majority is uneducated, if there is no force to ties, which distinguish us from other living beings. Unless we adequately implement the legal system, because even those who resist our weaknesses, the use of our intellect hinders us, are doing so are prone to corruption, myths, nepotism, and all because it exposes the irrationality of our acts. Then we develop other types of abuse of their power. the need for some other authority to think and make our deci- sions for us. The sense of what someone said is no longer so ENLIGHTENMENT LEADS TO PROSPERTY important, but rather who said it, how many people support it, AND FREEDOM and what our own feelings are about it. We form taboos that must not be breached around all that could raise the question of our The ideals of enlightenment alone, without a fight against own responsibility. authoritarianism, were never able to enlighten any populace, but were often the excuse for various crimes perpetrated in their In addition to the fact that with our lack of enlightenment name (after all, even the medieval inquisition had superior ideals we come into conflict with our own common sense, we also fight and goals as the excuse for its acts of violence against the human against our conscience warning of giving in to bad motives. This conscience). The process of enlightenment of western civilization conflict makes us even more infantile, because we renounce our began several centuries before the notion of enlightenment was responsibility, shifting it to someone else. We then feel the need for scapegoats, for whom we search among religious, national, defined, at a time when the protestant reformation rebelled racial, political, or other opponents. Our guilty conscience against the authoritarian conscience of medieval man. makes us overly sensitive and paranoid, ready to see enemies Reformation abolished those authorities that used fear and and opponents in everyone. Whoever does not support our cult guilt to take over the power of thought and decision making from is proclaimed a spy and a traitor, harboring a desire to threaten the conscience of man, making men witness to the responsibili-

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ty of their own acts, and prompting them to use intellect to ana- due to many different acts. Is it, thus, right and wise for us to lyze the quality of their motives in these acts. The human mind, remain there and suffer? Never! If people always remained the liberated from the chains of an imposed single-mindedness and same, no populace would ever prosper or become enlightened. guilt, gained freedom of creativity. Reformist hearts bore fruit in The sensible become better, those who lack sense remain as they documents of an economic, scientific, and cultural renaissance. were, or (most probably), if they do not become better, they con- The awakened sense of individual responsibility resulted in a stantly deteriorate.“ In this same spirit, the late Prime Minister change of intellect and character of virtually the entire western of Serbia Zoran Djindjic said, “There are countries that have world at the time. Warring Swedes became peace loving and nothing, but are rich, because their people are able to organize. mild. The Swiss reformist Cvingli wrote: “Peace has come to our So – it all depends on the people. ... Serbia cannot change if we town ... envy, bigotry, and discord are no more.“ The Russian all remain the same.“ author Karamzin enthusiastically wrote: “We have reached This process of reform, of both intellect and character is an England, a country among the first in Europe by the character of absolute requirement in our nation. We cannot live like para- its people and the level of enlightenment of the populace. Here, sites, forever hanging on the brink of western civilization, unde- everything is different: houses and streets, people ... in other servingly reaping the fruits of its labor. To accede to Europe, we words, I feel as if I have stepped into another world. The number also must pass through that process of moral and intellectual of people! The businesslike manner! And the order! Content is rebirth western civilization has already completed. It is the only everywhere, and even though there is no luxury, there is abun- way for our people to leave the darkness of totalitarianism, and dance ... Here healthy and contented people with a noble and enter the world of enlightenment, democracy and mutual respect calm appearance leave their small brick houses – the lords and – the world of contemporary Europe. the craftsmen, in clean clothes, and practically without any visi- ble external differences.“ Ljubomir Nenadovic describes this change by saying: “In but a few short centuries, Germans have created a miracle, turning their country, of which Romans spoke of as a Siberia of sorts, into a veritable paradise; they have devel- oped industry, reformed the Roman faith, created schools, sci- ence, laws, freedom, and brought real education to enlighten the center of Europe.“ One of the rare Serbs who promoted ideas of enlighten- ment was Dositej Obradovic. He said: “Let us pass just one look over the enlightened peoples of Europe ... Only the common and the dull are satisfied with always remaining in the ways of old. Why has God given man intellect, the capability of reason, and free will, but to be able to reason, to distinguish, and to chose that which is better? And what is better, if not that which is more useful? That, which brings no benefit, lacks any inner goodness. So why should Serbs have doubts if we should follow in the foot- steps of so useful and praiseworthy acts of other peoples? ... The crude and the superstitious shall cry out: ‘We shall do as our ancestors have done!’ But, our ancestors came to much harm

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SFRY fell apart into federal republics, while administrative boundaries became the boundaries of new states. Born from war, the SFRY disappeared in war as well. A new sovereignty was paid Jelena Beli} in blood – several thousands of victims, huge material damage and production of violent nationalistic passions. The false image of victory in Serbia was created by falsify- On Guilt, Truth and Change in Serbia ing reality. The president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was even crowned with an aura of peacemaker. Another human- Populating the regions where Europe borders Asia, small itarian catastrophe, which took place in 1999 – the bombarding Balkan nations built a national concept different than the wide- of Serbia, was necessary in order for citizens to understand on spread European notion of nationality. Slavery to the Ottoman the 5th of October, 2000, that the ruling regime must change. Empire lasting several centuries resulted in collective freedom However, six years after the revolution, the changes are not good seen as the top value, making a path for the domination of a col- enough. Ethnic clashes continue to destabilize a multiethnic lective tradition. Remembrance of the sovereignty of the Middle community. Facing the past is done partially and mostly by those Ages linked the term of national identity to a certain territory in who have initially pointed out the drastic consequences of the Balkans. Historical claims in respect of regions, the borders national hatred. This is not enough. The truth must go through of which used to overlap, often de-stabilized this region in good all pores of our society. Once and for all, the mistake must be ways. Interest that big countries showed for these regions result- identified, so that it doesn’t happen again. We should redefine the ed in an arbitrary formation of borders, which made relation- concept of the nation. We need new values that can overcome per- ships of autochthon nations worse. manent and unbridgeable ethnic barriers. The rule of peace will The paths of historical development had led in the same happen when a national identity finds its place in the sphere of direction, while at the end of the 20th century these paths sepa- culture and tradition, and when society has adopted new guide- rated. In comparison to neighboring countries that took a new lines – economic prosperity and Euro-integrations. The second political course and started their journey towards European inte- direction of changes is the development of a civil society. Since it grations, the constitutive nations of the former SFRY revived rests on principles of individual freedom, the monolithic quality their dreams of uncompleted states. Returning to big state issues of collectivism needs to be destroyed, the unifying strength of and archaic national projects they stayed on the level of a pre- which is easy prey for manipulation. political community. Not allowing evolution of the values adopt- Facing the past is a long and complete process. There is no ed at the beginning of the 20th century, they showed political unique model, and also there is no one and whole truth, but immaturity and an un-readiness to face incoming problems of numerous individual ones. Innocent victims carry one part of the transition. National managements, dazzled with a love of truth, and their only fault was that they were members of certain power, tendered without worthy means, to be registered as the nations. Persons in uniforms carry part of the truth, and they creators of the state. Having all power in their hands, the state made crimes according to commands of other people. Here we officials in authority cast an impression that war was inevitable. have the question – how could we allow the war to happen to us? They marked the last decade of the 20th century with the only It is unbelievable that citizens of Serbia, supporting the politics war made in the territory of the old continent since the Second of Slobodan Milosevic in 1990, did this on purpose and made World War – the civil wars in Croatia and Bosnia and hell of their lives. No. Then they became aware that Tito’s Herzegovina. The victims would later be considered futile, as is Yugoslavia was gone and that they should face the problems and in any civil war. After the signing of the Dayton Agreement, the changes of post-communist society. As a herald of a new time, he

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was accepted as someone else could be accepted as not being a nation be redefined, considering the consequences of aggressive communist. However, this man, a former member of the nationalism may result in leaving it. Facing the past would Communist Party of Yugoslavia, incapable of facing a turbulent deprive war criminals from the title of hero. Condemnation of transition offered nationalism as a universal solution for emerg- terrible actions would make impossible the return of the same ing problems. Intra-social conflicts were projected on the nation- people to power and those similar to them. The national identity al screen in view of retaining power. Ruthless propaganda spread should be placed in the sphere of culture, and not in a program the idea of freeing and unifying all Serbs in one country. Horrible of a political party. We need necessary unifying values enhanced scenes from TV, false information and media censure mobilized by the Constitution. The product of the values of individualism, national feelings. Accepting collective goals was possible due to autonomy, and tolerance is a civil society. Our civil sector is the domination of a collectivistic tradition that changed socialism underdeveloped. Citizens must understand that it is self-consti- into nationalism. tuted by means of numerous individual initiatives. Therefore it is very important to understand our own interest. Being members The whole history of the Balkans has been marked with of the same society, notwithstanding nationality, our mutual struggles for freedom of collective rights. The dominant political interest is that our society makes progress. I believe that the ori- culture imposed its brand of nationalism until it self-destructed. entation towards economic prosperity and Euro-integrations Xenophobia prevented the development of individualism. A liber- carries a great unifying force in itself. The previous state must ated Serbia made a soldier out of a peasant, preventing him from not be forgotten, so that our will can never be communicated becoming a citizen. The Second World War caused Eastern again by autistic voluntarism, which caused damage to many socialism to enter these regions. Again the collectivity sup- people, and huge damage to us. We have worked against our- pressed a revived individual initiative for a short period. selves for too long. Depriving people of individual freedom brought the benefits of irresponsibility. Society was politicized in order to be controlled by the state. An inefficient and overburdened state collapsed. The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia did its part – the constitutive nations wanted to constitute their own states. The regime found support in xenophobia. The war postponed inter- nal changes, which was the aim of the management. However, those who initiated the war were proclaimed peacemakers by the international community. It was necessary that horrors be repeated in Kosovo and Metohia so that it could be seen who was the main culprit. In October 2000, we finally heard the voice of those who used to condemn this populist policy all the time. The truth was faced – Milosevic had left behind a post-war defeated society, a devastated economy and a destroyed legal system. Serbia has always been a multiethnic society. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was made a “nation with three names“. The linking tissue of the SFRY was the motto “brother- hood and unity“. The fact that a life in community was possible for such a long time signifies that it should be useless discussing in whose territory we are now. It is necessary that the concept of

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The Serbia of yesterday, and the Serbia of today, a Serbia of conflicts. Eternally struggling with itself, will it ever awaken from the Vanja Miljkovi} long sleep and comprehend the messages from its own past? It was always hindered by the struggle for power, which goes on unabated after all these years. Are you for the Obrenovic or the *** Karadjordjevic dynasty? For king, or party? For Sloba, or Vuk? “If coming from somewhere you reach your destination, SPS or DOS? DSS or DS? G17 or the Radicals? The regular daily someone will offer you fresh bread and salt, cacophony, wherein nimble trinket merchants offer variously maybe even some sweets with mild honey packaged phrases. From the TV screen Great Politicians offer the scented with vanilla, and wine. message: “People, if you give us the power, salaries will grow, Then you will know that you are in the pensions will be regular, and Serbia will be a country of milk and home of friends, that you have come to Serbia... Freedom, love, justice honey. The others are to blame for everything! Down with the Are in that hand offering bread and salt Government! Dissolve the Parliament“. Other Great Politicians and leaving open the door to the house. respond: “How can we let those who have ruined this country You are in Serbia stranger, speak of us who have done everything to create better living con- and your freedom and honor are safe “. ditions in Serbia! To the guillotine with them!“ Elections, and Paul Disnard, If you should come there were so many in the past five years that it would be diffi- cult to find anyone who could count them all, are a real tragic and comic drama, with the obligatory two acts. In the first act The 21st century is surely at a crossroads in the history of everyone will spit on everyone else, until perplexed citizens, who our planet. When history teachers speak a century from now, with every repetition give up more and more of their roles in the they will attribute to their vision of our time its importance for show, offer someone their ballot. Then act two begins as a box- our civilization. They will say: “It was the time when the world ing match between the two remaining contestants, with the rest changed!“ This is the century when global disputes will probably of the actors cheering from opposing ringsides. With parliamen- end, Europe will unite, and the danger of World War III breaking tary representatives acting like they are lost in repeats of the pop- out should be reduced to a minimum. We live, therefore, at a ular soap opera, people become lost in a labyrinth of intertwined time crucial for the future, without being aware of this. And, in lies and half-truths, cheering on their duels in front of TV the Balkans, in a country with a long history crisscrossed by screens, taking time off during the intermissions to watch “the fighting and disputes, at the threshold of the new age, detailed Grand Show“. They use pink lenses to peek into the world of and quite insignificant discussions are still raging about the lost renowned pseudo artists, a century in Serbia ended, as it had years. This is a country founded on the Orthodox faith inherited begun - with an assassination. And we all feel great! Only let from the Byzantine Empire, a country that had a king already in there be money for new episodes of soap operas, and for salaries the 13th century, and an empire in the 14th. It is a country with for parliamentary representatives! scientists and artists who contributed to the progress of civiliza- It is hard to distinguish the truth in today’s Serbia. Is life tion, but which many people in the world do not know the exact what we read and hear every day? Deluged with meaningless location of, first thinking of war when they hear the name Serbia. information, it seems that we are forgetting real values, and are In the last decade, many have left this country, searching for a becoming part of the indifferent grayish-green sea that Domanovic better future in the homelands of others. had described in his “Dead Sea“ at the dawn of the 20th century

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(Is it possible that we have not changed at all?). If you ask a fif- had been tricked, to search for culprits in the past, full well teen year old for the title of the new song of the new Grand Show knowing that we are ourselves the greatest of culprits? “music“ star, you will get the refrain in the bargain, but if you ask Being part of the world does not mean only to improve the who the only Serbian Nobel Prize winner was, no answer will standard of living, but to be able to correct one’s own mistakes. come. Children in Serbia are growing up listening to all sorts of And most importantly – to have a spirit that is part of civilization, nonsense, hollered by half dressed (rather – half naked!) puppets, which originates in our hearts without losing our individual and have themselves lately started to join in this mad party. By uniqueness in the process. Besides those who see the world as a discussing “essential issues“ (with whom was a show star unfaith- great enemy of tradition, there are others who accept everything ful to her boyfriend, how much money a sports star got for a from the world as validated. Intoxicated by the “American transfer, which politician called whom a thief), empty lives gain dream“, quite aware of its high level of artificiality, they still wish false sense, but the emptiness remains. Who created this Serbia? to live the dream of becoming one with the “stars“ who hide Are we to blame for being part of the circus, and for not changing traces of vice and suffering behind their masks. We must be our own bad habits? This very same question pops to mind after aware that the world also still makes mistakes, and that not all reading Domanovic’s “Leader“: should we blame the people for those who geographically belong to developed countries are true blindly following the leader, or the leader who had, even though champions of humanity blind, undertaken to lead people to their doom, without telling them his secret? We have had our taste of this: absolute confi- When we find the courage to forgive each other for a word dence led to wars! People did things they could not have imagined that had been too strong, to respect those who are different, to even in their darkest nightmares – ex-neighbors took up knives understand the suffering of others, and when we find within our- and guns against each other because they were on different sides, selves a spark of true humanity, we will know that we are on the families disintegrated, moral principles were buried for years, right road to bring Serbia back to the world that it left due to and crimes were committed. Who can justify these crimes? Is this mistakes made by our predecessors and by us. In gray and foggy the spirit of a people regarding themselves as having inherited the years, values lose sense only if they never were a true part of the Orthodox tradition?! human being. May all that has happened be a lesson to us. The same mistakes are repeated only by those who never stop on We made another mistake – our attitude changed. We their journey through time to review their acts because they don’t thought that we would wake up one morning in a country bathing have the courage to look themselves in the mirror. And what is in the sunlight of the new millennium, without having to do any- our mirror image today? Serbia is facing questions that require thing ourselves. When we start making decisions about our own bold and swift answers, but watching TV soap operas, and lives, and when we have the strength and the will to stand up to singing silly verses of “new folk music“, turning its head from false patriots, who only love money and power, we will manage to problems that could cost its existence. In various TV talk shows, change reality, and we will realize that it is not necessary to lose the search is on for those who are to blame for our present state, everything in order to be accepted by Europe. The rest of the but no one is mentioning any possible solutions. When will we world is by no means perfect, but it is aware that without change grow tired of this endless trial and take steady steps into the it will never survive. We should not fear change, because without future, where there is a place for every variation? trying and failing we will never know the true value. The search for the truth, the real, absolute truth, is by all means a trying and Serbia tomorrow. long road. It is always easiest to give up, and succumb to indif- A Serbia previously described by foreigners who felt safe in ference, however hard and shameful indifference may be. Is that it. A Serbia nurturing tradition and changing bad habits. A Serbia what we desire – to keep saying for the rest of our lives that we offering love and forgiveness, creation and gifts. A Serbia loved

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and forgiven. A Serbia in which young people see their future. A Serbia with the scent of raspberries and wine. The homeland of Andric, Kis, and Crnjanski. The “Sumatra“ of the world. Do we have within us enough desire to achieve this ideal, to Senka ^ekr|in liberate ourselves from guilt and head toward the truth?!

Guilt, Truth, and Change in Serbia The awareness of young people in Serbia about events, peo- ple and situations that create their lives has been reduced to a minimum, and it is therefore my opinion that it is necessary for everyone to awaken the citizen within. We need to know who is pulling the strings above our heads, and to create our own opin- ions about the present situation by reading, monitoring media, listening, and participating in conversations. The notion of guilt in Serbia carries all that has been swept under the carpet for years, and has now begun to resurface. Regardless of the fact that some officials are still trying to tidy up this country by hiding events that have happened, this will con- tinue to go on unless the truth surfaces. What was it that in fact happened to us? Hate happened, from which discrimination emerged as the winner. Sexual. Racial. Religious. It happened that we forgot that Croats, Bosnians, Albanians, Roma are ... people, not our public ene- mies. We forgot that war does not start by the whole nation sud- denly deciding to kill their neighbors because they are not Serbs, but that it all happens according to a plan prepared in advance. We forgot that we must implicate the guilty; those guilty for death, for lies, and for deception. It seems as if we are no longer able to respect lives of others. We let the personal interests of others rule our lives. We lost the power of rational reasoning, and we let ourselves hate that which is right out loud, under the pre- text that everybody is acting against us, and that they want to destroy us. The truth is that we no longer want to open our eyes, because that is easier. But the truth has begun to surface, and now, whenever we turn our heads, we see it on all sides, regard- less of the effort we put in not to confess so.

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Still, the change is reflected in the fact that we have once I cannot understand that the majority of a nation is capa- again begun to learn how to walk the line. We are reminding our- ble of forgetting the painful circumstances under which they selves that breaking the law means punishment, that we are not lived, having to step over people to get a fistful of bread, and of the only nation in the world, and that evil was done not in the forgiving. Only then to create an idol of a man and of his “apos- name of the nation, but in the name of individuals. tles“, whose only interest had been their own personal gain; of a We need to bang our heads against the wall and to face the man who could craftily lie, manipulate, and above all had the future, and the future starts by cleaning our own back yards. desire to rule.

We must accept facts, respect the lives of others, forget prejudice, and implicate those who have broken and are still The goal is reached either owing breaking the law. We must form our opinions based only on to the flash of a genius, sources that can provide the most correct information as possi- or by crafty corruption. ble, not by following idols and blindly believing them. We are Balzac Pere Gorio beginning to realize that no institution is ideal, and that it is human to err, but also to bear the consequences of one’s errors. If history teaches life, why it so easy for us to forget? This “principle“ is one of the striking differences between the assassinated Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, who knew how The prospects of citizens when it comes to jobs, education, to place us on our feet and pull us out of the mud, and the late salaries, raising their children, expressing their opinions, behav- Slobodan Milosevic, a Hague indictee, who contributed to our ing according to individual needs, fulfilling the rights of children sinking in that mud, and who is now, after his death, once again and people, the prevention of discrimination and of misuse, are becoming an idol. I am consoled by the (maybe) illusion that the by no means at an enviable level. generations have begun to go their separate ways, and that the There are many who see their future outside Serbia, young have begun to open their own eyes, and then the eyes of because if they have the funds to complete studies, or lower lev- those who are older, and those who are younger than they are. els of education, they later have difficulty to find jobs within the The fact is that a problem exists. It is in us, in our readi- vocation they had trained for, unless they have “good connec- ness to severely judge all that is new and unknown, without pre- tions“. Even if they manage to find a job, they are insufficiently viously making an attempt to be informed about the issue. It is paid for their knowledge and work. in our habit to negate irrefutable evidence of crimes perpetrated The material status is the main reason for people to leave in the name of us all. It is in our laziness, while at the same time the country; it is also the cause of childlessness, of dissatisfac- in expecting a job to fall out of the sky, and when it does, in our tion among people, of poverty... On the other hand, those who discontent if it is a job where we in fact must work to earn our have acquired huge personal wealth by obscure means are seen pay. We grew up in a patriarchal society, where a woman is a as capable of running the state, and since power and funds are housewife, takes care of children, and is blamed if she has closely interconnected, they often manage to reach the political brought them up wrong. We are too willing to accept all the bad summit, where such things are happening that I still am not able things that are western. We enjoy being stubborn against all that to grasp. It is absurd that the plots that must be involved in the can in fact benefit us, only because it is hard for us to change our smuggling of cigarettes, the assassination of the Prime Minister, habits, to become more aware, and to exercise more self criti- mass genocide, harboring killers ... are embellished by names of cism. It sometimes seems to me that many of those outside this statesmen who represent our country, who manage our politics, country are better aware of the situation here than we are. Maybe and whom we have elected. because there are many currents pulling in different directions,

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because foreign media are more objective, because we are in the midst of transition, of changes, of growing up, but still find it eas- ier to watch footage from Srebrenica and say that it is film edit- ing, not believing this ourselves any longer. Many still feel that the Aleksandra Uskokovi} Hague Tribunal is a major evil and just one more way to destroy Serbs as a nation. So why don’t we then ourselves try those who dictated murder in the name of each and every one of us? Why is The intriguing issue of truth, guilt, and change in Serbia is it so much easier to deny something that is quite apparent, than the present moment we must deal with. There is much that we to seek forgiveness? Is this not more human and moral? When do not choose. Necessity connects us to history and to the past, children leave elementary school the first thing they face is a slap but the present and the future are ours to rule. Young people in of truth in the face, telling them that we are not the richest, most our country are not sufficiently informed about events of the past successful country, as they had thought until then. fifteen years. My friends know about the war in Bosnia, about the Namely, we discover that we are not a country whose polit- bombing in 1999, about the Hague Tribunal and the crimes ical, economic, and social statuses can be defined simply and being processed there. They are guessing if what they have heard easily. But regardless of problems, I feel that my country can is the truth, and they present opinions heard from their parents. offer me many quality things, such as education. I think that our But they have never asked themselves what the real truth is. people are beginning to realize that they must think and act The lack of information or not recognizing the truth are rationally, that the solution is not to hate each other just because problems that make us all suffer, problems that keep us all from we do not live according to the same tradition, don’t speak the heading to a better future. These are problems that will cause same language, because we prepare our Manna differently, and stagnation until we find solutions. For this reason, I wish to have different color skins. know the real truth. I want to know who is guilty. I want a better I feel that the most comprehensive way to resolve our situ- future for my contemporaries and for myself. I don’t want the ation is a series of educations, debates, and presentation of true half-truth that makes us all suffer to be passed on to the next information. We need to learn all over again that we should not generation. I don’t want us to walk in the dark. I want us to face form our opinions based on individuals and their way of life, but the past and to change our stereotypical views. It is not sufficient rather by listening to all sources that offer us the requested infor- only to include state bodies in this process, but also the media, mation, then discussing the issue with someone, exchanging NGOs, and all citizens of good will. views regardless of our nationality, and then sorting this out Until 5th October 2000, our country was a small, conser- alone in our heads. But again, we should not adhere to these vative environment, in which the rule of a regime resembled views regardless of the cost, but should offer ourselves the luxu- absolutism of certain countries in the 16th, the 17th, and the ry of changing our opinion if we find that some other way is bet- 18th centuries. Certain media were very attached to the ruling ter. It is high time to treat ourselves to the feeling that we are a regime, while those that were objective were not able to inform in community, without looking down on those who are a minority, fear of being shut down or because of death threats. Those who not to judge people based on their appearance and religion. It is rebelled lost their jobs, went missing, or were killed. One of the much nicer to aspire for democracy, the definition of which car- victims of this regime is the journalist Slavko Curuvija, who paid ries much tolerance, not discrimination, than to poison the for the truth with his life. The voice of young people, especially neighbor’s dog because it barked at us. students, was not respected, let alone of teenagers who were off limits to questions. Numerous demonstrations were cruelly crushed. Many resulted in victims. Why? Who is to blame? Are

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we to blame for asking the question? Are we as a people to blame wanted, and they still want, peace in this region, peace in their for not influencing the regime earlier, thus cutting short the long own country, and religious conflicts to cease as well. They want period of suffering, and therefore the demonstrations that result- peace and reconciliation. ed? Or is there an individual who is to blame for it all?! But after This is why I feel that the process of learning the truth, and 5th October the situation changed. Everyone has the right to of reconciliation should be initiated by state bodies, as well as by speak his or her mind. Gone are the social limitations that bur- all citizens of good will. We have had enough of the slow and dened us. The regime that had isolated us from the world is no inadequate facing of facts, and of the lack of readiness of the more. We are now free. We are beginning to discuss topics that state to create a more favorable climate to make it as painless as lay forgotten for so long. We are asking new and old questions. possible to discuss the past, truth, guilt and change. The state We are reassessing our own identity, if it has changed, and to must find a solution, and create a plan using the ideas of its cit- what extent, after all these events in the region of ex-Yugoslavia. izens. It should form a counseling body that would hold regular Are we able to say who we are? Can we without shame confess meetings to discuss problems and their solutions. Public discus- that we are Serbs? sions should be occasionally organized, as well as debates and Assistance from the free media has offered us new knowl- conferences about results that have been achieved. The media edge, has opened up our perspective, or maybe even has shown should also elucidate all those topics that need to be faced. us what we do not want to see. The media that once exuded hate Meetings should be organized to discuss war crimes and casual- are now on our side, on the side of the young people, helping us ties of war, but also the tremendous material destruction, and to progress, both psychologically and professionally. Young peo- economic lagging, whose victims are primarily the young people. ple have a larger share when it comes to issues of the future. However, citizens must work to better themselves. They They have turned to themselves and to forming a free viewpoint must stop with the accusations, the distrust, the intolerance, about problems that are a consequence of the previous regime. and the obliterating of crimes for which “historical justifica- My friends and I have participated in workshops on human tion“ was sought. We must not think of ourselves as a “holy peo- rights, tolerance, inter-culturality, and nonviolent communica- ple“, untouchable, infallible, and superior to all others. We tion, which have helped me very much to form my personality must stop history from repeating itself. We must approximate and my standpoint, and have given me the freedom to make deci- to the young the issue of guilt, distributed by Jaspers into four sions without external influence. categories - individual, collective, moral, and political. We must put in an effort to institute an open dialog between opposing I am grateful for these changes, however they have set in parties. Problems should be discussed openly, to stop hatred motion a chain of events that are not pleasant, and that we were between Serbs, Croats, Bosnians and Albanians. All young peo- apprehensive about. Many dark issues have been opened up ple should learn to distinguish between guilt and responsibili- about which we were formerly just guessing. An international tri- ty. They must fight and put in an effort on their own behalf, for bunal was formed for those who ordered and those who perpe- the future of “the next generation“. There will be no excuse if we trated crimes in this region. When these issues were opened, our do not do this. We must stop disregarding warning signs, and country became a headline topic in world media. The dark truth our fate should be an example, not a moral to other countries. became a dominant factor. All that was, or seemed to us to be The past must be elucidated, the truth confessed, the conse- beautiful, was gone overnight. quences accepted, as well as the punishment for crimes that we People who had only cared about their own good began to were or were not aware of. For an “individual or collective wake up and to ask questions. They demanded answers. They awakening will enable a joyous creation of a future that we did not want the subjective truth composed by the regime. They desire, and that is our right.“

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Ivana Franeta

Religion persisted into the 21st century, the epoch of tech- nological progress and computerization. In spite of the threats of modern society, religion now not only plays a significant role in human life, but also in the life of the state. It greatly influences human conscience, as well as human attitudes towards others. As a kind of foothold in opposition to the cold world of machines, as something that belongs to tradition, religion places itself as a guide of people’s identity and hope for a better future. Nevertheless, the issue raised today is if life in a multi-confes- sional and multiethnic environment is possible at all. Especially if we bear in mind that the previous century was marked by the breakdown of many countries, such as the USSR, Czechoslovakia, Austro-Hungary and, perhaps as the best exam- ple, Yugoslavia. The conflicts in the territory of former Yugoslavia were also characterized as inter-religious conflicts. Namely, inter- national tensions were emphasized to a certain degree alongside different religious affiliation of these nations, or national minori- ties. And now, after everything that has happened, can religion, or dialogue between different religious communities, be the key to reconciliation? We can say that religion is as old as man, and its develop- ment path went from naive worship of objects and phenomena from nature, totemism, through polytheistic religions, to monotheism. However, as different as they may seem, all reli- gions have one common objective. Since the very beginning, the purpose of religion was to give man refuge from the unknown, to guide him as to how to live in harmony with nature and other people, and finally, to give him hope for a better tomorrow. When the first Bible was written, it was originally conceived as a kind of moral code, which was given by God as an almighty being to people to live by. Whether written, or verbal, God’s laws always prescribe Good and Love. They are the “words of love“ directed to the entire human species. But can true love some- times be destructive? Unfortunately, today we are the witnesses

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an increasing aggressiveness of certain religious communities, a priori, i.e. the hatred of the members of one religious group and national and religious extremism and exclusion are the towards others. Such propaganda was especially widespread causes of numerous conflicts. Such a concept of religion and during the twenties in the areas of former Yugoslavia, and such certainly the abuse of Holy Scriptures disturb interethnic and propaganda is to be blamed for creating prejudice and bringing inter-religious tolerance, and tolerance is what is needed for a out the worst inside of us. The result is well known. The church true dialogue between the members of different communities. If should raise the awareness that we are all equal in God’s eyes, there is no tolerance, there is no dialogue, only monologue. One- that all people have the same human, civil and cultural rights, sided communication has never led to solving problems that and the mission of “God’s emissaries on Earth“ should be to certainly exist, otherwise there would be no conflicts on the ter- spread love, understanding and tolerance. ritory of former Yugoslavia. All religions have something essentially in common: they The breakdown of the former Yugoslavia was a shock for all represent a kind of moral code and their purpose is to offer many people. It was unconceivable how friends until yesterday man refuge and hope for a better tomorrow. Neither Christianity transformed and turned against each other, practically nor Islam preaches that people kill each other, nor do they justi- overnight. We “owe“ a lot for what has happened to media prop- fy killing, nor any kind of violation of human rights. This is not aganda. The headlines were filled with the slaughters of Serbian the purpose of religion, and any interpretation that violates basic children by Croats and Muslims and vice versa, depending on human rights represents the abuse of God’s law. We cannot claim which television broadcasted the program – each blaming the that one religion is more righteous than the other, the same way other party for the crimes. And who is really to blame? We all we cannot claim that one language is better than the other, as are. We must understand that there are no winners in war and long as the language fulfills its function in the community in that everybody loses. If we wish to initiate any dialogue whatso- which it exists. We can have our affinities towards one thing, but ever, we must confess that we have all participated, directly or we cannot deny the other only because we dislike it. After all, indirectly in the war, in which brothers killed each other, and isn’t democracy the right of every man to choose, as long as he which will forever remain a black spot in the history of our does not endanger the rights of others? nations. For one nation to start a war means that the majority of In order to establish quality communication we must that nation voted for the war. And so, manipulated or not, we as observe general human rights, namely the right to freedom of a nation are to blame, not only Serbs, but Croats and Bosnians thought and affiliation. Let’s listen to others and respect their as well. We must confess that collective guilt in order to make choice. We are not always right and there is not only one correct that first step towards reconciliation. Only then can it be fol- decision. We should talk about similarities between religions and lowed by the long-term process of gaining trust among different not emphasize differences between them. We should learn how to communities, both ethnic and religious. live in harmony with the differences. Just as friendship and love We must begin the dialogue free of prejudice, and the best are based on mutual understanding, communication between possible way to avoid it is to be well informed. This often occurs religious groups leads towards more harmonious relations. as a problem, since many people are ill-informed and have vague Learning from mistakes in the past, we must learn to live in and mostly wrong views about others. As it has been proven in peace with others, to respect them and complement each other. practice, intolerance is a consequence of misguided or insuffi- Therefore, we should not repeat our mistakes, but learn cient education in a large number of cases. The significance of from them. We must come to the solution of the problem togeth- ecclesiastical learning is emphasized as a significant factor. This er in a common decision from all sides. Dialogue between reli- is especially important for overcoming ethnic and religious prej- gions should be a call for humanity. Man is a social being, he can- udice, especially for those where the hatred of one nation exists not exist alone. His place is in the community. Therefore, we

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must first learn to love ourselves and then others, since where there is no tolerance and respect, there can be no warmth in human relations, nor any normal functioning of the community, or of the individuals that constitute this community. Let us Dunja Poleti demonstrate that the Balkan states are finally ready to join the European integrations. The intellectuals of the nineteenth century were obviously wrong when they predicted that religion would become a margin- al factor in modern society, that it would disappear from the social scene and that it would be replaced by reason. Man’s need for the transcendental, for the search, both in and outside of his own world, has never disappeared. On the contrary, the end of the 20th century brought us religious revival. In the countries that abandoned communism and found themselves in the beginning of their transition towards capitalist society, the process of secularization1 was interrupted. Closer contact and support between state and church opened up ways for religion to be politicized. Specific circumstances in the Balkans surely did not contribute to making the spiritual sphere independent. Religious affiliation, besides a national one, be- came the most important bearer of human identity. The problem was that the national and confessional borders overlapped, so that confession became not only the sign of religious identity, but also an important part of one’s national identity. Henceforth, it was unavoidable that religion would be included in the ethnic conflict on the verge of breaking out. The fact that confession played an important role in the wars in the nineties means that different religious affiliations can still be the source of possible conflicts and antagonisms. Neither the wish to blame the former religious leaders for their insuffi- cient engagement in preventing the conflicts, nor pining over the fact that religion was abused, can help us much. We need to accept each other the way we are. It can happen only if we have enough wish and strength to get to know each other better, to determine what we have in common and to understand what our differences are. Better understanding of collocutors can be achieved only through dialogue with them.

1) The concept of secularization can have several meanings. Its meaning can be the dis- appearance of religion or the loss of its social singificance, its adjusting to this world, separating of society from religion, as well as transition from holy to secular society (Hamilton, 2003: 306).

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National and confessional divisions do exist. Apparently we our own consciences. We need to accept the responsibility not cannot fight them by denying their existence. No one can deny only for the crimes, but for indifference and turning of our that there are Muslims, or Catholics, or Orthodox believers or heads. Therefore, we need a self-critical spirit. On the other members of any other confession. Even if we fail to declare our hand, we must consider the value and importance of what is “dif- affiliations ourselves, still we will not be able to escape classifi- ferent“. We must appreciate differences and respect religious, cation and being placed into certain categories by others. ethnic and political pluralism. Dialogue can be good only if the Deconstruction and overcoming concepts would be “sweeping participants are equal and if they see each other as equal. problems under the carpet“. However, what we can overcome is The religious issue cannot be reduced entirely to an individ- evaluation of categories. There is no shame in taking notice that ual level pushed into the private sphere, rather an initiative must someone is Orthodox, or Catholic, or Muslim, or a member of any other confession; it is, however, shame to think that being be taken on the level of institutions. People occupying high state that “someone“ is a priori bad. We are not the same. We look dif- and clerical positions are responsible for it. But, will we always ferently, we think differently, we worship God differently, but as wait for an official invitation? Couldn’t we do something our- to the rights and obligations there should be no double stan- selves, on a small-scale plan, on the individual level? We often fail dards. That is the aim, and it can be achieved through dialogue. to see the possibility that we can engage ourselves and not simply wait for someone else to initiate things. There is no excuse for The concept of dialogue, apart from meaning a conversation indifference. It is much more difficult to make any kind of person- between two persons, still has some important characteristics. al effort, especially if the results are neither immediately nor Quite frequently it is a dialogue on a common topic between two clearly obvious. However, if every one of us would make an effort, or more persons who can have different points of view. The aim is a smallest one at least, the total effect could be huge. not to beat the opponent verbally. The essence is that the partici- pants state and justify their attitudes, learn something, listen to Evolution is neither good nor bad – it simply is. With elec- each other, but also to adapt to and get closer to each other. Inter- tricity, we can kill or use it to make toast. The electricity simply religious dialogue is somewhat specific: the participants not only is. Through the Internet, you can distribute children’s pornogra- belong to different religious traditions and confessions, but also phy or meet your future spouse. Internet simply is. Future does have a clear picture of themselves and their religious backgrounds. not exist. It is neither good nor bad. It will be the way we create it ourselves. “What is – is“, said the Dalai Lama (Nordstrom; Since different religions give basically different views of the world, they can be the source of misunderstanding. On the other Riderstrale, 2004: 48). hand, no social sphere makes such clear call for tolerance, under- Religion simply is. Confessions are. And differences are. standing and forgiving as religion does. The final goal of each reli- But they are neither good nor bad by their nature. They are what gion is to transform human beings. Since religion can determine we create them to be. And it takes dialogue to do it, and it seems the course and direction in which it will transform us, it can be a dialogue is still not... factor of reconciliation. Of course, we must bear in mind that reli- gious communities certainly do not have as much political power REFERENCE: as states do, but we must not neglect either moral or symbolic sig- 1. Hamilton, Malcolm, Sociology of Religion, Clio, nificance to which religious decisions are frequently reduced. Belgrade, 2003 For inter-religious dialogue to be a successful tool for rec- onciliation, some prerequisites must be met. We should first con- 2. Nordstrom, Kjel; Riderstrale, Johas, Fanky Business, sider rationally all facts that led to the conflict. We need to under- Plato, Belgrade, 2004 stand that we cannot look for responsibility and guilt only in 3. Vukomanovi}, Milan, Religija, Zavod za ud`benike i “others“. We must be ready to examine our own roles and face nastavna sredstva, Belgrade, 2004

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Dialogue between religious communities is a relatively new phenomenon, and purely from the historical point of view, the period of conflicts between different religious traditions (even Andrea Kaitovi} within certain traditions) lasted much longer. If we take the Christian Church as an example, we find that the International Committee for Theological Dialogue between Orthodox and I was a man with what I had yesterday, Roman Catholic believers started to work only in 1980, while the and I want to be a man with what I have today, period of conflicts, split within Christianity has lasted since the different, perhaps even the opposite, but it does Middle Ages. The Global Church Council, a leading internation- not confuse me, since man is change, al organization with the aim of stimulating dialogue among and it would be evil not to Christians, is, nevertheless, as old as the United Nations. It was take advice when it is given. founded only in 1948, and since then it has operated with vari- able success. Religious communities are now more numerous than It is hard today, in a time in which we live and struggle for nations, and they are all still very close to each other, and yet so our existence, to be competent and give answers to the burning different. There is a thin line between love and hate, belief and issues. Religion has not become the igniter only in the 21st cen- disbelief. Today all large cities consist of many religions, nations tury, rather since the beginning of Christianity it has always been and cultures. The entire world has been transformed into a reli- a topical problem and it never dies down. Too much innocent gious community where different cultures and religions meet in blood has been spilt down the rivers of not only Europe but all everyday life, i.e. one global network of relations. We are used to over the world for preserving and defense of our ideals. Through living under different influences on which we simply base our further presentation it will become clear that the conflicts based identities. Without any exaggeration, religion today represents on faith occur only with the appearance of Christianity, as a the most powerful weapon for mass destruction. monotheistic religion. The liberal West and the conservative East have always From a historical point of view, the periods of conflicts been opposed - Islam and Christianity. With the advent of this among different religious traditions in the world, even inside of new, so-called civilization (by the term “civilization“ we mean the period after the Second World War and establishment of the religions themselves, lasted much longer than their understand- United Nations), people are in search of compromise that ing and dialogue. These conflicts, which were usually motivated includes mutual dialogue of religious communities and estab- by some religious disagreements, disputes (even when religion lishing general principles. was not the true or only source of war), however, do not neces- sarily have to have negative connotations. A whole series of However, we keep talking about tolerance. Let us be aware unsolved problems within certain traditions started to be solved that tolerance exists from the moment when someone’s human rights are violated, in which I mean to say that the only culprit only when some serious conflicts between certain religious for the present situation is that religious communities are not groups or individuals within religious communities were started. sufficiently related to one another. On the other hand, it does not necessarily mean that conflict is always desirable, especially if it results in an open confrontation What does this really mean? among religious and ethnic communities in an armed conflict or It actually implies that we do not know sufficiently, not only war. Certain wars in history also had religious characteristics. other religions, but our own as well. Incidentally, we can consid-

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er introducing religious teaching in the system of high school wine, of love, of wisdom. Admiring Greek Gods, we actually education as a good move, which actually aims at creating reli- admire Greek culture, in which each God symbolized a certain gious tolerance and teaching high school students what religion value, and the supreme God or the “God of general practice“ really means. Let us be honest at least once, that we do not symbolized the supreme value, i.e. the entire system of values. choose religion by ourselves, that it is something we have been Greeks sensed that dialogue not only created wise thought, but given by our birth, just like our parents, or nationality. Still, that it also built the community as well. The level of knowledge regardless of this fact, in our lives we choose for ourselves depends directly on the degree of openness: just how much indi- whether to believe in something or not. But the point is not viduals are open for dialogue. The fact is that Greek polytheism whether we believe or not, but if we live in accordance with our did not know what religious wars were, just as they did not know convictions, i.e. if we believe in accordance with the religion we what splits, heresy, etc. were. As we shall see, war is primarily belong to and what we believe in, since believers and atheists do connected to the belief in one God, since believing in one God not live their lives in the same way. However, the problem with excludes all others: it is intolerant, militant and easily flamma- introducing religious teaching actually implies some other conse- ble! It can only claim that its God is the truth and all others are quences, such as the conflict of dogmatic and critical opinion, merely illusions: the first announcement of trepidation in cul- between which a gap has been created. ture! Monotheistic faiths prefer to emphasize their advantages over their equality with others. Where there was more than one Our aim is to follow changes that happen to us actively and God, there were also many ways of thinking, belief and behavior: through research, discussion and publishing results to con- people could breathe more easily, just as they breathed more eas- tribute to establishing balance between the achievements of con- ily in a multiparty political system than under the reign of a sin- temporary science and social development with human needs for gle party. Where we find faith in several Gods, we cannot belief and a stable system of values. That is why many people encounter almightiness of one among them, since there is divi- before me thought that dialogue was the tool for tolerance. sion of work among them. Therefore, Greeks were aware that Every one of us has our own way and our own view of the many religions and different ways of their expression exist - that world we live in, and at the end of that, we believe, a lighthouse is why they always had dialogues with others. is waiting for us. It will light the way and show us the direction This is understandable, since they had holy books in which we should move, i.e. give us precise and clear coordinates. truth was written once and for all - that is why they were not dog- Og Mandini, in one of his many works, wrote: matic. They did not have prophets or saviors, so they were not “The older we get, the closer and more reasonable the obliged to follow them - that is why they were not fanatic. Their road which once seemed inaccessible and full of obstacles religion was created by poets, not by priests, which is why it becomes, and the curves which were once boundless, become enabled dialogue with different views of the world, which had clearer as we approach our end.“ favorable influence on the development of philosophical and sci- entific thought. Talking about dialogue, without warning that a Actually, dialogue is possible as the result of our differ- Christian God was having a conversation with his twelve disci- ences and ability for critical opinion, which is unique to only ples from the very beginning and with anyone whom he met on humans and which makes us equal in spite of all our differences. his way, covered with thorns, means not only to miss the essence The world learned about dialogue from the ancient Greeks of the Christian concept of love, faith and salvation, but also not and from the ancient Romans. Greeks did not only talk among to understand the basis of God’s relationship towards man and themselves, they had talks about their Gods as well: the God of man’s relationship towards their loved ones.

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Djuro [u{nji} wrote an excellent article talking about differ- Obstacles to complete tolerance of different religious com- ent kinds of dialogue between the members of different religious munities are numerous, but we should try to build bridges and communities. In that article he mentions four kinds of dialogues: get to know different religions and by learning to superstructure ourselves and our culture. Dialogue and tolerance are actually 1. dialogue between believers of the same confession the only true and right way to achieve peace and mutual respect 2. dialogue between believers of different Christian con- in this world, which has had enough of wars and which aspires fessions to global peace without violence, tears and wasted lives. 3. dialogue between believers of different religions (e.g. If the value of religion is not measured by its original or dialogue between Buddhists, Christian and Islamic internal meanings, the way they have been given in the revela- believers) tions, but rather according to derived or external goals, or in a way they suit the interests of individuals and groups, religion 4. dialogue between believers and non-believers (or the becomes betrayed. Nietzsche shouts out: ideology is a useful ones who are indecisive or indifferent to religion) way of wrong interpretation of religion! The one who hates in In this paper I will focus on the dialogue between believers the name of religion commits crime against religion. of different confessions, with the aim of presenting the main There is an old saying: “Stay away from the fight, you will topic of my paper in a better way. err much less.“ If ideologists of religious communities continue In the Koran, the Holy Book of Islamic religion, “taken to fight, then their fighting can end in a graveyard silence. down from Heaven with a celestial rope“, there is an inscription: And we are all mortal and we all have problems, religious, “I create you from one man and one woman and divide you political, economic, individual, etc, but who doesn’t? If you want into nations and tribes, so you would get to know each other.“ to see the ones who have no problems take a walk to the ceme- tery, for there lay the only people who have no problems any Each religion carries a message in itself and each in its own more, or who solved their problems either too early, or too late way gives explanations or revelation on the creation of the world. or on time. We are left to carry our own baggage and to respect Therefore, talking about which religion is the best is actually mutual differences, which we are actually proud of, with as few pointless, as if we asked which historical period was the best for conflicts as possible. humanity, since we become enlightened and experience wisdom out of each of them. Or, it would be the same as if we asked a The truth is that global history knows much more cases of solving religious problems with conflicts than with dialogue, but philosopher which philosopher is the most important for the is it impossible to open up a new chapter of history and start a development of philosophy. This question cannot be answered, new peaceful, no-conflict world order? since each of them introduced something new to it, something that would later help others to build their own theories criticiz- Actually, it isn’t. All we need is a nice word, for as someone ing the previous ones or elaborating them. If one religion calmly said: “Nice words never hurt anyone.“ And not just that. I will go as far as to say that it is essential to get to know and teach other tolerates the other it is actually a reflection of its strength and religions and their ways of life, to understand how these people size and the guarantee of its future. actually function and not to judge each action that is different “The man who respects only his own religion and from our views. “One cannot know oneself without others,“ underestimates the others, is like a man who respects his someone said once. If two ways of thinking, belief and action dif- own mother and despises everyone else’s“. fer so much that we cannot find a field of mutual understanding,

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then the result of dialogue between them cannot be neglected. do so, he must listen to different voices of time and different One religion must not be against the other: if they cannot do it ways of speech, since only in that way he has the ability to com- together, then at least they can go along and not against each pare, choose and create. That is why Johan Hoizinga was right other. Differences in religions are no longer the basis of intoler- to say: “We keep our windows open for every wind.“ ance and conflicts, but the cause for understanding and cooper- The learned theologian Hans King warns us that the rela- ation. Intolerance is incompatible with the original messages of tionship between different religions developed from ignorance world religions. Max Webber said that in the Hellenic world even through arrogance to tolerance! This can also be understood in nations who were at bitter odds revered the Gods of their oppo- this way: more one beside another and one against the other, nents and offered them sacrifices. In the modern world of plural- than one with another! There are a lot of common things, but istic beliefs tolerance becomes the measure of a religion’s values. there is no unity; no one is against, but everyone sticks to their Tolerance is a necessary prerequisite in the societies of religious, own; there are gatherings, but there is no action. We get closer to national and cultural diversity. W. James in the Diversity of each other, but there is no love. There are symbolic implications, Religious Experience noticed that: but no real attempts. There are alleviations of conflicts, but there “The house of our Father has many rooms, so everyone are no real attempts. There is forgiveness, but there is no forget- must discover for themselves the kind of religion and the vol- ting. These meetings are not the meetings of believers but only of ume of holiness which best agrees with what he finds to be his religious institutions and their representatives, so they resemble strength and feels as his true mission and vocation.“ acting rather than reality. If we compare the religions of the world we will establish that the attitudes of understanding, tolerance and love prevail in “I call upon the ink holder and pen and what is thereby their teaching. If this is so, and it is, where do then all the hatred, written to be my witnesses, conflicts and wars come from? Obviously these phenomena do I call upon the uncertain darkness of dusk and night not come from religion. Where then do they come from? They and everything it revives to be my witnesses, come from religious ideology (clericalism, nationalism, etc.) - I call upon the moon when it is full and dawn when it when faith is put in the service of limited interests. Therefore, the whitens to be my witnesses, holy words of the founders of world religions do not contain any- thing that would resemble intolerance, hatred and war. If war I call upon the judgment day and soul which repri- were to depend on religion, there would be no war, since reli- mands itself to be my witnesses, gions as a rule believe in peace. All world religions have adopted I call upon time, beginning and ending of all things to the golden rule “do no harm to others which you would not be my witnesses – which every man always loses!“ want others to do to you“. We are facing an important and difficult task: we must Taken from the Koran learn to practice dialogue and tolerance, since all our troubles come from the fact that we do not know how to have a tolerant conversation. Only with an upbringing consisting of dialogue and tolerance can we acquire consciousness that others are our com- plements, and not our hell. The one who is not tolerant cannot be human: he still has not grown to the human level! In order to

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“I believe in one God, Father, almighty, creator of Heaven and Earth and all things visible and invisible. And in Emilija D`aja one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, single born, born by Father before all ages. The light of lights, the God true, born, uncreated, the same with Father, through Inter-religious dialogue is a specific kind of discussion. The which everything was created...“ participants of the dialogue are the representatives of different Taken from the Bible religious communities discussing a certain religious topic, either directly or indirectly, in writing or verbally. For this kind of dia- logue to be possible at all, and if we want to achieve a positive and successful result, all its participants need to be aware first of all of their own culture, history and tradition. Each of these participants should have clear images about themselves, their own identities, to be self-critical, to be aware of their own and REFERENCE: other people’s religious freedoms and to make an effort to pro- Religion, Religious Teaching tect them as their own. It is impossible to create any kind of and Tolerance Collection of works inter-religious dialogue if we are unwilling to admit to ourselves Religious Dialogue and Tolerance Djuro [u{nji} that there is not one truth only, i.e. that what we believe in is not the only thing that is true and correct. Therefore, one must be Encyclopedia of Political Culture ready to view others as objectively as possible, to begin dialogue History of Philosophy Bo{ko Telebakovi} free of any prejudice and stereotypes. We must be ready to respect and appreciate differences. Politics Andrew Haywood The fact that we are different is what makes the dialogue Bible possible; if we were equal, there would be no need for us to meet, Koran there would be no “us“ and “them“. Our views of the world are simply different, but we need to start from the fact that we are all equal participants, at least in the dialogue, and that we cannot come forward in an authoritarian manner. We must not try to impose our own view of the world on others, we must not come out with the attitude that we are superior to others, we must not think about others as unsophisticated savages to whom we should instill faith and show the proper way to salvation. The best examples of bad communication can probably be found between the Islamic religion and civilization on one side and a western (multicultural) civilization on the other side on the territory of former Yugoslavia. Ever since the 7th century, the encounter with Islam in Europe actually meant one on the battle field. The idea of

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Muslims as uncivilized Barbarians originates from the times of So, we were no longer Yugoslavs, we no longer believed in the Crusades. Since the beginning of the 20th century, large brotherhood and unity, now we were Serbs, Bosnians and areas of the Islamic world were colonized by western countries. Croats, or Orthodox, Muslim and Catholic. We do not speak, nor Many Muslims experienced this as an attack on Islam, since have we ever spoken, the same language. Muslim citizens had an extremely limited influence on political But the revival of religion and religious consciousness did and economic life. The colonial forces advocated the break- not occur per se, what we were dealing with was politization and through of the western educational system, wherefrom western nationalization of religion. The thriving of nationalism was what ideals would further be spread over Islamic society. The chal- led to the revival of religiousness. lenge of secularization represented a great problem. That is to In unstable social conditions people tend to feel insecure say, most frequently there is no clear distinction between reli- and make easy targets for manipulation. People are constantly in gious community (ulema) and the state in Islam. The communi- search of an identity that will give them strong moral and emo- ty is always above the individual. tional support. Religious and national identities in that sense are In the non-Muslim world there is a prejudice that Muslims most vulnerable to attacks and denials and so they mobilize hatred and intolerance in the easiest and fastest way. are harsh and violent towards others. The stories of Muslim extremists and terrorists are launched through media as if all We cannot expect that time will take care of everything, that Muslims were the same and as if Islamic learning promoted vio- all the pain we inflicted upon each other will disappear one fine lence, especially after the attack on America. day after the eclipse of the Sun or the Moon, when our conscious- ness and our memory will be eclipsed as well, when we will for- In Eastern Europe, i.e. in the communist societies, religion get everything that was going on in the past. All parties must take and state were formally separate. The authorities, under the interest in the dialogue, show readiness for unbiased insight into influence of socialist ideology, made great efforts to suppress reli- the facts and events that preceded the conflict and kept it alive. gion and instill an atheistic culture instead. Still this process did We must show readiness to view and evaluate our own roles and not have the same characteristics in all socialist societies. We can responsibilities for the conflicts realistically, and not merely look talk about Albania, USSR, Bulgaria and Romania, where the for the guilty ones in others. state was extremely intolerant towards religion on one side, and If we want to realize peaceful cohabitation, we must over- about Yugoslavia, Poland or Czechoslovakia, on the other side. come the idea of discrimination and take care not to violate and The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was a multi- sacrifice our own as well as other people’s integrity at the same ethnic and multi-confessional society, but at the same time it was time. an extremely secular society, which still cherished the idea of brotherhood and unity. The policy of Yugoslav spirit resulted in the failure to notice crucial national differences, since there were no explicit exhibitions of different religious orientations, and reli- gious differences were never noticed. The return of Yugoslav nations to their religions took place under the conditions of long- lasting economic, social and political crisis. When in the late 80s and early 90s religion was undergoing a sudden revival, people began to notice and exhibit differences, but also show great intol- erance and exclusivity across all levels.

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Israel – as well as the conflicts of nations with cognate cultures, but opposing confessions – in Northern Ireland and in the former Yugoslavia, certainly closest to us – evidently abused religion and Sr|an Atanasovski stirred up hatred. Nevertheless, the twentieth century knew how to recognize religion as the field of human activity which could be a peace fac- For a historian, the thesis that religion is one of the most tor. The change of policy of the Nobel Committee in this direction significant generators of conflicts and divisions among people is makes a clear statement thereof. The evaluation of this commit- too easy to defend. It would suffice to consider the social role and tee that religion is becoming a significant factor when it comes to position of the Christian church (or churches) – the institution global peace became clear in the late 70s when in 1979 Mother that aspires to the position of the Earth’s representative of one of Theresa received the Nobel Prize for peace. The Nobel Prize for the most humane Gods man has ever created. As if the priests, peace was again awarded for religion three more times: in 1984 hiding behind their robes, have forgotten what Christ was when Bishop Desmond received it during the time of apartheid preaching, teaching them to love their enemy and to turn the in South Africa, which was an ideal example of the politization of other cheek when they get hit – they forgot this when they sent religion, or “religization“ of politics as compatible processes in their knights on the Holy Crusades, when they stirred up reli- the areas of crisis; in 1989 the Nobel Prize winner was the Dalai gious conflicts at the age of counter-reformation, when they per- Lama; while in 2004 one of the nominees was Pope John Paul II. secuted the Moors and Jews in Catholic Spain, and finally, when The missionary travels of John Pope II were, by the way, of great they gave their blessings to soldiers in the bloody-minded war in importance for inter-religious dialogue – visits to Moscow, Kiev, Bosnia and Croatia, and came forward in public with guns instead of crosses. official visits to a synagogue and mosque (which had never been done by any Pope until then). There is not a single religion in the world that in its books fails to write the messages of love, and yet there is no religion in In the past twenty years in the areas surrounding us, reli- the world that at a certain point failed to become an ideological gion has fundamentally changed its role and position in society mainstay in a bloody conflict. I suppose that the people who at least once. With the breakdown of the so-called socialist looked at the hand of the clock that marked the beginning of the organization, atheism fell from the pedestal of “state orientation“ new century a hundred and six years ago expected all but a new and the prerequisite that every individual is politically active. and never stronger confirmation of this thesis. The 20th century The fact that atheism, if not religious declarations, then at least was supposed to be a century in which knowledge – progress in a declaration on religion, was one of the cornerstones of the ide- science – would rule over human misjudgments and open up the ology of social organization now a part of history, significantly door to free progress. Instead, the knowledge of the 20th centu- conditioned the role of religion in the post-socialist – transition- ry proved to be a murderous weapon of the bloody-minded ide- al – society. With a return to religion, the individual now becomes ologies in open conflicts, raising even doubt in the sense and politically active, and religion becomes one of the most important existence of humanity itself. The wars of the past century took far items in the political program and the instrument for achieving more victims than the bloodiest conflicts the world has ever certain goals, sometimes on the level of daily intrigues. experienced so far. Religion played the role of ideological back- The impulse for creating national states had a much more ground in the most ruthless of these wars once again. The disastrous influence on the role of religion. While the process of process of desecularization largely marked the second half of the creating national states in Europe was ended by the Treaty of century; the conflicts which represented a political awakening of Versaille, on the territory of the former Socialist Federal Republic Islam – in Chechnya, Pakistan, Nigeria, Cyprus, East Timor and of Yugoslavia, or what had been known as the Kingdom of Serbs,

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Croats and Slovenes, it started to take effect only in the last us carry inside of them, without calling upon the spirits of hatred decade of the 20th century. The information is a paradox if we – since these spirits have just been buried. Another question, not bear in mind that at that moment the concept of limited sover- frequently posed, should be raised – how to accept religion as a eignty clearly prevailed in global history. However, this role was part of our society (once again) without the bitter taste of blood. far from unknown to religion itself; it has always been a natural The messages of love are the messages that can overcome all dif- ally of romantically colored movements, which in their manifests ferences, in terms of religion, nation and language. All we need stated the creation of an independent national state as their to do, however hard it might be today, is to say this to them sin- objective, referring to the heroic past of their nations. cerely, in our own language, in our mosques, or in our churches. Still, there are no examples in European history to which This is the basis for a discussion based on mutual understand- we can compare the fundamental role religion played in this ing and respect. The fact that they are contained in religion process in our areas. Confession has played a key role in the makes this kind of dialogue not only more attainable, but far division of nations in these areas since ancient times. The affili- more probable as well. ation to different confessions represents the most obvious differ- From the view point of pragmatism, the question if this ence between the nations sharing the Serbo-Croatian (or world (or, if we limit the subject of discussion, our immediate Croatian-Serbian) formation of language. The language itself is surroundings) would be more peaceful or militant with or with- relatively homogenous if compared to other South Slavic nations out religion, makes no sense. Religion is a part of our cultural and its variants do not reflect well their national affiliations. surroundings. The question we must rightfully ask is how to Tradition and customs also intertwined: all republics of the direct its force towards building peace. With the aim of answer- SFRY were multiethnic (SFRY had around 20 ethnic groups), ing this truly socially useful question, considering the ambivalent and the culture that developed from the foundation of the role of religion in the history of human conflicts, provides pre- Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was gradually becoming cious knowledge. My wish is that it be used in the most humane aligned. Due to the dissatisfaction with the identity of the (- most Christian – most Islamic - ) way. Yugoslav spirit, religion became the pivot of the search for national identity. However, in cooperation with its newly created political engagement, it easily became the ideological bearer of bloody conflicts directed towards the creation of national states. Has anyone made a distinction between the sound of the church bells and the sound of machine guns? Once involved in the war, reli- gion could not step away from it. In crisis situations, such as war, members of society became increasingly religious. The fact that it was especially prominent on the borders between confessions, which were defending the creation of national identities, is not surprising. The valleys of the rivers Drina, Neretva and Una in the 90s turned into mass graves – graves not merely of human lives, but also graves of human messages that religions preserved as dead letters preaching books. Today when the conflict has ended, one question is raised - how to resurrect the messages of love the religions surrounding

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is raised - the problem of their readiness to be the bearers of rec- onciliation. Are religious communities ready for dialogue, even if it carries inside the silent confession that there is not only one Milijana Trifkovi} truth - their truth? Up to a certain point it would be a paradox to expect that any religious community would depart from its pretensions to Humans have an innate wish for permanent existence; exclusive truth. Such a compromise is necessary for them human nature finds it strange and crushing to resign with the though, for as with the opposite case, they would lose their jus- transience, with the fact that we disappear forever after our bod- tification. Religious communities would have to accept a certain ies die and that there is no “second chance“ for our mortal souls. paradox, deny their learning, the status of an absolute in The power of religion is based on the human fear of tran- exchange for another step towards tolerance, towards reconcili- sience, on the human need for lasting. Creating an illusion on ation. That wilful defeat for religions is imperative, a concession human indestructibility in time, religions have made themselves for further existence. If religions continue to be the forces of sep- indestructible; they persisted even when the empires under aration, there is always a danger that man, in his distance, will whose auspices they were created disappeared. The magical consider their dark sides and not see the words of consolation attraction of the consolation made them influential creators of and love, but the theories void of social justification, theories history, awesome or ghostly depending on their choice of aims. whose most obvious consequences are conflicts. Religious com- Looking back at the role religions and religious communi- munities must understand that their learning, interpreted as it ties have had throughout history, the issue of their influence is has been so far, will not be able to last any longer, only owing to raised today. Do religions have power and readiness to change the uncertain consolation and deceptive sense they offer. Without human reality? Can inter-religious dialogue lead to solving the a constructive role in the “earthly“ social processes, in the conflicts not solvable with other methods? absence of rational and ethical justification, the power of reli- gious communities will start to crush down and disappear. Only We must not fool ourselves - religion is neither the cause by choosing peace as its aim can religion justify its existence. The nor can it be the solution of all contradictions of the modern messages of peace already exist in the root of religion - we only world. However, at the same, we must never lose from our sights need to look back at them. The essence and the contents of reli- the power of religion, and with it the power of consolation. We gious learning does not exclude each other, so compromise will must ask ourselves how many nations there are close in lan- not mark their end. One nation’s God will not disappear if we guage, history and civilizations, with religion as the only factor accept the possibility that other nations give other names to separating them. supreme values, which are, basically, the same for all. We need If we cannot dispute the significance of religious communi- to give advantage to the attributes given to the supreme being, ties in the past, why should we deny any possibility of their influ- and not only its name; to understand that there are certain uni- ence on the change of social consciousness and reconciliation of versal ideas in the basis of each religion, common for all of mutually conflicted groups? Faith has given courage to people so humanity. That simple contemplative process is sufficient many times when they went to wars. Why can’t it be the motiva- enough to erase all borders and gaps religions have created tor of different social processes? Knowing the power of religion among nations and to return to pacifism as the basis of each reli- and power of human need for it, we should not dismiss the pos- gion, at least in their beginning. In spite of different forms and sibility arrogantly. But even if we accept the possibility of influ- interpretations taking turns throughout their existence, all reli- ence of religious communities on today’s conflicts, another issue gions are interwoven with extremely humanistic oriented ideas

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and principles, which are totally opposite to the ones of extrem- Night and extermination of the Cathars. Experience has shown ist and imperialistic movements. The return to these original us that faith is the power which should only be directed in a religious principles is absolutely necessary, since all conflicts, in desired direction. Religions can continue to deepen the already spite of their seeming multitude of causes and results actually existing differences, or, at least when it comes to some conflicts, have only one true motivator and winner – the ideology of hatred. come closer to reconciliation than we would ever be able to with Religions have too often served this kind of ideology. Religion some other tools. For where the influence of reason, law, consid- throughout most periods of history has been marked by repres- eration, philosophy, and politics ends, is where the influence of sion, persecution for thinking differently, and most of all, divid- religion on human consciousness is the greatest. In human exis- ing people into “brothers“ and “others“. Such order of things tence, belief gives the sense that cannot be provided by reason, today is unacceptable and religious communities are starting to and that is why man can never so unconditionally be devoted to realize that. Undoubtedly, in spite of all false beliefs, there have reason as to religious rapture. When all causes of reason become been some truly positive pursuits within religions, but only in the unconceivable, belief can still influence human consciousness last decades are those starting to be neglected. Finally the reli- and guide human actions. Reason is sometimes unable to give gious communities are aware of their own power and responsi- people anything but a scary truth. On the other hand there are bility. They are finally starting to see the necessity of compromise no concessions to which man is ready in exchange for the prom- and concessions. Their condemnation of conflicts is getting ise offered to him by religion. Until we realize that and take harsher and the significance of that condemnation surpasses the advantage of that realization, conflict will be an important part of strength of any political instrument by far. Undoubtedly, religious our reality. Only inter-religious dialogue can build a sense of communities have used the power of that condemnation not as unity among people, make peace their need, the aim they are close enough as they should have, they still have not accepted aspiring to, and not the state of unity imposed by force. It is their responsibility entirely. We are starting to discern their impossible to explain to people what they should feel – the feel- readiness for discussion and that is where we should see the way ing should be created and that is where reason has no power. to overcome many conflicts. To deny such possibility would be to Certain conflicts can be overcome only through dialogue between accept the fact that antagonism and hatred are primordial, inde- religious communities, when two religions meet. Such kind of act structible human characteristics and that there really are con- appears not only as the need of the contemporary world, but of flicts which, having been created once, are left out of human religions themselves. It is the only possible redemption of their reach. Such pessimism and indifference are inadmissible. The past and the only justification for their existence in the future. instruments to overcome conflicts so far have been wrong, but it does not mean that reconciliation is impossible, only that we need to change the way. Where reasonable explanations have been defeated, we should offer the possibility for the effect of “surreasonable“ - give opportunity to religious communities to take over the role of reconciliation and try to erase with words the differences that have been created with words. The process is slow and, apparently, doomed to fail, especially bearing in mind the strength of hatred in the background of some conflicts. But, observed through the history of religions, can we deny any significance they might have today? They have left the most humane testimonies, spreading ideas of love and equality before God, but also the examples of genocide such as Bartholomew’s

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circumstances in Serbia since the end of the Second World War, who would give the opportunity to everyone to make a statement and motivate each student, not only to say what they think, but Sanja Kanazir also to hear the other side out. I think it would be useful if the Government of the Republic of Serbia and the Ministry of Education initiated the process of dialogue and listening to peo- There are many national minorities of different religious ple. This, of course, is not easy, especially since parents convince affiliations. Unfortunately, we are frequently told that Serbia is children that they are the only ones who are right. Young people the country of Serbian Orthodox people only, and all other reli- should be taught to think with their own heads based on what gions are considered to be hostile and unwelcome. Such opin- they see and hear themselves. That is why guest lecturers, peo- ions have led to open religious conflicts, not only within Serbia, ple young and old, who belong to different religions and who but in the relationship between Serbia and other countries. The have different life attitudes and are willing to share their atti- war is over and it was such that everyone suffered. However, tudes with others, should be invited to these classes. Special after the war ended, after great losses and much suffering, the attention should be paid to the period of the nineties of the last issues of guilt, justice and cohabitation of individuals with dif- century and everything that has happened. Also, we should learn ferent affiliations in Serbia was raised. One part of society has what led to the great gap and apparently unbridgeable differ- an extremely negative attitude towards differences and insists ences among people who used to live in the same state. I say aggressively on creating Serbian nationalism as the only way of apparently, because everything can be solved if there is a will for survival. However, this is not the only possibility. Not everyone team work. The will must exist since it is the aim of democratic thinks so. Therefore we should help the ones who think differ- ently, the young people who will lead the country into the future. Serbia and its society to overcome differences and create new They are the ones who will take the greatest responsibility for ground for building peaceful relations. I cannot claim that in the the mistakes they did not make themselves. For this to be as past people thought differently, but they were compelled to painless as possible, we should help them, so that Serbia does accept their differences, without understanding their essence. not become the state of Serbian people, but the one of the Today this should change. By introducing Civil Education into Serbian nation, so that it does not become a state that rejects the curriculum students should be taught something. They must other religious communities, but accepts them as a part of their be acquainted with the history of development of customs and personal cultural path. culture of Orthodox, Catholic, Muslim and Jewish people, and all others who live in our immediate surroundings. This society What I see as a part of a potential solution can be found in has not been taught tolerance, and tolerance is the essence. education. My proposal is to introduce the subject Civil Education in elementary and secondary schools. This subject A part of the plan for introducing civil education would also already exists, but we should introduce it in such a way so that be related to organizing roundtables and excursions. It is essen- it is regarded as a serious subject. It should not be, as is now the tial to try to make religious topics closer to as many people as case, a subject taught as the last, seventh class on Tuesdays, possible and perhaps to impose onto them certain attitudes in attended by no one and which is taught by incompetent people terms of their frequency in public. It is more than obvious that who are also not convinced in the importance of the task given to people in Serbia see and do everything through politics, and them. I believe it must be a mandatory subject, in the form of politicians do little to make religious hatred stop. They abuse workshops and discussions held among young people. My rec- people’s powerlessness and ignorance and justify events and ommendation is that experts, psychologists and sociologists people who are not worthy of that. Many people will say that teach this subject, the ones who wish to explain socio-political Serbs defended themselves in Bosnia, that Croats are Nazi

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killers and that “all Kosovo Albanians should be killed.“ This sounds really bad, and we should make these kinds of opinions become our past. Evidently there is a way to reach not the truth, but consciousness about it. We cannot make differences based Nevena Gojkovi} on a population group, based on someone’s name or baptism. The essence is in the individual, in what one person as such can say, think or do. That is why Civil Education is a civil duty, and Religion is a constituent factor in the history of humanity. we must really start working on creating citizens and people who In spite of predictions of many eminent scientists, such as are willing to compromise. Sigmund Freud, Karl Marx and Emil Dirkem, on the loss of sig- In certain issues progress is visible. Namely, the research nificance, even disappearance of the opium for people and col- of the Center for Empirical Research from Novi Sad shows that lective neurosis of humanity, as well as the secularization 60.8 percent of respondents in Vojvodina are religious. One third process which has lasted undoubtedly, with its ups and downs, of them are not religious, but claim to be tolerant towards the since the age of Enlightenment, in the past two decades the ones who are believers, whereas only 1 percent of respondents process has reversed. are opposed to any religion. This speaks clearly about the possi- The end of the century brought several significant turns of bility of reshaping the social structure in all of Serbia, not only events. After the Iranian revolution in 1979, political Islam has in Vojvodina, in which the greatest number of people of different awoken in areas of the Arab world. At the same time, ecumeni- religious affiliations live. Obviously there are people who think in cal processes, which began with the Second Vatican Council a pragmatic way and who try not to see problems where they (1962-1965), were also gaining power. Finally, with the fall of actually exist. But every day we also meet the ones who refuse to communism the people of Central and Eastern Europe restruc- accept the fact that they do not know enough about the things tured their identity, largely with a return to faith and Church. and people they judge. Therefore we should insist on changes in the educational system that will lead to young people growing up Although in the 20th century an opinion prevailed that the understanding that, no matter what, all people deserve to live in pre-modern period, in which religion explained and structured any state they wish, since everyone suffers and experiences the the world, had ended, these last decades have clearly shown that world in the same way. religious communities still play an important role. Civil education carries the possibilities of simulating situa- In this paper, I will be dealing with the area of former tions as well as finding solutions. It is important to get to know Yugoslavia, in which a religious revival took place in the everything that is happening and what we are not aware of moments of deep political, economic, social and moral crises. through discussion, so we do not make the same mistakes that Since the Balkan peninsula, especially Bosnia and Herzegovina, the previous generations made as the result of their ignorance. is a place where three great world religions meet, and where nations are determined along confessional lines, with the disin- tegration of Yugoslavia, political and forced religiousness returned. Religious communities did little to alleviate the crisis, and during the war they did not insist enough on the termination of animosities. Politicians were manipulated with religion, while at the same time spiritual people aspired to deal with politics. However, religious communities today can make an important contribution to the process of reconciliation. My primary thesis

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is that the tool for reconciliation must start with each party fac- Religious communities are ethnic communities at the same ing its own responsibility for the conflict and its own crimes. time. Since written sources, both Muslim and Christian speak of non-violence, and since Muslims respect the Bible apart from the Religious communities and their activities Koran, I believe there should be no obstacles with regard to har- on the territory of former yugoslavia monizing common universal ethical principles. Believers should be taught a culture of non-violence and solidarity within their The war on the territory of former Yugoslavia was not own community. waged because of religious issues, but religion was certainly involved in the conflict as a result of national identities being Also, organizing frequent meetings at the local and region- made equal to religious identities. The identity was redefined al level can be significant. That way the members of one reli- through differences with respect to other persons, denial of each gious community would gain the experience of the others, i.e. individual by their immediate neighbors by denying their com- they would gain direct insight into another religion. I feel that mon culture, tradition, origin, even language, while at the same contacts and meeting members of different religious and nation- time placing them on the pedestal of their community. However, al communities, which would neither deny nor make mutual dif- it is necessary to separate pseudo-patriotism and pseudo-reli- ferences absolute, but rather make an effort to overcome them, giousness from any true love for the homeland or authentic piety. would significantly contribute to building trust, diminishing Before dialogue can start, each religious community would have prejudice and creating a favorable climate for peaceful and qual- to clear the fundamentalism within itself. We need to be self-crit- ity coexistence. If individuals and communities are open to ical and as much as possible study the events which led to the learning about each other, they are willing to tolerate differences present state of things, as well as accept our own guilt, in the and protect other people’s human rights and freedoms, and lit- degree in which it exists. Therefore, one must start from oneself, tle space is left for conflict. relativizing and criticizing one’s own perspective. I doubt the suc- It is important to emphasize that religion must not be cess of dialogue, unless it is one initiated by the Serbian abused for political purposes. Since the Balkan states aspire to Orthodox Church, Roman Catholic Church and Islamic build civil societies in which pluralism in every sense would be Community each reexamining their own responsibilities. respected, religious communities need to understand their roles Besides, I feel that the basis of dialogue is the knowledge of in such societies and to have a final separation from the state, one’s own and other people’s religious tradition. During commu- not just a formal one. nist Yugoslavia, few people knew anything about religious stud- In the end, I would like to conclude that the necessary pre- ies, a majority declared themselves to be atheists. With the dis- requisite for reconciliation is that religious communities begin integration of the state, suddenly a huge number of believers the dialogue with sincerity and good will for forgiveness and appeared, unfortunately without any religious education whatso- learning from the mistakes of the past. In my opinion, the most ever. For any dialogue to be possible, believers first must be important thing is to raise future generations in the spirit of tol- taught about their religious tradition within their own communi- erance and understanding, since only then can reconciliation can ty, teaching them to respect and tolerate the members of other be completed. Establishing connections must not be only with communities. Learning about the principles on which other peo- words or a mere façade. We can truly solve the Balkan situation ple’s religions, traditions and customs are based would eliminate only if we consider all factors that led to the conflict. We must not many prejudice and stereotypes, tendencies to generalize and the forget the mistake we made after the Second World War when division of people into us and them. My opinion is that the duty crimes were not discussed in public and criminals were never of religious communities is to develop respect and sensitivity of brought to justice. All problems not solved now will later appear their believers for what is different. in a more acute form. The gap created between our nations is too

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deep to be overcome within one generation. The process of rec- onciliation must be understood to be long-term and be worked on patiently for years. I hope that in the process of European integrations, with help from a united Europe and the rules it Nikola Baki} brings, we will finally be able to cut the Gordian knot of ever repeating conflicts in the Balkans.

“Inter-religious relations were the elementary school of Christianity. International relations should become the Christian university“1 “...Atheism is humanism“2

We live in the time of a consumer civilization and overall globalization, at the time of the internet, in the atomic-technolog- ical age, and apparently, the age of the apocalypse, the age when the average human, “nominal believer“, is so busy creating his own happiness that he has no time for God or for loved ones, and when the words such as ecstatic and kenotic love, present- ed best as exemplified by the story of the Good Samaritan, are no longer marginalized, but represent pure archaisms. Still, the age of globalization sets different criteria. If, as illustrated best by the quotation above, inter-human relations were elementary, basic ones, then international relations are what are probably yet to come. In that sense, dialogue can be viewed as a secondary school and entrance examination for the Christian university, if not something more in that educational curriculum. I think that it is of crucial significance to define the word dialogue. Dialogue could be defined as an open discussion between two parties, discussion “tête á tête“, face to face, taken with the aim of solving certain problems. Defined in this way, we could say that dialogue aims at some kind of compromise; how- ever, it means the acceptance of compromise based on coopera-

1) Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovi}, the Agony of Church, see: On Europe, the Church Gazette, Valjevo 2003, page 129 2) Pavle Evdokimov, Crazy Love of God, Monastery Hilandar 1993, page 11

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tion and improvement of relations, but not when it comes to Dialogue in that sense requires love, love in the widest pos- learning. In general, its aim is ethical and not dogmatic. sible sense of the word, for it is often with the absence of that Confused by frequent failures of various talks we often love that some offer up only surrogates of equality and human- raise the paradox of the French saying that the more humanity ism. However, we should point out that this is not just a sort of changes, the more it stays the same, to see if it is more topical in abstract love for humanity, since this kind of love is vain self- our times than ever before. On the other hand, are our present love. Rather it is a specific kind of love for man, man as a per- theological thoughts, so to say “petrified“ or is it only that we are son. However rough it may seem, the entire range of concepts not able to respond to the challenges of present times? We often such as humanism, philanthropy, altruism and democracy - are remain silent to these and similar questions, as well as that of only a set of synonyms devoid of meaning and significance with- the existing problem of the Balkans, the Cain syndrome and out a love for God. Therefore: “atheism is humanism“. grievous events from the end of the last century we all witnessed. Peace, one of the words most frequently used in the Holy The past wars, in the opinion of Dimitrije Kalezi}3, were neither Scriptures and Liturgy, does not tolerate any kind of inappropri- confessional nor religious, but anti-confessional and anti-reli- ateness and hypocrisy. Still, our era is filled with all kinds of gious, and like a volcano what surfaced had been suppressed “peacemakers“. This paradoxical fact simply defeats us with its years ago. Confessional and religious difference served, to put it truthfulness. However, the key to solving this problem is not hid- this way, only as something to which all kinds of ideas and goals den in big political moves of the present. “Apophatic theology and could easily be added. In that context we can talk about identify- the concept of symbols represent golden keys for each dialogue ing faith and nation in favor of the latter. The epilogue of the story and the way to avoid the break between the heavenly vertical and is well known to all of us. earthly horizontal“4, a way in which to realize a dialogue without From the Orthodox point of view, the horizontal relation- losers. ship we have towards other people and the vertical relationship One of the most frequent complaints and obstacles to such we have towards God must be connected. Hence the attitude of dialogue is the claim that with dialogue man steps further away the Orthodox Church towards dialogue with the aim of reconcil- from his faith, which is only one in a long line of utopias of our iation is always positive and open because the tolerance times – a kind of Santa Claus for adults. Such a view is wrong in imposed by dialogue represents the Gospel minimum, the its roots; on the contrary, with dialogue man is confirming his bridge and the rainbow, the path towards the Gospel maxi- personal religious belief, while also becoming more open for rela- mum, towards a Man-God. It seems this can be illustrated best tionships with others. This is especially important because, as by the polijelej in the Ru`ica Church in Kalemegdan, made of the professor Vladeta Jeroti} excellently put it, “fear is deeply con- remnants of ammunition and swords found in these areas, ded- nected to our fanaticism and intolerance“5, and indirectly with icated to all soldiers killed in the First World War. the aggressiveness that follows. Dialogue is not just some mod- Moving persistently along that narrow path, coordinating in ernized building of the tower of Babylon and it has no such pre- a different gravity, coming towards the Sun of Transformation, is tensions to be such. We would be more accurate to say that it is one more modern form of cooperation, and yet it does not rep- that minimum, since it is indeed a small step for man, but a large step for humanity. 4) Pavle Evdokimov, aforementioned work, page 21 5) About this issue, see especially similar articles: “Spirituality and tolerance“ and “On 3) Dimitrije Kalezi}, Religious and Civil Wars, see: COLLECTION of the Kru{evac phylo- religious fundamentalism today“; Vladeta Jeroti}, Faith and nation, Ars Libri, sophical-literary school, Bagdala, Kru{evac 1999, page 110 Belgrade 1999, page 152

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resent any kind of novelty, since there have been many such attempts and meetings throughout history. Between utopia and chaos, the ideal and the real, the issue of realizing dialogue readily awaits our reply. The issue is raised Slobodan Vasi} on just how ready we are for it and how ready we are to give up monologue and polemics, as well as extremes and obstacles to Dialogue as a form of meeting and presenting different con- each sound dialogue. An everlasting message sent to all people ceptual orientations and views of the world in the history of devel- some 2000 years ago still remains until its final solution: opment of human society has a civilized purpose, since it has “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be called the been the way of harmonizing different, frequently opposite opin- sons of God“ (Mt. 5, 9). ions. Continuing to develop is a main characteristic of human society in its transformation of society and social consciousness, first from indeterminism to the state of determinism. By way of * similitude, dialogue as a civilized achievement transgresses its The main goal of this paper is not to convince or delve into, original forms embodied in the spontaneity into its modern insti- and even less to systematically and thoroughly cover the topic of tutional form, thus becoming one of the main prerequisites of dialogue, since such an enterprise would require several years of democratic societies, since democracy in its essence lies on har- work by a group of authors. I should rather say that the main monizing differences and pluralism of political interest. task is more modest. I am trying to try to present and explain the When we talk about dialogue, we inevitably enter a discus- main turning points of modern dialogue observing them through sion about identity, since it includes at least two sides reflecting the prism of the Christian (read: Orthodox) view of the world. two attitudes, and accordingly, two identities. What is the prevail- How successful the author has been is left up to the reader to ing nature of identity in these areas? It is characterized by the decide. Still the emphasis, as Metropolitan Jovan Zizijulas once prevailing awareness of differences, where the I has been united put it in a similar way, is placed not on proposing a ready made into homogenous We, and We and They find their relationship in solution, but merely on certain contemplations. a rigid existential form, testifying that the identity, according to its characteristics is fragmented above all. The issue is not that We do not recognize that the Other one does not exist, but that it does not accept to comprehend it as a possibility, that it does not recognize the legitimacy of its existence. So, We remains (or becomes) trapped inside itself. Its dialogue is called monologue. We have witnessed this form of social consciousness observing the participants of historical (political) events with regard to the disintegration of the SFRY and its disastrous consequences. Now we can say that that time is (just) behind us, that we see its con- sequences in our everyday private lives, and that the conscious- ness, at least colloquially, is in the process of transition. This means that we are in the middle of the phase called the crisis of identity. In the middle of a crisis without the dimension of value, it signifies neither the end nor disaster, but rather the period which begins when one model of interpretation of the world is

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exhausted, and where a new one has not been created. Only the religious groups). These are actually not their essential charac- outcome of such a process can be characterized in terms of teristics, thus a tangle of disbeliefs is created and results in an value, as either positive or negative. The positive outcome of the unfinished job of facing facts. No one gives us the right to think crisis of the search for identity means the achievement of higher that everyone must treat the issues of religion, politics, morality quality. And that is what we are hopefully aspiring to. or everyday life in the same way. We must avoid any situation that In the words of Max Webber, the sphere of culture is a bat- would put us in the position of the absolute and supreme God tlefield of constant struggle between different affiliations with arbitrator and form our attitudes and affiliations based on only regard to values, i.e. there is no irreconcilable struggle between one correct ethical request. That is why raising the level of con- different most extreme possible points of view towards life and sciousness on the importance of dialogue is a prerequisite of tol- that we must choose between them. It is a conflict between erance in the fields of religion and culture. Gods. If this is so, what is the role of dialogue in the social (cul- A society that respects differences between individuals and tural) life? It cannot be absolutely reconcilable, but it can influ- social groups is an open, pluralistic society. It is open because it ence bringing these most extreme possible points of view of life is ready for new meetings and events, it does not avoid risks and closer together and understanding them. But let us go back for dangers - on the contrary, it faces them. Building such societal a moment to the war events in order to “get the grip“ of the logic dialogue between religious communities themselves is absolute- of social relations. In war, which is characterized by the absence ly necessary, but also between religious communities and the of safety, organization and by a state of chaos, the individual is state, bearing in mind the significance of religion in the creation trying to find refuge from the constant sense of fear and coming of culture. In that sense religion cannot be used from the posi- out of the state of confusion of one’s own identity. In such cir- tion of higher authority and talk to others calling upon the cumstances the greatest degree of identification is found in importance of tradition in its internal structures. It must cherish those group identities in which the individual is most deeply the dialogue of culture, and its augmented participation in polit- rooted. These are primarily closely interrelated ethnic and reli- ical discourse. It is then necessary for religion to present its gious identities. In that way I becomes We again, this time points of view on arranging and building a modern and demo- homogenously, since identity is established based on a small cratic society. At the same time we need inter-religious dialogue number of characteristics and features of the individuals who on the common elements and differences with regard to certain make it. If we turn back to bringing the most extreme possible churches and religious communities towards the state and soci- points of view closer together, we can say that inter-religious dia- ety, as well as discussion on a common system of values, i.e. logue helps us, believing in one’s own convictions, to start tak- European system of values as the key integration factor. Here we ing seriously other people’s convictions. These may be totally have in mind the prospects, but also the role of churches and opposite from ours, and to understand them by empathizing religious communities as institutions that support the processes with the situation of others. And vice versa, if we permit absol- of integration and reconciliation. However, we must not forget the utization of a certain sur-individual (political) entity over indi- fact that atheists have their own attitudes that could be relevant viduals who are also believers, a dangerous maneuvering space from a religious point of view (whether God exists at all, what is can be created, with which instrumentalization of religiously the role of death in life), so their answers to these questions are indoctrinated people is conducted. no less significant than religious learning is for a believer and In the root of non-acceptance and disrespect of the Others represent an important link in the process of social dialogue. there is often some prejudice contributing to certain characteris- The prerequisite of each dialogue should be true tolerance, tics calling up a sense of fear, disdain or repulsion towards indi- as well as building cultural and religious pluralism. This means viduals and entire social groups (members of other nations or that “faith must not be rigid, but firm. Rigid faith makes man

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fanatic, firm faith makes him tolerant. He who does not stand same way. At the end of that path we shake hands, although it firmly in faith grabs rigid dogmas with both hands; and vice seemed impossible in the beginning, which makes Us people. versa, he who stands firmly in faith has hands free to give them In that way political consciousness will be raised to a high- to those with whom he stands in existential communication“ er level where mutual understanding takes an important place in (Victor Frankl). Likewise, religions which tend to cover the the hierarchy of the system of values (whether individuals or wholeness of human living are tolerant to different principles of social groups), and inter-religious dialogue becomes one of the belief since they do not understand that there is only one, unam- main prerequisites for reconciliation. biguous path of salvation, i.e. “I do not prevent you from living as My name is Slobodan Vasi} (1981). In November last year you wish“ (Djuro [u{nji}). I graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy of Novi Sad, Sociology The tsunami tragedy, which has contributed to establish- Department with GPA 9.08. ing an open and positive dialogue between the Indonesian Since my graduation paper entitled Youth Subcultures and Muslims and members of other faiths, proves that common dif- Leisure Time of Young People was of a theoretical-empirical ficulties in life do not always have to be an indicator for intoler- character, which requested certain time necessary to process ance and conflict. In Meulaboh, the town that sustained the and interpret empirical data collected at the summer music fes- hardest damage in the tsunami, in the beginning a Muslim tival EXIT (the empirical part of the paper is entitled Study of movement opposed the assistance from non-Muslims, but the the audience of the summer music festival EXIT), as well as people rebelled so that help could be accepted from everyone. their placing in the theoretical frame of the entire work, the grad- This leads us to a conclusion that dialogue between religious uation paper was defended some ten days after the end of the communities must not be left in the category of unrealized competition term for the enrolment in the postgraduate studies. request for a political project, nor can it keep its elitist under- As the result of a series of “incorrect procedures“ I did not man- tone in which only the supreme church elders and representa- age to get enrolled in the first study year of postgraduate studies, tives of political elite take part; its purpose is to motivate the although I would have been the first on the list and my studies processes of reconciliation, cooperation, mutual respect and would be financed from the budget. This means that currently I appreciation of citizens of all social strata. In the end, the issue do not belong to the category of students (postgraduate stu- is raised on how to find an adequate mechanism by means of dents). Of course, I will continue my education in September or which the consciousness on the significance of dialogue between October this year. religious communities could be raised. Society at this moment I give this explanation because the front page of my essay is in a state of political apathy. The attitude derived from that does not contain the study year. contributes to a social ambience that changes slowly, if not at all, while citizens feel powerless because they are without I hope my position will be equal with the positions of other instruments of social power. The initial step is to take a positive participants of the competition because of the aforementioned life attitude, proactive towards everyday life problems and circumstances. responsibility for one’s own actions. Surely, little would be changed if these life attitudes remained in the domain of priva- cy and personal interests. But only when self-conscience is raised to a higher level, when our personal actions are governed by ethics of responsibility can we come to respect the Others. Just as We must make an effort to go a certain way in order to understand the life situation and ourselves, They must go the

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need to change the consciousness of people. Like most things in life, people like to waste time, money ... even words. We tend to take words, but also give them easily. In that whirlpool of words, Mirjana Bo{kovi} we often encounter the words of insult as the signs of disrespect, bad upbringing, political and other circumstances. We must be aware that what we say has its own weight and carries a certain God, Allah, Buddha ... different words for the same con- responsibility along with it. Words can do a lot of injustice, just cept and meaning. We are born with the right to be different, and as they can do good. That is why they are a key in the solution to still we deny this right to each other. We deny human life in its essence, we tread on dignity and allow the human ties that bind the problems created from increasing alienation between us to break. What is it that makes men hate each other and lies humans. In civilized society, we aim to become more, problems inside humans as a sleeping volcano erupting in a moment? are solved in a unique and simple civilized manner, namely dia- What are the factors that decide when the volcano will wake up logue. This is the first and most important step, because with again? The problem of today’s society is that there is no mutual honest people, acts accompany words. Reestablishing true moral understanding anymore; people have forgotten how to listen to values would create suitable ground for the seed of development each other. If we are unable to understand difference, then the of society without discrimination of any form. Just as any other least we can do is respect it. The absence of respect leads to con- true path, this is not an easy path, but we should not give up flict among people. Still, this gap is not unbridgeable. It would be quickly, and have patience. None of us are expected to, nor asked enough to build a bridge of words, stronger, longer-lasting and to become great reformers, to inspire thousands of people to more resistant than of concrete and wires. All we need to do is think and act in a more tolerant way. It would suffice if we start talk! We must prove that people were not given that greatest gift with ourselves. To change or improve the views of the world, one from God by chance; we should prove we know how to use it. can change oneself, and positive energy spreads out fast, like For centuries religion has been the cause for rifts among light. In that way, an explosion of democratic values would be people. It has been the reason for starting some of the greatest transmitted simultaneously. wars in history, such as the Crusades. In its name people killed, One of the problems is that religious hatred is passed on conquered, devastated... It was often a justification, an excuse for from parents to children. The consequences of such behavior of doing evil things, the curtain behind which many culprits were parents, mature adults, are great. In this way the circle of reli- hiding. Now, at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation gious divisions spreads, first in time, related to generations, and has essentially not changed. The world has changed, the earth is then in the space dimension. Significant progress would be made changing constantly, and people change, but unfortunately, there are always those who are ready to abuse religion. if children would get used to being different as a natural human characteristic from their birth, if they would be taught to cherish How many times did we hear that history is the teacher of their own identities, and to respect and understand the differ- life, and how much did we really learn from our past mistakes. ences of others. The history of people on the hilly Balkans is so full of mistakes that we shouldn’t be making them at all! We only need to take as Politics and religion have always interwoven. They have an example the recently ended war in Bosnia and its horrible made peace and confronted each other. Politics can often be the consequences. It should be a great warning and lesson to future match that lights dry branches, or adds oil to fire. On the other generations that such events should never happen again. hand, religion can frequently be blinding. People then act irra- Prevention is better than the cure! In order to achieve that, we tionally, reason is defeated and politics knows best how to use it.

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“We most firmly believe in what we know least“ Charles Montesquieu Tijana Bajovi} In the wrong hands, religion is used an as the instrument to control masses and causes great evil. In the Balkans it hap- Squabbles. Wars and anarchy. Differences, unbridgeable as pened frequently, wars, treason, ethnic animosities... We should they may seem to us. But only apparently. learn how to live with people of other confessions, with other views of the world, and not create conflicts of “into the sea“ The essence is quite the opposite. There is no problem that structure, with one primary aspiration, that differences disap- cannot be solved. We need changes. We need to erase the expres- pear as if they can vanish deep into the sea. The only remedy is sions war and unbridgeable differences and introduce new to try to forgive, to overcome the gap with dialogue, and in the words and ideas. We should introduce multiethnicity – which future not to allow such things to happen again. This unites respects differences and sees them as a prerequisite for cultural forces in prevention, with the aim of a better life of some future progress. Multiethnicity – which despises war, since it under- generations. Politics should be beneficial to its people, and not stands that war holds civilization back. Multiethnicity – which endanger the basic human right to be different, and it should does not believe in anarchy, since it knows that the sense of inspire and give hope for a better future. It should set the exam- order and responsibility is what makes us different from irra- ple, so that all politicians’ declarations are like this one: “We tional beings. Multiethnicity – which finally accepts squabbles, must show respect to the ones who think differently from us, but only if they are constructive and well-meaning, created by a thereby demonstrating the power of our politics and European mind that considers both what is positive and what is negative. character of our politics.“ Economic and cultural progress is the aim of all people, One example that the dialogue between different religious communities is possible is the meeting held in August 1997 in regardless of their race and religion. Stable economic systems Sarajevo, attended by Mustafa Ceri}, as the head of the Islamic and a continuously developing culture that records its achieve- community, Jakob Finci as the representative of the Jewish reli- ments with golden letters in the history of life, can be realized gion, Cardinal Vinko Pulji} from the Catholic Church, Du{an only in the society in which differences are transformed into Jovanovi}, the Parish Priest in Sarajevo and Nikolaj Mrdja as the advantages that open up new horizons and defend us from one- head of Orthodox Church in Bosnia. Such efforts always leave sidedness. positive impressions. “These meetings are the most positive The citizens of the Balkan countries have the advantage of events that took place since the end of the war,“ the US living in a strategically important area, being surrounded by Ambassador in Bosnia said. great natural potentials and having the opportunity to make con- Humankind in its social progress has lived through many tact with representatives of different cultures. And they should things and has undergone different development phases. This take advantage of this opportunity. phase Serbia finds itself in is a transitional one. The only thing we need to overcome it successfully is good will, individual and Someone has to make the first step. Stop the disintegra- collective, political and human, patience and faith in a better tions and support integration. Integration that includes estab- future. It may not be easy, many pieces of a puzzle fit into a good lishing relations between humans, regardless of the religion they image, but it is possible! Let us have strength, courage, will and preach or the language they speak. Our feelings and goals are certainty to take large steps into a more beautiful future without common. They are neither Muslim, nor Catholic, nor Orthodox, religious prejudice. but simply human. Religious affiliation is mostly conditioned by

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origin and tradition. We should be proud of our origin, but we further exercise of such ideas. Failure to condemn negative social must respect other people’s origins as well. Civilization has been phenomena can make us begin to see these phenomena as some- created by those nations that take only the best from diversity thing normal. On the other hand, each act that contributes to and develop it, and not only for the members of their own nation understanding among different people must be commended by or religion, but for all people in the world. the media. This is how a system of true values is built and estab- How can we establish dialogue between those who are at lished, the values that improve our lives. We should especially bitter odds and prepare the grounds for trust and general avoid generalized announcements of false and half-true informa- progress? tion on other religions in the media, which can insult human dig- nity. In this way we create an impression that the members of dif- Dialogue is made at an individual level, between people. It ferent religions dislike each other, while the problem is actually means that every one of us must treat other human beings with in the very manner of presenting information and in the talk of due respect. Failure to acknowledge other people’s choice leads hatred, which make people react in the same way. Let us make to generalizations. Generalizations are dangerous because they everyone feel welcome and desirable in every part of the world, give us the wrong image. We need to understand that the image be they Muslim, Christian, Buddhist or atheists! Smile, a nice of a member of paramilitary forces, Serbian by nationality, ruth- word of support and cooperation. Most disputes come from the lessly killing civilians only because they believe in a different God, is not a mould each Serbian simply fits into. We also need neglect and lack of wish to understand others. This must change. to understand that not all Albanians took part in the attacks on Making the first step and offering the hand of reconciliation Serbian people and they do not inevitably hate everything that is is hard. Only truly great people can do it. Politics and media Serbian. The past must be accepted, we must face it and recon- should be open and kindly disposed towards their neighbors. cile. Without it, there is no future. But past events must not rep- Textbooks must be in accordance with the time and since the ear- resent an obstacle to reestablishing valid and stable relations. liest childhood we should point out to the children the differences The past is acknowledged, but we must also distance ourselves in opinions that need to be respected. We are allowed not to con- from it, otherwise it will not let us go further. Why don’t we let the cur, but we are not allowed to condemn. Hatred leads towards future have a new scenario, nicer and more beneficial for all of hatred, and it takes so little for two human beings to understand us? The load of the past lies on our ancestors. They are respon- each other. Including the materials related to all religious commu- sible for what has happened in the past, good and bad. We will nities into the school curricula would be of great significance. also be the ancestors to the generations that will grow up in the Field trips and excursions can be organized with the aim of get- decades to come. That is why we carry the other part of the ting to know other cultures. Perhaps students could visit the area weight of the past and we are obliged to reexamine the actions of of Ra{ka and the towns of Ra{ka and Novi Pazar, instead of usual our grandfathers and fathers and not make the same mistakes visits to typical Serbian villages, where they could see the course again. Only in that way can we build a solid basis for future pro- of cooperation between the people whose Gods have different ductive relations. names. Apart from Orthodox medieval monasteries they should However, contemporary technologies and media largely also visit mosques. It is important to teach children that monu- influence the building of the image of other nations in our minds. ments of all cultures should be respected, and they will carry this The media must take an objective attitude towards the events, in their minds all their lives and pass it on to their children. The but also condemn any other immoral act, and praise everything members of national minorities must have the right to learn their that improves communication between those who are alike and native language in schools. The country we live in, although we do especially those who are different. Failure to condemn the atti- not belong to it by origin, will certainly be dearer to us if it does tudes leading towards racial and religious hatred could stimulate not limit us, but gives us motivation.

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One of the positive reforms of education is introducing reli- gious teaching as an elective subject. In the religious teaching classes we should conduct comparative study of great religious systems. Finally, the Gods of monotheistic religions do not differ Milen Kaku}a much. Islam accepts some Biblical truths and prophets and claims that the difference is in their transmitting and under- standing, and that only names are different. There are many names in this world, but it is not the name that separates us Introduction from others. On the contrary – it connects us and says – a name The greatest number of sociologist, regardless of the move- for the beings of the same kind. Differences in homogeneity. It is ment they belong to, whether they create and/or support social not hard to accept that. Find familiar letters in a foreign name theories, agree on one thing – society is permanently exposed to and give your hand to your neighbor! changes. History proves that more conscious societies (i.e. their social elites) believe changes are necessary and that they do hap- pen, that their results are positive. Also, they are better if stream- lined in the desired direction, than if they happen by means of revolutions, suddenly and uncontrollably, and then as a result the more they will become advanced in terms of civilization. Modern society means integration, connecting and cooper- ation between people who come from the environments that have influenced the formation of consciousness, opinions and ways of lives of these people, in various ways and degrees. The more sim- ilar social organizations are, as well as the achieved level of civi- lization’s progress, the greater and less painful the possibility of connecting and integration is. Also, the problem of integration of a smaller number of “newcomers“ into a certain society, was most frequently solved with their assimilation. However, the issue of integrations, due to social changes on the global level, is raised related to the integration of entire societies with the aim of creating a so-called “global village“ representing one common society. The idea of globalization has divided the world into almost all crucial social segments. One of these segments is the religious communities that play an important (in some societies even crucial) role. Certain religious communities see the process of globalization as the way of destruction of their values and ways of life. That idea has still not prevailed in the most significant religions, but it is gaining importance increasingly. In order to solve these problems and eliminate all dilem- mas regarding the future of a certain society, civilization and nation, we need to start a permanent dialogue between reli-

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gious communities, promote common values and, up to the other conflicts in which religious communities play important level of social necessities and benefits, respect the attitudes roles. Bearing in mind the fact that the main war hotbeds in the they form together. world are in Iraq and Afghanistan2, and that the greatest number One specific example, which proves the importance of of people accused of terrorism claim that they find reasons for their actions in their religion comes from Islam, the significance inter-religious dialogue, is the building of the new post-war soci- and influence of religious communities in these societies cannot ety of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Namely, in the period from 1992 be underestimated nor can cooperation with religious leaders be to 1995, civil war1 was raging in Bosnia and Herzegovina avoided. Social roles of religious leaders are mostly prominent between the members of three nations (Bosnians, Croats and where there are no sufficiently developed public or state institu- Serbs), all three different by the religions they preach. tions. The prerequisite for the beginning of dialogue between reli- Immediately upon the end of war, the Inter-religious Council gious communities is, as we could see from the example of was established, as a common, non-governmental body made of Bosnia and Herzegovina, mutual respect and recognizing the the representatives of four religious communities (Jewish, right to express other views of the world. Another, and just as sig- Catholic, Muslim and Orthodox). Although the work of the nificant step, is to find out and express common values on which Council was not accompanied actively by support from the all religions are based. Having read the Bible, Koran and media, the results of its work, observed at this moment, almost Talmud, I made sure that there are strong and significant com- 11 years after the end of the war, have greatly contributed to rec- mon values which all three religions3 are based on. Expressing onciliation among people. Some of these first steps that the rep- common values, means aspiration towards the development of resentatives of communities took together were related to full peace and – as religious leaders often put it – “good will among and sincere mutual understanding, establishing constant coop- people“. Futhermore, religious communities, where they are tra- eration between the communities through the Council, accepting ditionally present as a majority, should do more in motivating the fact that communities are separate from the state and the their believers to accept and respect those who express their rights of all people to practice their religion. The significance of beliefs in a way different from the ones in which most people do, this cooperation manifested itself mostly through constant activ- in other words, to respect them as equal citizens. The basis for ities within each of these communities. The representatives of this can be found in the foundations of almost all religions, espe- religions called on their believers, both publicly and through cially the three mentioned here. It is especially important that the their inner activities, to follow the examples of cooperation they states, international and non-governmental organizations moti- instituted themselves. The cooperation between the communi- vate their religious communities to initiate a constant dialogue, ties was really making progress, and so frequently priests of in order to help the solving of the current religious conflicts and Orthodox and Catholic churches held common services on the to avoid starting new ones. Among other things, this means the days of the most important Christian church holidays. Also, development of the awareness of responsibility, as well as the sig- there is mutual financial aid in building and restoring the nificance and influence that the attitudes religious communities ruined religious facilities. In the past few years no serious, reli- giously motivated incidents have been registered. 2) In both countries the majority of population comes from the Muslim religion. In these countries religion plays an important role in almost all pores of social and political life. Analyzing this example and the precious experience it 3) Jews respect several religious books, the most important of which is surely the Bible; offers, I feel that a similar approach should be applied in solving Christians, like Jews, based their beliefs on the Bible, divided into the Old and the New Testament which begins with the coming of Jesus Christ the Messiah (savior of humanity, according to the Christian belief), while Muslims believe in the learning of 1) A number of historians, politicians and chroniclers of the war of Bosnia and Koran which Allah (God) communicated to the last great prophet Mohamed Herzegovina think that this war can and should be qualified as (or that it was mostly) Pregamber. The Koran represents the continuation, and as Muslims believe, the cor- a religious conflict. rection and amend105

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possess. The development of consciousness of responsibilities in religious communities gains importance also because they play a significant role in preventing and solving conflicts having a nega- tive influence on the lives of a large number of people. Aleksandar Andreji} The basis for establishing and permanent development of the dialogue between religious communities does exist – it is con- tained in the religious teachings and foundations of the greatest Since ancient times, each society has developed its specific number of religions. Those are standing for peace and equality culture. Numerous factors influenced the development of each among people, and motivating people to do good deeds. culture, from the time and epoch they appeared in, to the specif- ic social phenomena in which they were developed. Certainly, one of the most significant social creations is religion, which plays a great role in building and forming the ethics of a community as the foundation on which the system of social values is based. We know for a fact that people’s religious ideas have great influence on the development of moral, social, cultural and other values that determine and give identity to people as individuals or to a group. Although most religions represent a number of general principles close to people, such as love in the broadest sense of the word (love for family, friends, humans in general), morality, justice, equality, honesty, etc., in the times in which they were created and in the societies they adjusted to, they were inter- preted differently. Each of the cultures created in Europe, in touch with another one, left behind a specific trait noticeable until today. The modern European society we live in today represents a cultural mosaic unique in the world. The Balkan peninsula is also a mixture of various nations, their cultures and religions and it is a part of the European cultural space. My aim in this paper is to present the ideas for establish- ing a multicultural society in Serbia through different forms of education: • Mutual learning of religious aspects that caused cultural diversity in these areas; • Getting to know cultural similarities and differences more closely, through a review of the European cultural space;

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• Development of tolerance and mutual respect based on a In order to develop the idea of multicultural society in the modern and multicultural European society. adult population, I think special attention should be paid to get- In a post-conflict society such as ours, where one of the ting to know the cultural and religious heritage of Europe most important causes of the conflict was religious hatred based through cultural activities. In that way we can find out how dif- on ignorance, it is essential that this be changed in the times to ferent religions and their cultures met on the European area and come. A new subject was introduced into the educational system assimilated into a single cultural space, despite their differences. in Serbia called “Religious teaching“. If approached wisely, it can Through general education subjects taught at the faculties, represent the best way for cooperation between religions. the review of philosophical ideas developed throughout the his- The subject of religious teaching in Serbia is extremely tory of European civilization, and their relationship with religion, badly organized though. Instead of teaching children who grew could be especially beneficial. Furthermore, through the study of up in a conflicted society tolerance through learning different art, we can peel back the influence religion played in its creation. religions, they are divided into groups according to their reli- The presentation of documentaries about the intertwining gious affiliation and taught values of their religion only, which I religious influences in the area at faculties and youth cultural think is entirely wrong. centers is a good way to reach the consciousness of a great num- I see that subject as the most important and most effective ber of young people seeking answers. One of the best ways to way to establish new social values. We should change the main accept different cultures is through music at festivals, where peo- principle of dividing children according to their confession and ple from various cultures would socialize together. We should make one common subject, to be attended by all children. In encourage intercultural social interaction, whether through mak- designing the curricula, there is a possibility to include all reli- ing contact at gallery exhibitions or by letting students travel to gious communities, thereby making the subject ample and objec- different countries in order to meet other cultures directly tive. Religious teachers from all religious communities would through their architecture, language, customs, and daily habits. share and take an active part in the lectures, and their influence in children’s workshops could be important. The topic of each It is also important to continue educating people outside workshop could be some basic moral principle (love, justice, the school population, thus developing a tolerant society through honesty), which the children would cover together with their reli- the work of non-governmental organizations, social movement gious teachers from different religious angles. This would espe- and civic initiatives. Expanding the consciousness of the people cially provide children with new views of different religious expe- responsible for creating social relations would be contributed to riences of these principles and their use in the society. An impor- by contacting them directly, through various seminars, round tant segment of the lectures could be connecting culture with reli- tables, public appearance and other activities promoting a mul- gion, where religious teachers would read various texts on cus- ticultural society. toms and beliefs to children. Finally, we should conclude with the statement that educa- I am convinced that there are many other ways to use this tion has the most important influence in the process of reconcil- subject, with which the new generation of children, future mem- iation in post-conflict societies. This establishes the cause of the bers of society, would be educated in the new spirit of a modern conflict and opens a path to a future modern multicultural soci- society allowing them sufficient knowledge of respect and ety, where we learn to understand differences and respect them. acceptance of mutual differences. A step in this direction would I think that the key for establishing religious dialogue is in the only contribute to the development of the culture of a society society and individual, who can independently construct a bal- through its diversity. ance between traditional religion and modern society.

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Prime Minister Zoran Djindji} and the riots in Kosovo that took place in March prove that Serbia still is not done with its past. Can Serbia continue its painful way of transition without Vladislav Radak looking back? I claim it cannot. It cannot continue until it looks at the crimes committed. Serbia has no future unless true, dem- ocratic and sincere foreign political relations are established In the eighties and nineties of the last century the world with neighboring countries. Serbia is located on a multinational went through radical changes that set aside past political opin- and multiethnic territory that demands it create its politics ions only to pave the way to a new order - democracy. At that according to new principles. It cannot go the right way if there is time, the time of the fall of the Berlin wall, the breakdown of the as much as a spark of nationalism, hatred and intolerance. Soviet Union and formation of other states, the European and I would like to exhibit the theses I think are crucial in cre- world countries turned to the new inner organization, motivating ating domestic and foreign politics, which are aimed at putting the development of foreign politics at the same time, taking it to the dialogue between religious communities at the forefront, as a be an extremely important and irreplaceable factor of the mod- way of creating a new, reasonable and prosperous order. ern world order. The newly established force, the USA, received a true coun- Analysis of the religious conflict terweight - the European Union. Motivating economical, political For inter-religious dialogue to be possible at all, both par- and industrial unity, the aim of the EU member countries was to ties would have to penetrate the problems much deeper and look compete in a global market where economy would develop rap- for the very roots of religious disagreements. Evidently, some idly and where the industry of minor and badly developed coun- reasons which led to the conflict are clear from the very begin- tries would slowly get in line with the better developed ones. ning. Religion is not the one factor that led to the beginning of At that moment, when the world was facing the greatest conflict; it was only used as an excuse and motivation. The con- historical turning point, the former Yugoslavia, instead of transi- cept of religion was used by many, although they could not find tion and turning to a new European future, chose inner conflicts themselves in it, in order to have an excuse for the senseless dev- astation. on national and religious bases, only to find itself in the vicious circle of the greatest war storm these areas could have ever The analysis of religious principles will help one religion undergone. The reign of Slobodan Milo{evi} brought devastation, understand the other. Global democracy must allow equality of poverty, and extreme nationalist and religious intolerance to each faith if it violates freedom and equality of others. We should every home. clearly understand and accept the principles of other religions and respect them as such. Yugoslavia lost its credibility in the eyes of the leading forces, it lost its enviable status of the connection between the Multiethnicity and multiculturalness East and the West, its status of the traffic and trade center and The history of our territories clearly speaks for the afore- gained the status of an isolated zone, the zero point. said. Our country, just like all other countries in the region, is Today the years of isolation have passed. Inevitable change not uni-national. It is represented by many minorities and cul- of the political regime that followed on October 5 brought democ- tures. Each minority carries some typical characteristics within racy an entire decade after it had been introduced to all other itself, including language, religion, and customs. In order to countries. Still, the horrible events such as the death of the establish a true dialogue between two opposing sides, one of the

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ways to do it is through culture, which is a universal, and yet typ- Education ical language to each ethnic entity. Analyzing the problems of one nation or region, few people In order to establish clear contact of cultural exchange, we think where exactly the root and the beginning of the problem must establish different cultural events, which would have to be can be found. supported directly by the Government and the Ministry of Education is an excellent way to prevent spreading intoler- Culture. This surely includes ethnic ensembles, traditional the- ance. Teaching children and young people their own and other aters, and establishing literary awards contributing to certain religions is the true beginning that will develop further into the culture. dialogue of opposed parties. The beginning of dialogue should be All the above should be enacted within the following crucial created already at a young age, so these generations, who will be principle. the leaders of the new society, will be free from any intolerance and ready for openness and cooperation with any religious com- Decentralization munity and ethnic entity. Decentralization is a clear, omnipresent democratic process. It is surely one of the main factors of inter-religious dia- Influence of the church itself logue. Decentralization does not mean secession, or endangering The influence of the church on inter-religious dialogue is central authority and minorities in this area, but quite the oppo- surely one of the most important factors needed to improve the site; it is used as a counterbalance. dialogue. Religious communities should have impact on its believers, with the aim of spreading tolerance. At the same time, Essentially, decentralization represents dialogue. The rep- if two churches begin the dialogue, it would be a good way to resentatives of the central authority and the other side must find spread awareness against discrimination. a true way and solution that observes the freedoms of each minority, human dignity, equality and social justice. For the reli- Conclusion gious communities to live in harmony within one country, one side should accept and acknowledge other people’s faith and Spreading awareness of accepting other religious commu- convictions. Decentralizing processes must be gradual and con- nities and faiths is a difficult and long-term process, especially in trolled, so no one’s rights would be endangered. these areas. For the dialogue to be achieved, we need to act unit- ed and we need the will from all sides, including churches, gov- New approach to foreign politics ernments and especially citizens themselves. The way of formulating foreign politics is indelibly linked Dialogue is the only true tool for reconciliation and pros- to state interests as well as with the picture with which the state perity of both sides. My country is on the right path to establish represents itself. Economic collaboration and exchange can only true communication and I believe in it. I believe that we have first contribute to improving intercultural and inter-religious rela- looked ourselves in the eyes and looked at our past, that we have tions. After a decade of isolation in the region and in the world, learned from our mistakes and that we will not let them happen Serbia finally has all the qualities for better formulation of for- again. I believe that Belgrade will be marked on world maps as a eign politics. True foreign political relations with the countries in transportation route free and safe for all nations and religions. the region will contribute to better communication with the I do believe. minorities in our country. Of course, in the case of open and well formulated foreign politics, we need not speak of economic pros- perity.

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hension of the world around us, which led to disagreement and split within the Christian church itself. Nevertheless, neither Muslim nor Christian religious learning deny the basic human Milica Stankovi} right to religious freedom. Although these two religions are dif- ferent in more ways than one, we can still find compromise acceptable to both parties. If each individual (whatever his reli- gion and faith might be) manages to solve his personal problems, Introduction face reality and actual state in the world, we can talk about solv- Every day we face many problems, both on the level of our ing problems on the community level. In this dialogue, the repre- state and in the world. One of the greatest problems that must sentatives of both sides must make an effort not only to respect be solved as soon as possible is the problem of disagreement sacred things and churches, but also to observe human rights. among people from different religious communities. In this case All people have the right to existence, to their religious affiliation, we will consider the problem of disagreement between to expressing their own opinions and attitudes. This is the Christians and Muslims. Due to the absence of any spiritual advantage of living in a democratic society heading towards the reform, people identify the struggle for their personal rights use of dialogue to solve problems peacefully. with the struggle for religious convictions. The greatest problem In March 2001, the Social Defense Community (Bund für is that few believers respect God as supreme authority; instead, Soziale Verteidigung) made a statement as to the current state in each individual imposes himself as the authority in society. the Balkans: “We believe that the challenge of the peace move- Religion should be a connection that binds all people, and not ment has now been presented as politically active and militant an obstacle for realizing close contacts and cooperation. In the pacifism. Politically, in the sense of development of the idea of dialogue between two religions, injustice and oppression must versatile civil work as the reaction of social and international be faced and finally rooted out. conflict which is naturally the common criticism of military based state politics. It is a struggle, in the sense that the one who Analysis wishes it must pave the way for peace.“ On the political stage of For the dialogue between religious communities and their Serbia, all individuals have their own images and views of the representatives to take place, we must first analyze the problem world. They force their opinions and attitudes through the media of squabbles and disputes between them. The church and its eld- and the educational system. In those views of the world they ers play the key role in this dialogue. have, everything is politicized and divided – others can only be As a religious institution, the church is increasingly becom- for or against their orientation. That is why they see a potential ing an instrument used by the individuals holding high positions enemy in everyone, someone who could attack their convictions. to control and manipulate people. People kill each other for their We, as a democratic society, must face the newly created situa- religion and church, not thinking what the religion actually tion on the political stage and struggle against everything that preaches. Nowadays, more and more frequently, churches have could possibly slow down our journey towards Europe. only one purpose of existence and that is to provide consolation We must consider reality in a critical way in order to dis- and healing. Church elders must be included in the dialogues card harmful influences of the past and redirect society towards between religious communities and give their assistance in solv- progress. Normal, democratic life requires inter-human dia- ing problems. Muslims are extremely united in preserving their logue. Everyone is entitled to express their own opinion about faith and sacred things. Christians, on the other hand, have state, social and religious problems. I quote J.S. Mill: “If all sided more with Europe and have a more open-minded compre- mankind minus one were of one opinion, and only one person

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were of the contrary opinion, mankind would be no more justi- fied in silencing that one person, than he, if he had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind.“ Therefore, individual opinion cannot be superior to the opinion of the entire nation. Entire nations, and not only their representatives, should take part in the dialogue between religious communities. The greatest problem we have to solve in the process of solving social disputes is the problem of disrespect of other people’s opinions. “Objective truth“, which includes harmonization of different atti- tudes, must be fixed as a solution to this problem. Although in the past there used to be a lot of injustice and discord, wars and squabbles, we must leave them all behind us, and, guided by democratic convictions, set off towards solving current issues, the most important of which is the issue of inter- religious dialogue.

168

LICEM KA BUDU]NOSTI OEBS Organizacija za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju

Misija u Srbiji ^akorska 1 11000 Beograd

Odeljenje za demokratizaciju

Tira`: 500

Kompjuterska obrada i {tampa: IPM COPY

Naslovna: Photo Trsha, Kula L I C E M KA B U D U ] N O S T I Sastav `irija: Bojana Balon Zorica Mr{evi} O ISTINI , KRIVICI I POMIRENJU Sonja Liht Drinka Gojkovi} Aida ]orovi} Vladimir Biland`i} D IJALOG IZME\U RELIGIJSKIH ZAJEDNICA Danica Todorov KAO PUT KA POMIRENJU Autori najboljih eseja O istini, krivici i pomirenju 1. nagrada: Sr|an Milo{evi} Nagra|eni: Adel Abusara Jelena Jorga~evi} Ivana Karamarkovi} Aleksej Ki{juhas Ljiljana Jovanovi}

Dijalog izme|u religijskih zajednica kao put ka pomirenju 1.nagrada: Dunja Poleti Nagra|eni: Sr|an Atanasovski Sanja Kanazir Nikola Baki} Slobodan Vasi} Milen Kaku}a Beograd, jul 2006.  O ISTINI , KRIVICI I POMIRENJU

UVOD U periodu od novembra 2005. do aprila 2006, Misija OEBS-a u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori je organizovala zajedno sa Evrop- skim pokretom u Srbiji i Studentskom unijom Srbije panel raz- govore na kojima su studenti i istaknuti mladi politi~ari u svim univerzitetskim mestima u Srbiji1 diskutovali o tome kako se „Suo~iti sa budu}no{}u“. Cilj je bio da se podstaknu mladi ljudi da razmi{ljaju o toj temi, da izraze svoje poglede o va`nosti suo- ~avanja sa nedavnom pro{lo{}u2, da spoznaju pravnu, politi~ku i moralnu odgovornost kao preduslov za integraciju dru{tva u zajednicu demokratskih evropskih zemalja, kao i o na~inima unapre|enja demokratskih vrednosti, tolerancije i dru{tva bez diskriminacije. Kao deo toga projekta, zajedno sa pozivom da u~estvuju u diskusijama koje su odr`ane u univerzitetskim centrima, mladi ljudi su tako|e pozvani da pi{u eseje na teme „O krivici, istini i promeni u Srbiji“ i „Me|ureligijski dijalog kao put ka pomirenju“. Tokom panela, u~esnici su izrazili veoma sna`no svoju ori- jentaciju prema budu}nosti: svoje te`nje, `elje u pogledu sopstve- nih li~nih `ivota i nadanja za svoju zemlju. Dotle su mladi autori eseja mnogo vi{e promi{ljali pitanja pro{losti, nagla{avaju}i da je suo~avanje sa pro{lo{}u traumati~no iskustvo za svako dru{tvo koje je ostavljeno svim gra|anima jedne zemlje u nasledstvo. Stu- denti su tako|e pozvali na objektivno istra`ivanje i prezentaciju ~injenica pro{losti umesto slepog verovanja la`nim patriotama. Tako|e su naglasili da oni ne samo da imaju pravo da poznaju pro{lost ve} da smatraju svojom obavezom da je saznaju. Mnogi se sla`u da me|ureligijski dijalog kao preduslove ima demonopolizaciju istine, samokriti~nost i svest o postojanju sopstvenih predrasuda. Autori eseja ne `ele da srpsko dru{tvo postane jedna zatvorena zajednica, skepti~na i netolerantna pre-

1) Beograd, Novi Pazar, Ni{, Novi Sad, Kragujevac i Subotica. 2) Ideje, poruke, strahovi i nade autora su njihovi i ne predstavljaju OEBS-ova vi|enja ili stavove. OEBS je ovim projektom obezbedio prostor za diskusiju.

5 O ISTINI , KRIVICI I POMIRENJU O ISTINI , KRIVICI I POMIRENJU

ma svemu {to je razli~ito. Autori su pisali i o ulozi religije u isto- riji pa su pozvali religijske zajednice da doprinsu pomirenju. Mnogi su ukazivali da religijske razli~itosti ne razdvajaju ve} da SPISAK AUTORA I AUTORKI ESEJA te vrednosti na kojima su sve religije osnovane mogu da obogate i vode svako dru{tvo. Jedna od zaklju~nih poruka eseja je da je na{a budu}nost O krivici istini i pomirenju u Evropskoj uniji ne samo zato {to su tamo uslovi `ivota bolji ne- go ovde, ve} zbog toga {to u EU-u postoje norme, pravila i vred- Isidora \or|evi} 11 nosti koje su i nama veoma potrebne i bez kojih Srbija ne mo`e Adel Abusara 14 napredovati u budu}nosti. Marijana Aracki 17 Marko Bankovi} 20 Marko Tasi} 23 Bojan Savi} 28 Marko Be{lin 34 Jelena Jorga~evi} 37 Dejan Vujani} 40 Ivana Karamarkovi} 43 Maja Perovi} 47 Aleksej Ki{juhas 51 Ljiljana Jovanovi} 57 Sr|an Milo{evi} 61 D`enis Bajramovi} 66 Aurelija \an 71 Jelena Budimirovi} 75 Jelena Beli} 80 Vanja Miljkovi} 84 Senka ^ekr|in 88 Aleksandra Uskokovi} 92

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Dijalog izme|u religijskih zajednica kao put ka pomirenju

Ivana Franeta 97 Dunja Poleti 100 Andrea Kaitovi} 103 Emilija D`aja 111 Sr|an Atanasovski 114 Miljana Trifkovi} 118 Sanja Kanazir 122 Nevena Gojkovi} 125 O ISTINI , KRIVICI I POMIRENJU Nikola Baki} 128 Slobodan Vasi} 132 Mirjana Bo{kovi} 137 Tijana Bajovi} 140 Milen Kaku}a 143 Aleksandar Andreji} 146 Vladislav Radak 149 Milica Stankovi} 153

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Isidora \or|evi}

Srbija, devedesetih godina dvadesetog veka: ratovi, izolaci- ja, sankcije, siroma{tvo, zlo~ini bez krivca i imena, strahovi, fru- stracije; Srbija – moralna i politi~ka ru{evina. Danas, petnaest godina kasnije, name}e se pitanje {ta se u Srbiji su{tinski pro- menilo i koliko smo se mi sami promenili, da li smo i u kojoj me- ri izolovani, ose}amo li i dalje strah, nemo} i o~aj, frustraciju i tegobu neizvesnosti, a uz sve to – umor, kao posledicu ~ekanja kome se pre~esto ne nazire ni kraj ni svrha. Ne postoji promena pre istine. Prostor za sprovo|enje sveobuhvatnih promena mo- gu}e je osvajati samo ako je prethodno do{lo do potpunog uvida u sve aspekte istine koja je uvek i samo jedna. Najpre bih `elele da uka`em na ~vrstu uzro~no-posledi~nu vezu izme|u krivice, istine i promene. Nakon po~injenih (zlo)dela, neophodno je utvrditi i osvestiti istinu, suo~avanjem sa ~injenicama i prihvatanjem odgovornosti i krivice, kao jedinog puta ka temeljnoj, korenitoj i kona~noj promeni. Upravo je uka- zivanje na neophodnost suo~avanja sa doga|ajima iz bliske pro- {losti, ~iji smo u~esnici ili svedoci, na`alost, bili, osnovni cilj ovog rada. Da li smo iskusili do`ivljaj autenti~nog suo~avanja sa istinom ili smo po~injena dela samo preveli u, savesti prihvatlji- viju formu, propustiv{i mogu}nost za promene. Objektivni, nepristrasni pogled unazad, na{a je obaveza, u istoj meri u kojoj je to i na{e pravo i ~in odgovornosti prema sop- stvenom i tu|im `ivotima. Bez zrele i ~vrste odluke da se na~ine ova tri bolna koraka, nemogu}e je prevazi}i problem; osta}emo – njegovi zato~enici. Stoga, u ovom procesu moramo u~estvovati svi, po{av{i od ~ina samoispitivanja. Nesuo~avanjem sa zlo~i- nom, otvaramo mogu}nost njegovog ponavljanja, ne dozvolimo mu drugu {ansu. Spre~imo da se ponovi. Kako bi proces suo~avanja po~ivao na realnim osnovama, neophodno je ista}i logi~ku, pravnu i eti~ku neutemeljenost sin- tagme kolektivna odgovornost i krivica. Ne mo`emo i ne smemo ose}ati krivicu za zlo~ine u kojima nismo u~estvovali, i koji su ~i-

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njeni mimo na{e volje, znanja i mogu}nosti da ih spre~imo. Na- Sve navedeno, za posledicu ima porast stepena rezistentnosti suprot tome, prisutne su obe dimenzije odgovornosti – li~na i ko- javnog mnjenja na zlo~in i kriminal. lektivna – za stvaranje duhovnog ambijenta, socijalnog miljea i Bazi~ni preduslov za ostvarenje neophodnih promena ogle- intelektualne klime, koji pogoduju procesu definisanja i utvr|i- da se u tranziciji celokupnog sistema vrednosti u svim aspekti- vanja odgovornosti, identifikovanja i sankcionisanja krivaca i na- ma i na svim nivoima `ivljenja; delovanjem u povr{inskim sloje- stojanja da se argumentovano predo~i istina i onima, do kojih vima, bez doticanja su{tine, samo multiplikujemo probleme. Ak- ona iz subjektivnih ili objektivnih razloga, te{ko dopire. Izuzetno tuelni sistem vrednosti nije pretrpeo radikalni raskid sa pret- delikatan zadatak predstavlja suo~avanje sa ~injenicom da su hodnim, katastrofalnim, na ~ijim je temeljima i nastao. Naravno, neki od zlo~ina po~injeni u ime manjih ili ve}ih socijalnih i poli- ohrabruje ~injenica da su odre|ene promene postignute, ne osta- ti~kih zajednica, pa ~ak i cele nacije. Predo~avanje neargumento- vljaju}i u pojedinim domenima `ivljenja, mogu}nost za povratak vanosti i nemogu}nosti da se vinovnici zlo~ina poistovete sa na- na pre|a{nje stanje. Kada je re~ o ostvarenim aspektima prome- cijom u celini, integralni je deo adekvatne promene. ]utanjem o na, koji su vredni pa`nje, neophodno je ista}i intenzivniju me|u- zlo~inima i njihovim vinovnicima, i sami ~inimo zlo~in – zlo~in narodnu razmenu sadr`aja u razli~itim vidovima nauke, umet- }utanja, prikrivanja i nesuo~avanja. Nemamo pravo na }utanje, nosti i kulture, kao i sve ~e{}u priliku, da kao zemlja, ugostimo poricanje i zaborav. Samo je suo~avanje put do pro~i{}enja i sa- predstavnike ovih oblasti, {to u dvadeset prvom veku predstavlja mo na taj na~in mo`emo planirati budu}nost bez krivice, bez re- podatak od bitnog zna~aja za integraciju na{e zemlje u savreme- cidiva pro{losti i bez povampirenja krivaca. ne svetske tokove. Ostvarene, pojedina~ne promene, uve}avaju Poku{avaju}i da nepristrasno sagledam tok promena u na- stepen li~ne i kolektivne obaveze da se kona~no izborimo sa re- {em dru{tvu, suo~avam se sa ~injenicom da znatan broj aktera cidivima pro{losti, koji brutalno tra`e sopstveni prostor. Iznad na{e javne scene, jesu negda{nji, neretko i aktuelni, mo}nici, ko- svega neophodno je da gradimo realnu i uvek podlo`nu proveri, ji su, onako silni, koriste}i govor mr`nje, hu{kali na rat, ube|u- sliku o sopstvenim vrednostima, uz negovanje samopo{tovanja, ju}i nas da `ivimo najlep{u, mogu}u stvarnost. Danas, oni su po- ali i savr{en uvid u sopstvene nedostatke, manjkavosti, pa i fa- novo prisutni, upu}uju}i nam, u ne{to sofisticiranijem i implicit- talne i kobne poteze, ~injene u pro{losti od strane pojedinaca. To nijem obliku, istovetne poruke, pro`ete ostra{}eno{}u i netole- je jedini na~in da izbegnemo da, `ive}i u nerealnom poimanju se- rancijom. Kako bismo izbegli zaborav, koji predstavlja vid utapa- be, distancirani, izolovani i neinformisani, formiramo neta~ne nja u zlo~in, na{a je obaveza da podsetimo da sve {to po~inje go- predstave o sopstvenom zna~aju i veli~ini. vorom mr`nje i netolerancije, ima epilog u fizi~kom nasilju. Ukoliko za}utimo, zatvorimo o~i i ne istupimo, jasno i ne- Na`alost, odre|ene modele pona{anja, karakteristi~ne za dvosmisleno nagla{avaju}i sopstveno odbijanje da budemo u~e- to, mra~no razdoblje, usvojili su i negda{nji borci protiv istih, a snici u zlo~inu, mi, zapravo, podr`avamo zlo~in, ujedno, ~ine}i danas, ljudi koji imaju mo} odlu~ivanja i, samim tim, utvr|iva- novi. Zlo~in mo`e biti, i obi~no jeste, iniciran sa „vi{e instance“, ali njegovo sprovo|enje podrazumeva podr{ku kriti~nog broja nja krivice, i inspirisanja procesa suo~avanja sa istinom i preu- gra|ana. Ukoliko ona izostane, izostaje i mogu}nost da zlo~in zimanja odgovornosti. Oni, koji su nekada ukazivali na zna~aj bude po~injen. U tom kontekstu, na{a odgovornost i obaveza, pa borbe protiv korupcije i na pogubnost raspodele radnih mesta i mo}, jeste velika. Upotrebimo je na najdelotvorniji na~in, zarad prema kriterijumima partijske pripadnosti ili ideolo{ke podob- na{e pro{losti, sada{njosti i budu}nosti. Zarad rasvetljavanja nosti, danas se rukovode upravo tim parametrima. S druge stra- krivice, suo~avanja sa istinom i postizanja promene. ne, prisutni su izvesni (ne i dovoljni) pomaci na polju slobode medija. Utisak je da vi{e nema apsolutno nedodirljivih, ali ve}i- na afera nema epilog na sudu, krivci ne preuzimaju odgovornost za po~injena dela, bezo~no nastavljaju}i da se javno promovi{u.

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`e bez emocija sagledati krizni period odnosno da ne postoji do- voljan otklon od njega, jer to pogoduje onome o ~emu je pisao Ti- moti Garton E{ – zaboravljanju, umiranju svedoka, nepostojanju Adel Abusara satisfakcije `rtava njihovih porodica, mogu}nosti kasnije politi- zacije tragedije… Ne smemo zato i zbog drugih, ali pre svega zbog nas samih dozvoliti da zaboravimo. Bezmalo svaka od poslednjih petnaestak godina do`ivljava- Ipak, malobrojni srpski „krsta{i“ u prono{enju istine nisu na je i opisivana u Srbiji kao „godina raspleta“, u kojoj }e se, na dovoljni, a samim tim, ni dovoljno ubedljivi. Potrebno je „izgra- ovaj ili onaj na~in, razre{iti Gordijev ~vor svih njenih problema, diti“ ~itavu generaciju onih koji }e biti sposobni prvo da shvate od najkrupnijih do najsitnijih, po~ev od pitanja opstanka na sami, a potom i da objasne drugima uzroke i posledice moralnog svetskoj mapi, pa do problema njenih mikrosredina. Me|utim, pada devedesetih. Me|utim, pitanje koje se postavlja je, da li su tek se u poslednjih nekoliko godina ne{to vi{e ~uje glas onih ko- u ovoj zemlji svi spremni da prihvate dijametralno suprotan na- ji smatraju da je klju~ za izlazak iz tog, istorijski kratkog, ali za ~in poimanja svoje stvarnosti od doskora{njeg? Mislim da je od- nas koji smo ga pro`iveli beskona~nog perioda – suo~avanje sa govor odre~an i to iz razli~itih razloga, u zavisnosti od grupacije samim sobom, tj. sa svime {to se desilo. „Suo~imo se sa svojom o kojoj pri~amo. Pre svega, re~i tolerancija, krivica, pomirenje pro{lo{}u da bismo po{li u budu}nost“ – naizgled jednostavna i najte`e su, ~ini se prijem~ive onima koji su direktno izgubili ne- prijem~iva krilatica nosi u sebi ideju o dubokoj, korenitoj pro- koga ili ne{to (npr. svu svoju imovinu) u ratovima. Apsolutnost meni dru{tva, bu|enju iz sna, iz ko{mara nacionalisti~kih urli- njihove tragedije u najve}em broju slu~ajeva uti~e da kao krivca ka, {tektanja oru`ja, krvi, besmislenih smrti, lica izobli~enih pat- projektuju drugog, koji je oli~en u suprotstavljenoj naciji, ili re- njom… Kako „probuditi“ Srbiju? Bez pretenzija na ekskluzivitet ligiji (a skoro uvek su na Balkanu ta dva bila neraskidivo pove- svojih ideja, smatram da su dve klju~ne i njima }u posvetiti naj- zana) i tu je malo mogu}nosti za individualizaciju i za bilo kakav ve}u pa`nju: s jedne strane to je shvatanje da se sve {to se desi- poku{aj obesmi{ljavanja mr`nje. S druge strane, te{ko je sada lo ne sme zaboraviti, a s druge da treba znati ko }e to {to se de- ubediti one koji su svih ovih godina ~vrsto stajali uz politiku ko- silo najbolje prihvatiti i vremenom postati nosilac „osve{}ivanja“ ja je u Srbiji vo|ena da svoja shvatanja treba iz korena da pro- zemlje i, sledstveno, njenog „preporoda“. mene. Nebitno je za ovu ideju da li }e razlog njihove tvrdoglavo- „Teret }utanja“ (Janja Be}) odnosno „sakrivanje pra{ine is- sti da bude vi{egodi{nje „ispiranje mozga“, ili su u pitanju dubo- pod tepiha“ je pona{anje karakteristi~no za svaku zajednicu ko- ko ukorenjeni principi, ili mo`da stid (!). Oni koji }e najlak{e pri- ja je pro{la kroz sli~no nesre}no iskustvo u svojoj istoriji, s tim hvatiti pomirenje kao krajnji produkt procesa „samoosloba|a- {to je srpski primer u tom smislu komplikovaniji jer je u sebi su- nja“ od balasta pro{losti su zapravo – mladi. Imaju}i u vidu sta- blimirao i period poricanja da su bilo kakva nedela uop{te ~inje- rosnu i obrazovnu strukturu zemlje, postaje jasno da, poprili~no na sa njegove strane. Taj period se zavr{io relativno skoro, izno- opasna i nesre}no izabrana teza o „dve Srbije“ koja levitira od {enjem nepobitnih dokaza da „su sve strane u sukobu ~inile zlo- petooktobarskih promena u politi~kom diskursu u ovom slu~a- ~ine“, da iskoristim eufemisti~ki izraz koji neki koriste kao pri- ju i te kako ima smisla. Ona „polovina“ Srbije koju ~ine ljudi ko- znanje. Trenutni politi~ki trenutak, smrt i poslednjeg kreatora ji su malo, ili nikako u~estvovali u kataklizmi bi}e sposobna da krvavih balkanskih ratova s kraja 20. veka, pogoduje onima ~ija od nje i napravi odlu~uju}i otklon, da shvati na primeru svojih je `elja stavljanje svega u ad acta, ali je odli~an i za zapo~injanje roditelja besmislenost i apsurdnost ratovanja i ubijanja drugog bolne, ali preko potrebne pri~e o razlozima u~e{}a Srbije u nji- ljudskog bi}a iz bilo kog razloga. Ta „polovina“ bi}e najlak{e (i ma, pogre{nim ciljevima, izvrnutim kategorijama nacionalnog in- ve} jeste!) u mogu}nosti da premosti sve razlike koje dele Hrva- teresa, pogubnom stavljanju znaka jednakosti izme|u dr`avnih i te, Bo{njake i Srbe. U tom kontekstu je umesno pore|enje sa Ne- nacionalnih interesa, i pre svega, zlo~inima ~injenim u ime toga. ma~kom ({to je u novijoj literaturi ~esto kori{}en i ~ini se, vrlo Dakle, ne sla`em se sa tezom da je potrebno sa~ekati da se mo- kontroverzan koncept) i njenim otklonom od nacizma i strahota

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koje je on doneo – tek je generacija „{ezdesetosma{a“ u svom za- nosu donela pravo mirenje Nemaca sa samim sobom i prihvata- nje udela svoje nacije u istoriji! Naravno, nadam se – o~ekujem da ne}e biti potrebno dvadeset godina i da slede}a generacija taj Marijana Aracki preokret u~ini, odnosno da }e sada{nja srpska mlade` biti u sta- nju da shvati zna~aj svoje uloge i trenutka u kome se nalazi. S jedne strane, njih ne optere}uje neuspela ideja jugoslovenstva, Svako vreme nosi svoje breme. Sre}nijim narodima osta- ~iji antipod je postao nacionalizam i {ovinizam, a s druge, oni su vili su u amanet dedovi, ako ni{ta drugo, a ono {ansu da se uz- o~evici, nemi svedoci po{asti koju je sa sobom taj i takav nacio- di`u dokle ih duhovna krila nose; {ansu da svom `ivotu pru`e smisao. Na{i dedovi mo`da ni slutili nisu {ta se budu}im nara- nalizam doneo. Zato }e upravo oni biti sposobni da u svom vr- {tajima sprema, ili jednostavno nisu imali snage da se izbore sa {njaku Hrvatu ili Bo{njaku prepoznaju pre svega ~oveka, koga svim zlodusima svoga doba; tek, na nama je te`ak, ali ne i ne- more skoro iste brige, isto nemanje novca, isti poku{aji da pro- savladiv zadatak da se najpre suo~imo sa svojom pro{lo{}u, ma na|e svoje mesto pod suncem, i da shvate da ih, u osnovi, vi{e kako bolna ona bila, da bismo se potom, pro{av{i kroz katarzu, toga spaja nego razdvaja. ~isti i sve`i, okrenuli nekoj svetlijoj budu}nosti, u kojoj }e nam Da sve ne bi bilo tako jednostavno, pretpostavka cele kon- se kona~no pru`iti prilika da gradimo osnov za normalan `ivot cepcije je da se ta samosvesna generacija mora edukovati, nego- nas i na{e dece. vati da se kre}e u `eljenom pravcu. Tu je pak neophodna uloga Nijedan problem nije nere{iv, nijedan cilj nije neostvariv, politi~kih elita i civilnog dru{tva koji bi trebalo da, kao neki svoj sve dok postoji energija, volja i upornost, a to podrazumeva ne- trenutni maksimum, poku{aju da ne falsifikuju i dalje istoriju, prekidan rad, pre svega na nama samima, ali i borbu kao svako- da prihvate sva de{avanja i ulogu milo{evi}evske Srbije (pa i svo- dnevni lajtmotiv, jer nas jedino oni mogu spre~iti da zapadnemo ju), u tome i tako omogu}e mla|ima da razviju onaj nivo kriti~- (iznova) u nacionalnu hibernaciju, uzaludno ~ekaju}i nekog no- ke svesti koji je neophodan da bismo se suo~ili sa samim sobom. vog Sotera koji bi nas preko no}i izbavio iz blata po kome gaca- Ako politi~ari to nisu u stanju (a u velikoj meri i nisu zbog bala- mo ve} vi{e od jedne decenije. sta pro{losti u svojim redovima), neophodan je pritisak onih ko- Be`e}i od problema, a to je upravo ono {to danas ~inimo, je sam ve} jednom u radu nazvao „krsta{ima“. U tom smislu i nismo ni korak dalje od njih. Naprotiv! Oni nas pritiskaju sa svih konkurs povodom kojeg je pisan ovaj esej ima i te kako svrhu. strana, u geografskom, ali i svakom drugom smislu, prete}i da Relativno brz uspeh ovakve ideje naravno ne zavisi isklju- nas uskoro progutaju, ako mi ne progutamo njih. Zato se mora- ~ivo od determinanti koje promi~u kroz rad, ve} i od mnogo ~e- mo suo~iti sa njima, i to {to pre, dok nam je od silnog be`anja i ga drugog na {ta mi nemamo uticaj: bitan je na~in na koji }e svet ono malo snage preostalo. Nikad se ne zna – jednom kada zasta- da podr`i (ili ne) Srbiju u njenim poku{ajima da se oslobodi nemo i okrenemo se, mo`da problemi sami pobegnu od nas, ako svog „ko{marnog sna“, ne smeju se zanemariti ni sli~ni procesi je istina na na{oj strani. koji se odigravaju u drugim dr`avama – u~esnicama ratova, a Prvi i nezaobilazni korak u te{kom suo~avanju sa pro{lo- mo`da i najve}i zna~aj imaju politi~ka pitanja koja se moraju {}u podrazumeva da svaki zlo~in po~injen na prostorima biv{e re{iti ove godine, a vezana su za budu}i status i izgled Srbije. SFRJ kona~no dobije svoje ime i prezime, kako bi se kolektivna Ipak, mislim da je ono {to poti~e optimizam (koji nije samo po- krivica izbegla, a pravda bila zadovoljena. Me|utim, pre svega to- sledica moje mladosti) ~injenica da se radi o ireverzibilnom pro- ga, neophodno je re{iti problem sudstva i uop{te pravnog, ali i cesu – dakle nije pitanje da li }emo se osloboditi „balasta“ pro- svakog drugog sistema u okviru na{eg dru{tva, izboriti se sa ko- {losti. Pitanje je samo kad? rupcijom i partijskim (i ne samo partijskim) nepotizmom, jer tek

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tada mo`emo govoriti o pravdi kao takvoj. ^injenica da pojedi- ka`njen, {to }e predstavljati kona~an trijumf dobra nad zlom, i nac nije ka`njen za kr{enje zakona dovoljno govori pre svega o {to }e, u krajnjoj liniji – nadajmo se – ugasiti `elju za osvetom i karakteru dru{tvenih institucija, ali i o samoj toj zajednici i mo- dovesti do pomirenja i opro{taja, preko nam potrebnih. Spora, ralnim vrednostima koje ona neguje. Jo{ jedan od uzroka pro- ali ipak dosti`na, pravda }e na taj na~in sa sobom doneti i sta- blema u sudstvu, ali i vojsci, policiji, zdravstvu, pa i {kolstvu, da- bilnost, kako socijalnu tako i ekonomsku, kao i mogu}nost da kle gotovo u svim sferama na{eg dru{tva jeste nepovoljna eko- napokon sve svoje snage usmerimo na sada{njost i budu}nost. nomska situacija koja je dovela ne samo do tehni~ke neopremlje- Me|utim, jednom okrenuti ka budu}nosti, suo~avamo se nosti ovih institucija, ve} predstavlja i pravi izazov za sve one po- sa novim problemima. „U ovoj zemlji mora{ neprestano tr~ati iz jedince koji se nalaze pod raznim pritiscima i ~ije su moralne sve snage da bi ostao u mestu“, ka`e o zemlji ~uda Luis Kerol, a norme stavljene na probu. Prema tome, stvaranjem bazi~nih kao da govori o Srbiji, pa je stoga neophodno da svi zajedno ulo- uslova za normalan `ivot stvori}e se i bazi~ni uslovi za normalan `imo nat~ove~anske napore kako bi napravili taj jedan maju{ni rad i funkcionisanje svih institucija. korak, ali korak napred. Nakon svog tog uzaludno izgubljenog S tim u vezi, neophodno je dalje (slede}i praksu zemalja vremena, propali, istro{eni i svakako zaostali u razvoju, susre}e- koje su pro{le trnovit tranzicioni put od autoritarnog ka demo- mo se sa fenomenom „svetskog prvenstva“ koje nam pru`a prili- kratskom dru{tvu), formirati tzv. „Komisiju za istinu i pomire- ku da zaigramo igru zvanu `ivot sa ostatkom sveta, ali to tako|e nje“ ~iji bi zadatak bio da rasvetli istinu o doga|ajima iz na{e bli- zahteva od nas strogu disciplinu i svakodnevni trening, na {ta ni- ske pro{losti i tako pomogne i samom sudstvu u re{avanju pro- smo navikli. Ipak, propu{tena prilika je luksuz koji smo predu- blema. Da bi se takva komisija odr`ala (za razliku od „Komisije go sebi dozvoljavali. Dosta je bilo sedenja na klupi. za istinu i pomirenje“ formirane nakon pada re`ima Slobodana Surova realnost sa kojom se svakodnevno susre}emo, a Milo{evi}a koja se ubrzo ugasila usled nesuglasica oko ciljeva koja iz dana u dan sve vi{e podse}a na „Zonu Sumraka“ iz koje zbog kojih je i formirana), neophodno je anga`ovanje kulturne je nemogu}e pobe}i, bez sumnje deluje obeshrabruju}e na sve elite na{eg dru{tva u javnom razmatranju rezultata njenog rada, nas, kada se osvrnemo oko sebe i shvatimo sa ~im se sve treba ~ime bi se i sama svest naroda u izvesnoj meri probudila, budu- uhvatiti u ko{tac – korupcija, kriminal, afere, besmislena mr`nja }i da svako nametanje spolja nikako ne mo`e dovesti do iskre- i jo{ besmislenija ksenofobija koja nas dodatno ko~i i naposlet- nog prihvatanja odgovornosti. ku promene i nezaobilazni proces lustracije koji nikako da ot- Kada se svi ti preduslovi stvore, sledi dug i bolan proces po~nu. Naravno, najlak{e je o~ajavati i tonuti u depresiju dok `i- koji }e neizbe`no uzbuditi sve duhove ve~ito podstaknute na mr- vot prolazi mimo nas. Moramo da se trgnemo – sada, odmah; da `nju koja kao da nikada ne jenjava na brdovitom Balkanu, baca- se probudimo iz u~malosti, i kao nacija i kao pojedinci, i da se ju}i jo{ jednu iskru u odve} prepuno bure baruta, ali proces ko- aktiviramo u re{avanju problema, ako ne `elimo da nam `ivot ji }e kona~no staviti ta~ku na jedno mra~no poglavlje na{e isto- kreira neko drugi. Ako to ne u~inimo, ne}e nam biti kriv niko drugi do mi sami. @ivot – ima li ve}e motivacije od toga? rije. Da bi do toga do{lo (da pojedinci preuzmu odgovornost za svoja zlodela), neophodna je i visoka doza objektivnosti, koja se U trci za boljim sutra imamo jo{ i obavezu da nau~imo one, mo`e dosti}i samo i jedino uz pomo} javnosti koja `rtve mora ~ija svest je retrogradna, da pridru`ivanjem svetu mi ne izdaje- do`ivljavati kao ljudska bi}a, isklju~uju}i svaku njihovu pripad- mo sebe i svoje nacionalno obele`je, ve} naprotiv, iznosimo ga na nost, i politi~ku, i versku, i nacionalnu. @rtva ima identitet i ona svetlost dana da ga i drugi vide, dok kontinuiranom izolacijom mora, uz pomo} medija da iznese svoju pri~u i time dobije ne sa- ostajemo u mraku, sami. mo zadovoljenje (ako se o njemu uop{te mo`e govoriti), ve} i {an- su da povrati svoj dignitet. Kao i `rtva, i zlo~inac je tako|e poje- dinac, koji, ako se doka`e njegova krivica, mora biti pravedno

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riste informacije, analiziraju ih i prepoznaju manipulacije, to jest, kako da od razli~itih (~esto i kontradiktornih) informacija sklope celovitu sliku – istinu. Marko Bankovi} Tek kada se do|e do potpune istine, predstoji suo~avanje svakog pojedinca (kao i cele nacije) sa njom. Sa potpunim sazna- njem o svetu u kom `ivimo dolazi i do potpunog saznanja o na- Uz re~ istina u re~niku pi{e da je to ono {to u svemu odgo- ma samima kao pojedncima i kao naciji, o na{im dobrim, ali i vara stvarnosti, {to odista jeste, {to postoji. Krivica je definisana lo{im stranama. Te dobre strane izazivaju ose}anje ponosa, dok kao sna`no ose}anje srama i tuge zbog saznanja da ste uradili ne- lo{e izazivaju ose}anje krivice. Prihvatanje sopstvene krivice je {to lo{e, dok se za promenu ka`e da je to op{ti naziv {irokog smi- jako te`ak i mukotrpan proces, ali ono u isto vreme ima i katar- sla za sve {to menja sadr`aj ili oblik ili oboje, {to prelazi iz jed- zi~ko dejstvo. Ono vam omogu}ava da se pogledate u o~i u ogle- nog u drugo stanje. Ipak, i pored takvih, naizgled potpuno jasnih dalo, u potpunosti svesni svojih vrlina i mana, spremni da pri- definicija, postavlja se pitanje {ta ovi pojmovi predstavljaju u Sr- hvatite odgovornost za sopstvene postupke, sa izvu~enom pou- biji danas. Odgovor na to pitanje, kao i na pitanje {ta bi ti pojmo- kom kao garantom da se to vi{e ne}e ponoviti. Nije potreban ni vi trebalo da predstavljaju u budu}oj, boljoj Srbiji, uz predloge sudija. ni tu`itelj, niti tu`ba – svako je sebi samom (pod uslovom kako do}i do takve Srbije, bi}e izlo`eni u nastavku ovog rada. da je spreman da svoje suo~avanje sa pro{lo{}u dovede do kra- Kao preduslov svih promena, uklju~uju}i i reformu Srbije, ja), najbolji tu`itelj i najpravi~niji sudija, a presuda koju donese nalazi se suo~avanje sa istinom. Na`alost, u Srbiji je te{ko jasno nije samo tu da osudi, ve} da popravi i osigura da se ne ponovi. definisati istinu, po{to se u ovom trenutku ovde vodi rat izme|u Na`alost, ovo je opis imaginarne Srbije. U stvarnoj Srbiji, mo`da vi{e „istina“. Naime, {ta neko vidi i koja je njegova „istina“ umno- i zato {to mnogi od nje zahtevaju da se ose}a krivom, krivica se gome zavisi od njegove ta~ke gledi{ta, od toga u kom pravcu gle- ne do`ivljava kao pro~i{}enje, kao ne{to {to dolazi iznutra, ve} da i kada pogled (namerno ili ne) skre}e na drugu stranu. Zbog kao zahtev koji je potrebno ispuniti, kao ne{to {to dolazi spolja. toga postoje potpuno opre~ne „istine“ o gotovo ~itavoj novijoj Stoga se ona ili odbija u bilo kakvom obliku ili se isto tako ne- istoriji ovih prostora. Razli~iti stavovi o tome ko je zapo~eo koji kriti~ki prihvata. S jedne strane se nalazi stav da Srbija i Srbi ni- rat, ko je kriv za uvo|enje sankcija, ko Srbiji `eli najbolje, a ko su i ne mogu biti krivi niza{ta, uklju~uju}i i u~e{}e u ratovima, je izdajnik su samo neka od op{tih mesta koja figuriraju ovda- ekonomsku krizu ili lo{ me|unarodni polo`aj. Krivica se naj~e- {njom politi~kom scenom poslednjih petnaest godina, a koja mo- {}e prebacuje na nekog drugog, na svetske sile, prethodnu vlast gu poslu`iti kao primeri postojanja protivre~nih „istina“. Pogled ili sankcije. S druge strane postoji mi{ljenje da je srpski narod cele Srbije je ~esto bio vrlo ume{no skretan u odre|enom prav- kriv i mora biti osu|en za sva zla iz pro{losti, pa se priznaje kri- cu jednostavnim postavljanjem objektiva kamere, pri tom zabo- vica za sve (~esto pri tom govore}i u tre}em, umesto u prvom li- ravljaju}i (poneseni emocijama ili pak namerno) da postoje i cu), za{ta ga bilo ko optu`i (a {to ~ak ide do toga da se javljaju i drugi uglovi pogleda, i druge komponente potpune slike stvarno- mi{ljenja poput onog da je i ubistvo ministarke spoljnih poslova sti, onakve kakva ona zaista jeste, pa odgovarala ona na{im `e- [vedske, Ane Lind, delo psihi~ki neura~unljive osobe srpskog ljama i ideji o njoj ili ne. A upravo takva treba da bude na{a sli- porekla, samo jo{ jedan produkt zlo~ina~ke prirode srpskog na- ka o svetu u kom `ivimo: potpuna, sagledana iz razli~itih per- roda). Zajedni~ko za oba odnosa je to {to oba imaju spoljnu mo- spektiva i objektivna. Umesto da informacije budu samo polazi- tivaciju i {to ni jedan ni drugi ne vode u pravcu istinskog re{ava- {ta od kojih se analizom i upore|ivanjem dolazi do potpune isti- nja problema sa kojima se Srbija suo~ava. Pored toga, krivicu ne ne o tome {ta se dogodilo ili se de{ava, one se shvataju kao pot- treba vezivati samo za zlo~ine. Ukoliko smo znali da se zlo~ini puna „istina“ koja se prihvata ili odbacuje u zavisnosti od podu- de{avaju, a ni{ta nismo u~inili da ih spre~imo, moramo priznati darnosti sa prethodno definisanim stavom o toj temi. I ba{ u to- da i mi imamo deo odgovornosti, ali isto tako treba priznati i me le`i klju~ problema, ljude je potrebno edukovati kako da ko- sopstvenu odgovornost i za sve ono lo{e {to su drugi nama u~i-

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nili, jer ako smo, kao narod koji je u istoriji vi{e puta bio `rtva genocida, u o~ima sveta mi postali genocidni i pretvorili se od omiljene u omra`enu dr`avu, u tome mora da ima i na{e krivice jer su na{i postupci morali biti mudriji i promi{ljeniji. Marko Tasi} Zastoj koji se sada ose}a u promenama koje su zapo~ete 2000. godine je samo posledica toga {to se peti oktobar nije do- godio i u glavama ljudi, jer kako gorepomenuti procesi suo~ava- Oktobar 2005. Istorijski mesec za Srbiju. Pet godina posle nja sa istinom i priznavanja krivice nisu izvedeni u Srbiji, nije bi- nenasilne demokratske revolucije po~elo je ostvarivanje mo`da lo mogu}e izvr{iti ni prave, potpune promene. Promena se u Sr- jedinog cilja oko kojeg je postojala nepodeljena saglasnost, ka- biji i dalje do`ivljava kao nasilna pojava koja nastaje kao proiz- ko me|u gra|anima tako i me|u politi~arima: po~etak pregovo- vod nezadovoljstva odre|enim stanjem ili zbog spoljnih faktora i ra o priklju~enju Evropskoj uniji. Usled toliko te{kih godina iz- koja je definisana kao promena trenutnog stanja, bez jasnog pla- op{tenosti od ostatka sveta, neprekidnog ratovanja i te{ko pod- na kuda je usmerena niti realnog ishodi{ta. Promene su nagle i no{ljive bede, retko se ko usudio da prione na ozbiljna razma- ~esto predstavljaju potpuni zaokret u odnosu na dotada{nje sta- tranja takvog opredeljenja. Iako su uslovi ve} bili poznati(!): ja- vove, iz gre{aka se ne izvla~e pouke, ve} se srlja u nove gre{ke, ~anje pravnih ustanova, pove}anje proizvodnje i iskorenjivanje nema duboke, korenite promene koja proizilazi iz pojedinca, one zloupotreba. A za na{u zemlju, kao i ostale zemlje biv{e Jugo- koja bi bila usmerena da to {to nije bilo dobro promeni, ve} pro- slavije, suo~enje sa zlo~inima ~injenim u bliskoj pro{losti. Me- mene naj~e{}e imaju spoljnu motivaciju: nemogu}nost da se od- |utim, sve glavne snage proevropskog dru{tva bile su usmerene re|eno stanje vi{e trpi, li~nu korist (npr. veliki broj „preleta~a“ – ka obaranju tada{njeg re`ima kako bi uop{te i moglo da do|e pripadnika stranaka biv{eg re`ima koji su nakon 5. oktobra pri- do po~etka istinskog demokratizovanja dru{tva i pribli`avanja s stupili strankama demokratske orijentacije), primoravanje (od ostatkom kontinenta. Kao posledica, izostajale su ozbiljne javne strane Evropske unije, Ha{kog tribunala ili drugih me|unarod- rasprave {ta oprdeljenje ka Evropi i put do njegovog ostvarenja nih organizacija), konformizam ili pomodarstvo. pretpostavljaju; a posebno o na~inima prevazila`enja jaza izme- |u stvarnosti zemlje gotovo nikakve za{tite Ijudkih prava i ra- Da bismo do{li do Srbije u kojoj }e promena biti defini- tom uni{tene privrede i po`eljnog punopravnog ~lana najrazvi- sana ne kao promena trenutnog stanja ve} kao te`nja ka boljem jenije zajednice naroda na svetu. stanju, Srbije u kojoj se promena shvata kao proizvod katarze koja se javlja nakon spoznaje istine, uz realnu viziju ~emu se Srpska vlast je, stoga, u{la u pregovore gotovo nespremna te`i i realno sagledavanje kako }e promena te}i (uklju~uju}i i da suo~i dr`avne ustanove i privredu sa uslovima koji se u pro- te{ko}e koje ona donosi), moramo da se pre svega dobro zagle- cesu povezivanja sa Evropom podrazumevaju. Ponekad se i damo u svoju pro{lost, da se sa njom suo~imo, jer koliko to do- iskreno is}u|avala na zahteve zapadnih diplomata da se mora vi- bro uradimo toliko }emo uspe{no mo}i da vidimo kakva }e {e uraditi po pitanju suo~enja s pro{lo}u, kao uostalom i ve}ina nam biti budu}nost. Samo }e takva, promenjena Srbija, koja se vlada u susednim dr`avama. Ovo zanemarivanje nije prouzroko- suo~ila sa sopstvenom pro{lo{}u i odgovorno{}u, mo}i da po- valo nimalo dobra. Posebno ne na{oj zemlji. Te{ko}e su se nago- stane deo evropske porodince naroda, ne mitolo{ke Evrope ko- milavale tako da ~ak ni po~etak pregovora nije mogao dobiti o~e- ja je spas za sve na{e muke, ve} realne Evrope u kojoj }emo, kivanu pa`nju. Ustav, Kosovo i odnosi sa Crnom Gorom su kao kao u braku, biti ravnopravni u podeli i dobrog i lo{eg, Evrope Damoklov ma~ visili nad pregovara~ima. Jo{ jednom se pokaza- gde }emo biti po{tovani i gde }emo mi po{tovati druge, Evrope lo da te{ko}e prostora Jugoisto~ne Evrope, naro~ito njegovog za- koja }e biti spremna da se suo~i sa sopstvenom istorijom, pre- padnog dela, onemogu}avaju bilo kakvo slavljeni~ko opu{tanje uzme krivicu (i za ono {to je, izme|u ostalih, i nama na`ao u~i- zbog postignutog polit~kog napretka. Postalo je jasno da su svi nila) i promeni se da bi bila bolja. ovi rezultati tek koraci koje treba neophodno napraviti u cilju is-

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punjenja ~etiri gore spomenuta su{tinska uslova ove zemlje ka- komisija po~ela s radom. Od tada, sli~nih poku{aja nije ni bilo. ko bi postala deo porodice najrazvijenijih evropskih naroda. Do- O~iglednu korist, koja bi proizi{la iz jednog takvog procesa, no- ga|aji koji su usledili su to i dokazali. ve vlasti nisu htele da vide. Uljuljkane revolucionarnom podr- Nije se jo{ ni mastilo na Sporazumu o stabilizaciji i pridru- {kom od preko 90 posto, tada{nje vladaju}e stranke su radije vi- `ivanju osu{ilo, a ve} su se pojavile napetosti na severu zemlje, dele pretnju u svojim doju~era{njim saveznicima nego u staran- kao i u nemirnom podru~iju Medve|e, Bujanovca i Pre{eva gde kama, koje su koliko ju~e bile paravan za sprovo|enje politike su etni~ki Albanci poku{ali da prevazi|u svoje me|usobne nesu- totalne nacionalne katastrofe. Umesto da njihove programske glasice i da zatra`e potpunu autonomiju u okviru Srbije. Evropa osnove i nedela diskredituju kroz jednu nepristrasnu istragu i je izrazila zabrinutost, a vode}i politi~ari su se rastr~ali diljem suo~enje sa neposrednom pro{lo{}u, pripadnici tada{nje vlasti Srbije da uveravaju gra|ane (i Evropu) da razloga za zabrinutost u{li su u razne politi~ke, nov~ane i bezbednosne dogovore tako nema jer }e u budu}nosti dr`avne ustanove pravovremeno odgo- da su zlo~inci preko no}i postajali junaci-~uvari revloucionarnog voriti na sve nametnute joj izazove zahvaljuju}i boljoj saradnji sa plamena, plja~ka{i ugledni poslovni ljudi a razbojnici su se laga- organima lokalne samouprave i predstavnicima manjinskih za- no uklopili u dr`avno-strana~ka obezbe|enja. jednica. Me|utim, u~estalost incidenata i sve jasnije o`ivljavanje Rehabilitacija de facto i de jure od zlo~ina po~injenih u zamisli s po~etka 90-ih ukazuju da i te kako ima razloga za po- ime biv{eg re`ima se toliko negativno odrazila na sveukupno ja~anu opreznost. Samo zahvaljuju}i pravovremenom odgovoru dru{tvo da je tada{nji ministar inostranih poslova u novogodi- dr`avnih organa na provokacije ekstremista, prevashodno pu- tem sredstava prinude, spre~eno je dalje pogor{avanje situacije. {njem intervjuu konstatovao kako je 2002. godina izgubljena Iako zna~ajno za odr`avanje trenutne stabilnosti dr`ave, u bu- godina za Srbiju. Nije bio sâm u svojim tvrdnjama. Ali zalud. du}nosti bi bilo neophodno staviti naglasak na spre~avanje uzro- Sve ove opomene nisu preto~ene u konkretno delovanje. Tada- ka umesto na ka`njavanje posledica. Da li je taj cilj i ostvariv? {nja vlast, usled stalnih me|usobnih prepirki, kao da je izgubi- la snagu, ne samo da se suo~i s pro{lo{}u, nego i da napravi bi- Isklju~ivo putem sile, ne. Uspostavljanje reda silom samo lo kakav odlu~an potez u reformi dru{tva. Senka ljudi, koji su pogor{ava zategnutu situaciju, prouzrokovanu prvenstveno du- po~inili mnogobrojne politi~ki motivisane zlo~ine, zlosutno se gotrajno prisutnom mr`njom. Mrzitelji svih opredeljenja imaju nadvila nad celim dru{tvom. na nasilno gu{enje nemira uvek spreman odgovor: usmerava- njem mr`nje prema dr`avi. Dokazuju}i kako im navodno demo- Po~etak nove 2003. nije nagove{tavao nikakav pomak nabo- kratska dr`ava ugro`ava gra|anska prava i slobodu izra`avanja lje: ljudi s mutnom pro{lo{}u su iskoristili uticaj koji su imali da li~nih stavova, oni nepogre{ivo raspiruju mr`nju me|u svojim bi zapo~eli svojevrsnu prepisku preko javnih glasila nedostojnu pristalicama, koje u na{im uslovima nisu malobrojne. A time se ozbiljne dr`ave. Oni su ~ak iskoristili jedinstvenu priliku da u javlja i sumnja u efikasnost dr`ave i u li~nu bezbednost kod osta- svojim pisanijima predlo`e put kojim bi Srbija trebalo da krene, log stanovni{tva, {to se izuzetno negativno mo`e odraziti na sta- pri tome se pozivaju}i na svoju pro{lost punu patriotizma, narav- bilnost dru{tva. Zbog toga je, pored zakonskih mera, neophod- no neradi da uka`u neukoj javnosti na kakav su je na~in dokaza- no stvoriti dru{tvenu klimu u kojoj bi do{lo do istinskog proce- li. A i za{to bi? Ratni zlo~inci i razbojnici su postali tako mo}ni sa pomirenja i suo~enja s bliskom pro{lo{}u. da vi{e, ne da nisu morali da se skrivaju iza tajnovitosti raznih Proces suo~enja i pomirenja je, na`alost, u na{oj zemlji bio slu`bi i poslova u „dr`avnom“ interesu, nego su po~eli da dele lek- ubijen i pre nego {to je po~eo. Komisija osnovana odmah posle cije o politi~koj i ekonomskoj budu}nosti Srbije poni`avaju}i us- petooktobarske smene vlasti nije ni za`ivela. Nemaju}i su{tinska put njene zvani~nike kao potpuno nesposobne i izgubljene. Sve je ovla{}enja potrebna da bi opravdala postojanje jednog ovakvog nagove{tavalo veliku nesre}u, mnogi su opominjali, ali uzalud. tela, mnogi njegovi ~lanovi su podneli ostavke i pre nego {to je Dr`ava je u potpunosti bila onemogu}ena da reaguje.

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S tragedijom od 12. marta 2003, proces suo~enja sa pro- ima neko svoje mi{ljenje, tako da se iz vida gubi celovitost stra- {lo{}u dobija na zna~aju. Danas je sigurno da su zvani~nici dr- danja u proteklim godinama. `ave ozbiljno pristupili ovom dru{tvenom i dr`avnom pitanju, Pored u~e{}a vode}ih mislilaca u Srbiji, neophodno je i neposredni izvr{ioci atentata bi bili, ako ne u zatvoru, onda ba- uklju~ivanje predstavnika verskih zajednica. Smirivanje uzavrelih rem ra`alovani i li{eni svake mogu}nosti da tako tragi~no uti~u strasti i sagledavanje tragedije ratovanja u na{oj javnosti se me|u na sudbinu dr`ave. Ali jo{ jedna prilika za kona~an obra~un sa prvima desilo u okivrima vo|stva verskih zajednica. Prvi kontak- pro{lo{}u posle ubistva predsednika vlade je oti{la u nepovrat. ti po pitanju me|ukonfesionalnog razumevanja su u~injeni jo{ u Umesto da do|e do naj{ire nacionalne akcije, u kojoj bi se pored vreme sukoba na podru~ju biv{e Jugoslavije, ali se od tada, na`a- sredstava sile postavile institucionalne osnove za jednu duboku lost, nije daleko odmaklo. Nesuglasice i ukorenjene predrasude rasparavu o uzrocima ove nacionalne tragedije i suo~avanja sa jo{ postoje ali me|ureligijski dijalog kao da utihuje. Dr`ava je du- te{kom pro{lo{}u, nova vlada se odlu~ila za poku{aje diskredi- `na da reaguje i spre~i prekid ovog procesa kako bi predupredi- tacije i hap{enja politi~kih protivnika. Tek su policijske istrage i la neugodna iznena|enja poput paljenja svetih objekata i izaziva- svedo~enja pred sudovima potvrdila ono ~ega je gotovo svaki gra- nja verske mr`nje. Ipak ono {to ohrabruje je javno izra`en odbo- |anin Srbije bio svestan: o dubokoj isprepletanosti ratnih zlo~i- jan stav velikih crkava i verskih zajednica u Srbiji prema ekstre- na, kriminala i biznisa. Ali isklju~ivo oslanjanje na delovanje po- mistima u sopstvenim redovima. Stoga je podr{ka dr`ave, strana- licije i beskrajna su|enja se pokazalo kao nedovoljno i daleko od ka, nevladinih organizacija i javnosti neophodna kako bi se ovaj bilo kakve smislene strategije nacionalnog suo~avanja sa po~i- proces nastavio, a ne ostao samo na re~ima i lepim `eljama. njenim zlo~inima i prevazila`enju njihovih posledica u sada- Naravno, ni uloga Evrope se ne mo`e zanemariti. Evropa, {njem trenutku. kao politi~ki, ekonomski i civilizacijski cilj Srbije u ovom tre- nutku, mora da podsti~e svaki pravi korak ka me|unacional- Od tada je predaja dostupnih optu`enih i dokaznog materi- nom pomirenju kako u okviru zemlje tako i u zapadnom delu jala Ha{kom tribunalu gotovo jedino zna~ajno {to je na polju su- Jugoisto~ne Evrope, jer suo~avanje s pro{lo{}u na teritorijama o~avanja u~injeno. Ovo bi, me|utim, bilo suvi{no isticati da je Sr- povezanih zajedni~kom tragedijom raspada SFRJ je neraskidi- bija sposobna sama da se suo~i sa pro{lo{}u. Nije, me|utim, sve vo povezano zajedni~kim nasle|em i zajedni~kom te`njom ka tako tmurno jer potrebno je preduzeti hitne mere kako bi se ovaj budu}nosti u okvirima Evropske unije. Podsticanje me|uzavi- proces doveo do kraja. Najpre je potrebno za{tititi postignuto. snosti i saradnje izme|u novonastalih dr`ava ne samo da }e do- Pretnje i neodgovorne izjave politi~ara su do sada pravile najvi{e prineti njihovom suo~avanju sa pro{lo{}u nego }e i u~vrstiti nji- pote{ko}a istra`nim organima i sudijama koji se bave ratnim zlo- hov put ka Evropi i lak{e prilago|avanje na uslove koji ih o~e- ~inima i organizovanim kriminalom. Strogo ka`njavanje ovakvih kuju kada budu postale punopravne ~lanice velike Zajednice ispada i stvaranje uslova za pravovremeno reagovanje organa go- evropskih naroda. To je mogu}e u~initi samo uz punu podr{ku njenja i pravosu|a najve}im delom uklanja ovu prepreku. Evrope. Ukoliko ne bi izostala onda bi bio i izvesniji odgovor na Osim zakonskih mera, potrebno je podsticati javne raspra- pitanje: Quo vadis, Serbia? ve o zlo~inima koji su ~injeni. Naravno, ove javne rasprave je po- trebno staviti u jedan {iri okvir, kao osnov ozbiljnog istar`ivanja stru~njaka iz raznih oblasti ~iji bi rezultati bili predstavljeni jav- nosti kao po~etak istinskog suo~avanja sa pro{lo{}u. Da bi se ovo postiglo neophodna je bli`a saradnja vlasti, stranka, nevladi- nih organizacija i javnih glasila {to nije, na`alost, do ovog trenut- ka postignuto. Slu~ajevi se razmatraju posebno, pri ~emu svako

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duktivno arhiviranje svih mora pro{losti i modernizacija (ne sa- mo tehni~ko-tehnolo{ka, ona je mogu}a i bez re{avanja te{kih pitanja) dru{tva. Jednom kada se stvori kriti~an nivo dru{tvene Bojan Savi} spremnosti da se kopa po nedavnoj pro{losti i o saznatom stvo- ri nekakav konsenzus, kolektivni stav dru{tva u pogledu defini- cije problema i njegovog re{enja, onda }e srpsko dru{tvo biti sposobno da se odlepi sa humanisti~kog dna i odbaci kolektivnu Uvod amneziju kao sredstvo odr`avanja duhovnog mira. Cilj ovog rada je okvirna postulacija i davanje odgovora na pitanja koja, uronjena u jednostrane, emocijama i prakti~nopo- U tom smislu, ovde }emo poku{ati da poka`emo kako liti~kim svrhama optere}ene percepcije, ocrtavaju ontolo{ko je- klju~na odgovornost za ~injenje neophodnih koraka ka moderni- zgro zbunjenosti, podeljenosti i iracionalnog gneva koji postoje u zaciji dru{tva kroz prihvatanje postojanja i drugih nacionalnih srpskom dru{tvu krajem XX i po~etkom XXI veka, a u odnosu (posve manje slavnih) istorija le`i na dinami~nom (pomalo i „balkansku tragediju“ i fantasti~an sistem obezglavljenosti koji je amorfnom) delu dru{tvenog kontinuuma, delu javno mnjenje – za sobom ostavio nebrojene posledice, najzad i bezbroj `ivota civilno dru{tvo i, konsekventno, na individui. svedenih na logi~ku granicu smisla. Ocenu problema vr{i}emo shodno trima pitanjima: Analiza problema Ne samo {to se javnom mnjenju u Srbiji ne {alje poruka da • Gde se mo`e zatvoriti lavirint pravne, politi~ke i moralne je krivaca i u „na{im“ redovima bilo, da je snaga jednog dru{tva odgovornosti za ratna de{avanja, socijalne konflikte i ne- i u moralnoj odgovornosti prema `rtvama da se utvrdi stepen trpeljivosti, koji uporno dezorijenti{e srpsko dru{tvo ve} pravne odgovornosti, ve} se poruka izvrgava u kolektivno samo- drugu deceniju i, naravno, ko sve u lavirintu treba da laganje i laganje sveta: „naravno da niko ‘na{‘ nije kriv, to doka- ostane? zuje i iskrenost ‘na{eg’ otpora, ali, ipak, zarad budu}nosti na{e • Je li lavirint, ovde, sinonim za haos ili nu`an odraz slo- zemlje, moramo neke pojedince da izru~imo nekakvom sudu, `enosti problema? nekima moramo i sami da sudimo…“. Samo nepo{tovanje kri- • Mo`e li i treba li iko da pomogne srpskom dru{tvu u su- vi~nopravnih mehanizama bi se jo{ nekako i moglo prihvatiti ka- o~avanju sa poraznim ~injenicama iz bliske istorije, i ako da bi postojala pravna dr`ava i volja da se zakon implementira treba i zaista mo`e, ko bi to trebalo biti? (mada se ti mehanizmi i ne po{tuju zato {to ona ne postoji), pru- `aju}i nekakvu nadu da }e kazneni sistem ipak po~eti da radi, Kriterijum koji disecira ovu preslo`enu i kontroverznu po- ali op{ta (unutar sistema vlasti) nevoljnost da se procesu ozbilj- javu i iz koga ishode ova tri pitanja je naizgled utilitaran, dakle no pristupi daleko vi{e pora`ava. nesu{tinski i „reda medve|e usluge“ koju srpsko dru{tvo mo`e Ono {to je, ipak, najozbiljnija ta~ka ovog problema je od- sebi da u~ini ako se njime ozbiljno bavi (prosto zato {to daje pro- nos javnosti prema vremenski bliskim doga|ajima, zlo~inima, stora re{enjima koja su uistinu kvazire{enja i pseudoodgovori: „krivi su balkanski i strani politi~ari/nije kriv niko, to je vihor ra- zlo~incima i ratu. Tu dolazimo do, ~ini se, klju~nog aktera stori- ta“, „du`nost je Evropske unije, SAD… Zapada da nam pomog- je o traganju za istinom i njenoj konstruktivnoj instrumentaliza- nu da prebrodimo ekonomske probleme, {to }e dovesti do smi- ciji u reformi dru{tva, do javnog mnjenja kao depozitara, kako rivanja Balkana…“). Kriterijum je ~injenje ili situacija koja treba problema, tako, verovatno, i njegovog re{enja. da olak{a aktuelnu zbunjenost i konfuziju identiteta u srpskom Jasno je da srpsko javno mnjenje, kao medijski opremlje- dru{tvu. U njegovoj pozadini, zapravo, le`i jasna vrednost – pro- no i povezano, za javne poslove zainteresovano srpsko dru{tvo,

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ima vrlo izra`enu dinamiku produkcije stavova, reakcija na doga- To je, ~ini se, odgovor na svojevrsno prejudicijelno pitanje, |aje iz stvarnosti i zahteva koji se upu}uju prema pravno-politi~- ko treba da odgovori na prethodno postavljena tri pitanja, kao kom sistemu. Ono je, o~igledno, oko pitanja ratnog nasle|a i du- principa dola`enja do dru{tvenog konsenzusa? Uz svu mogu}u boko podeljeno, toliko da bismo mogli ~ak tvrditi da postoje dva ograni~enost ponu|enih odgovora, va`no je primetiti da se na ova javna mnjenja Srbije, vrednosno diversiflkovana. No, za{to onda pitanja, s obzirom na te`inu problema, treba usuditi odgovoriti. tvrditi da je re{enje ovog konstitutivnog dru{tvenog problema u Premda se malo, na nivou vlasti, ~ini kako bi se proces fi- rukama ba{ tog javnog mnjenja? Za to postoje bar tri razloga: nalizirao, obim i doma{aj pravno-politi~ke odgovornosti se, ma- • ~injenica je da u brzofunkcioni{u}im, sa zahtevima mo- kar na nivou suda, barem ~ini jasnim i na njega smo okvirno dernog dru{tva suo~enim politi~kim sistemima, jedna od odgovorili zapo~inju}i analizu problema (fokusiraju}i o{tricu retkih brana vrtoglavom rastu demokratskog deficita tih prava na pojedince za koje postoje osnovane sumnje da su po- sistema jeste upravo javno mnjenje koje svojim reagova- ~inili ratne zlo~ine, u~estvovali u njihovoj pripremi i pomagali ih njem, zahtevanjem i sudom kompenzuje opadaju}u ulogu ili {irili govor mr`nje). Istina, brojne prakti~ne nedoumice ja- parlamentarne kontrole i rast birokratske sve-kontrole; vljaju se kada u svakom pojedina~nom slu~aju treba proceniti postoji li pravna i politi~ka odgovornost (upravo u konkretnim • javno mnjenje, koriste}i kapacitete svog kontinualnog produ`etka, civilnog dru{tva (npr. mediji ~esto va`na ob- slu~ajevima je ove dve kategorije va`no odvojiti i rasplesti iz po- ja{njenja, informacije, ~ak i „insajderske“, dobijaju od luslo`eni~kog odnosa), a pogotovu kada treba oceniti povla~i li akademskih, univerzitetskih krugova, nevladinih organi- politi~ka i pravnu odgovornost u datom slu~aju (tj. da li je za zacija itd.), te zahvaljuju}i umre`avanju, raspola`e najve- navedeni oblik politi~kog pona{anja postojala pravno utvr|ena }om relativnom sumom socijalnih resursa, pa i informa- staza odgovornosti) i kako postupati prema ljudima koji su do- cija (ne{to od toga duguje se sinergetskom efektu); neli pogre{nu politi~ku odluku ali za nju ne mogu odgovarati krivi~nopravno (npr. kolika je Milo{evi}eva odgovornost za ne- • javno mnjenje je to koje svojom elasti~no{}u i dinami~- prihvatanje dokumenta iz Rambujea 1999. godine?). No, na no{}u mo`e da za|e u pore politi~kog sistema (zakono- ovom terenu jedino je diskutabilna snaga dru{tva da bude raci- davstva, vlade, sudstva, legislative, politi~kih partija, bi- onalno i proceni posledice koje su po njega imala ovakva ~inje- rokratije, politi~kog pona{anja i kulture), razgrne njego- nja, tj. ne~injenja. I ovde je dru{tvo depozitar svih prava na do- ve naslage i zapo~ne proces samoreforme. deljivanje moralne i istorijske odgovornosti. No, u pogledu mo- Na`alost, nedoumice oko toga zahteva li proces „raskopa- ralne odgovornosti ne treba biti {krt. Pored ve} poznate, i poma- vanja“ nekakvu avangardu (i pogre{no ube|enje da zahteva, {to lo izlizane teze, da su za Milo{evi}a ipak glasali bira~i u Srbiji, se reflektuje i u besomu~nom i destruktivnom lamentiranju va`no je da svako zapita sebe: jesam li ikada osetio da podr`a- nad gubitkom premijera \in|i}a) i neuspevanje da se ta avan- vam eskalaciju ratnih dejstava, ratne ciljeve koji su u mogu}no garda profili{e i „povede“, inhibiraju akciju civilnog dru{tva agresivni ili, najzad, kakav ratni zlo~in, zato {to sam osetio da (kao forme na su{tinskom kontinuumu dru{tvo – civilno dru- podi`u moj nacionalni ponos; da li sam ikada imao stav da su {tvo – javno mnjenje) i ukopavaju ga u novu spiralu neefektiv- srpske `rtve na{e i da o njima samo treba da brinemo, jer, naj- nih nedoumica. O~igledno ostaje da odgovornost ne preuzima zad, svako o svome brine, pa na osnovu toga doneo kakvu od- niko za nas i sa nama, odgovornost preuzima individua (ili luku od, makar i minimalnog, politi~kog zna~aja? Skup umre- osve{}ena/atomizirana grupa individua) i zapo~inje proces, in- `enih individualnih ili grupnih iskrenih odgovora postepeno }e, fektiraju}i brojne socijalne mre`e kao resurs civilnog dru{tva, ma koliko to utopijski izgledalo, menjati stanje dru{tvene svesti, koje, najzad i konsekventno, pritiska i javno mnjenje da pro- pomeraju}i i srpsko javno mnjenje ka polu ja~eg pritiska na meni op{te samoshvatanje Srbije. vlast da kazni ili, pak, u~estvuje u ka`njavanju krivih.

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Lavirint izgleda jako slo`eno, ali njegova je poenta u posto- {ko da }e na{e dru{tvo postupiti druga~ije. To ne zna~i samo da janju izlaza. Ma koliko da proces zatvaranja kruga odgovornih ne smemo praviti konfuziju u pogledu redosleda koraka. Napro- na sva tri nivoa (politi~kom, pravnom, moralnom) izgleda mu- tiv, to je su{tinski va`no u smislu izbora aktera koji preuzima ~an i dug, on, naposletku, nudi nekakav izlaz, stoje i dalje bes- odgovornost. Prebacivanjem sve odgovornosti za na{u identitet- krajno bolje od besmislenog vrtenja u krug. Mo`da ne budu ka- sku reformu i socijalnu modernizaciju na Zapad (koje, navod- `njeni svi, mo`da nam bude i te{ko da priznamo svoj deo odgo- no, dolaze kao posledice ekonomskog napretka), mi, zapravo, vornosti, mo`da je svi i ne priznaju, ali dokle god to uradi gene- skidamo sa sebe odgovornost prihvatanja sopstvenih gre{aka. ri~ko jezgro demokratije – kriti~na ve}ina, bolje je nego biti u Niko nas ne mo`e pomiriti sa sobom samima i drugima ako sa- stalnom stanju {atla koji be`i od stvarnosti. Verovatno }e istina mi prethodno ne odlu~imo da se mirimo na zdravim osnovama opteretiti dru{tveno polje, barem kratkoro~no, ali }e, silom lo- istine (druga~iji put je samo guranje istine pod tepih istorije, a gike, pokrenuti – ona }e stvoriti novo dru{tveno stanje, novu ~i- ne pomirenje). Ozbiljna dru{tva nemaju luksuz be`anja od od- njenicu. No, prethodno je va`no istinu prezentirati, kako u me- govornosti. ^ini se da su Evropljani to shvatili. Ostaje samo da dijima, tako i u glavama. im se i mi, Balkanci, pridru`imo. Tu dolazimo i do jedne od nedoumica instrumentalnog zna~aja: treba li sve ovo da ~inimo sami, treba li ko da nam po- mogne i koliko? Dobro je, prirodno, kada te{ke stvari radimo uz ne~iju podr{ku, tako ih lak{e i uradimo. Dobro je i kada ima- mo veliku pomo} u tome. Ipak, va`no je povu}i jednu granicu u kvalitetu (premda se ona ~ini kvantitativnom): svojim te{kim problemima se moramo baviti mi. Dakle, korisno je kada neko poslove obavlja sa nama, ali ne umesto nas. Evropa odli~no zna koje su vrednosti i, napokon, koristi po{tovanja ljudskih prava. I ona je sama u~ila. S tim u vezi stoji i jedna od „parazitskih“ te- za uvre`enih u ovom dru{tvu: samo neka nam Evropa, SAD… pomognu ekonomski, pa }emo tako stabilizovani biti sposobni- ji i da re{avamo te{ke probleme identiteta, pronala`enja kriva- ca i, posledi~no, pomirenja sa sobom i drugima. Osnova ovog stava je, zapravo, jedna op{tija teza: ekonomski stabilnija dru- {tva su i nekonfliktna. Pored toga {to je ova teza neta~na per se, jer dana{njica pru`a obilje suprotnih primera, ona u na{em problemskom kontekstu ima i jasnu logi~ku gre{ku: identitet- ske probleme uspe{no re{avaju u kulturolo{kom smislu moder- na dru{tva, ne ona bogata (ona }e, mo`da, te`e pribe}i sukobu, ali je to sasvim druga postavka; npr. stvaranje evropskih zajed- nica je po~elo pomirenjem doju~era{njih protivnika, predvo|e- nih novim elitama, kada su jo{ bili osiroma{eni i ratom opusto- {eni, a ne kada su kao funkcionalna tr`i{ta koja su ve} akumu- lirala novo dru{tveno bogatstvo“ uvideli sve koristi neke prosto ekonomske integracije). Jure}i za svim slastima utilitarizma, te-

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narod. Takvo definisanje krivaca je blago re~eno neozbiljno, i predstavljalo bi kona~ano uni{tenje jednog naroda. Ka`em ne- pravedno ne zato {to bi to automatski podrazumevalo i moju li~- Marko Be{lin nu krivicu kao `itelja Srbije, ve} zato {to bi to podrazumevalo me{anje kolektivne i pojedina~ne odgovornosti. Ose}aj svoje ver- ske i teritorijalne pripadnosti sa onima koji su bili aktivni u~e- Pitanje krivice je nesporno najosetljivije pitanje koje se ti- snici u zlo~inima, ne sme da mi ni za jedan trenutak stvori ose- ~e ~oveka. Od malih nogu kao da nam je implementirana ta oba- }aj odgovornosti i krivice. Nije moja krivica {to sam ro|en u ze- veza da konstantno i svakodnevno izbegavamo ose}aj koji nosi mlji gde obitavaju ljudi koji se terete za zlo~ine. Ako neko fizi~ki krivica. ^inimo sve, samo da niko sa nama ne deli ovu vrstu nije bio vr{ilac zlodela, on ne mo`e po bilo kom osnovu biti kriv, moralne odgovornosti, ili ne daj bo`e da samostalno u~estvuje- a samim tim i osu|en. Tu bih definitivno zauzeo poseban stav mo u njoj. Nesebi~no je prosle|ujemo nekom drugom jer je ta- prema onima koji su imali komandnu odgovornost. Njihovu ko mnogo bolje i bezbolnije po nas. Ne znam kome mo`emo da stranu nikako ne mogu zastupati. Kap koja bi prelila ~a{u, bila zahvalimo za ovaj „dar“, ali je evidentno da ova osobina krasi ve- bi upravo generalizacija krivice i obavezivanje onih jo{ nero|enih liku ve}inu populacije u zemlji, a sva je prilika da }e krasiti i bu- na do`ivotni ose}aj odgovornosti. ^a{a `u~i je punjena u prote- du}e nara{taje. klih desetak godina, i nikako ne bi bilo pametno sada je proliva- Me|utim kada govorimo o krivici, ne mo`emo a da ne spo- ti. Bolje je ostaviti, dok sve u njoj do poslednje kapi vremenom menemo pitanje koje se sve intenzivnije pro`ima u javnost. To je ne ispari. Re{enje mo`e biti procesuiranje pojedinaca, i to po pitanje pojedina~ne i kolektivne odgovornosti. Srbija je zemlja principu hijerarhije odgovornosti i ovla{}enja. Jedino ovakvo re- koja je za proteklu deceniju uspela da ratuje vi{e puta nego ne- {enje problema mo`e biti prihvatljivo. Niko ne `eli da odgovara i ke druge dr`ave od svog postanka, Upravo ti ratovi doneli su mo- da bude smatran krivcem, za ono za {ta nije odgovoran. Ne `eli- re krivice razli~ite te`ine. Be`anje od odgovornosti, kao i porica- mo da otpla}ujemo dugove pojedinaca, ali se moramo konstant- nje su samo instrumenti za privremeno skrivanje istine. Ratovi no prise}ati na{ih politi~kih i izbornih opredeljenja, jer su upra- su se okon~ali a vreme naplate dugova je do{lo. Dugo i `eljno vo ona davala ingerencije zlo~incima. Suo~avanje sa ne tako dav- smo odlagali ba{ ovaj vid izravnavanja ra~una, ali i tome je do- nom pro{lo{}u i njeno iskreno razmatranje, mo`e slu`iti kao vo- {ao kraj. Bosansko-Hercegova~ka federacija je pokrenula proces di~ na putu ka evropskim integracijama. Politika zaborava i de- protiv Srbije, i samim tim jasno stavila do znanja celom svetu da vize „bilo pa pro{lo“, ne sme se prolongirati u ovom slu~aju. `eli da raskrsti sa pro{lo{}u. Takav stav na{ih suseda mogu da shvatim jedino sa stanovi{ta `elje za utvr|ivanjem krivice, ali ni- Istinu }e kao i mnogo puta do sad, svaki ~ovek druga~ije kako ne mogu da razumem da `ele da okrive celokupnu srpsku okarakterisati. Uspe}e da ubedi sebe na sve mogu}e na~ine, da naciju za ono {to im se dogodilo. Rat je besneo na obe strane, i je ba{ njegovo vi|enje stvari ono pravo vi|enje. Do kona~nih nikoga nije {tedeo. U svakoj zemlji postoje lideri koji se biraju, promena u Srbiji jo{ nije do{lo. Puno je onih koji sa prezirom radi reprezentovanja naroda. Na{ izbor za lidera nije bio izbor za gledaju na promene. Moj li~ni stav je da sam optimista u pogle- put smrti, ve} utabavanje staze za nastavak `ivota. Na{a je jedi- du koristi koje }e nam promene i reformacije doneti. Mo`da }e na gre{ka, {to nam interesi nisu zastupani na adekvatan na~in, mi ljudi prebacivati zbog te moje `elje i nadanja, ali imam pra- od strane onih koji su to trebalo da ~ine. Suludo bi bilo da jedan vo da verujem u bolje sutra. Ne}u da budem pijun nekog novog narod bira politi~are i lidere ~ije su osnovne `ivotne misije ubi- poretka, ve} `elim da kao pojedinac samostalno gradim svoju janje i uni{tenje. Politi~ki predstavnici su oni koji u ime stanov- budu}nost. Va`nost suo~avanja sa pro{lo{}u nije bitna samo ni{tva vode dr`avu, prema tome neshvatljive su reakcije nekih zbog evropskih integracija, ve} i zbog postavljanja zdravih te- zemalja koje `ele da za ulogu krivca nominuju celokupan srpski melja jedne nove dr`avne i politi~ke filozofije. Promene i refor-

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me u zemlji moramo obavljati prvenstveno samostalno, a tek onda se oslanjati na pomo} sa strane. Naravno pomo} sa stra- ne je uvek dobrodo{la, ali nas ona isto tako mo`e prevariti da smo sa svakom novom donacijom sve bli`i cilju. Sami smo kri- Jelena Jorga~evi} vi {to smo dospeli tu gde jesmo, i niko nam ne}e biti bolji sa- veznik od samih nas. Poznata narodna izreka „najpre da po~i- stimo ispred svoje ku}e, a tek posle kod drugih“, mogla bi se primeniti u ovom slu~aju. Neka svaki pojedinac preispita sa- O krivici, istini i promeni u Srbiji mog sebe, a tek onda neka sebi priu{ti slobodu da komentari- ^esto sam u opasnosti da pomislim da je Ni~e bio u pravu {e druge. Pitanje promena je dug i slo`en proces, i nemogu}e je govore}i da ne postoje istine ve} samo perspektive. I kada slu- da se zavr{i preko no}i. Bitno je da nada za bolje sutra ostane {am jedne koji sa nenadma{nom ube|eno{}u govore o ne~emu, prisutna kod {to ve}eg broja ljudi, kako bismo {to odlu~nije i a potom druge koji sa jednakom stra{}u i uverenjem tvrde upra- revnosnije grabili ka Evropi. Promene moraju nastati, a svaki vo suprotno, mogu samo da se, uz odobravanje, nasme{im nje- pojedinac bi trebalo shodno svojim mogu}nostima da aktivno govoj tvrdnji. Ali postoji ne{to {to se ne da izbrisati, reinterpeti- u~estvuje u tom procesu. Gre{ke se ne smeju ponavljati, bar ne rati i bestidno okrenuti na svoju stranu. one koje sa sobom nose gubitak ljudskih `ivota. Konstanto To ne{to su ~injenice, brojke, dokazi. Ali ne brojevi, koji podse}anje na sve na{e ratove koji su vo|eni u protekloj dece- svojom hladno}om oduzimaju ljudskost svode}i ~oveka na cifru, niji, mo`e biti i te kako kvalitetna preventiva za otklanjanje po- svode}i `ivot na statistiku, ve} ona neopovrgavaju}a pro{lost ko- tencijalnih gre{aka. Dru{tvo koje bi bilo pod takvom vrstom psihi~kog pritiska, ima {anse za budu}nost. Poslednja slamka ja ne trpi kalkulacije. Turgenjev je predivno primetio da kad jed- spasa pred ponorom zvanim izolacija nam je pru`ena, vreme }e nom priviknemo svoju savest da ne{to primi kao „nu`no zlo", to pokazati da li smo je iskoristili na pravi na~in. uskoro po~inje sve vi{e da nam izgleda kao nu`no, a sve manje kao zlo. I valjda od toga moramo da se sa~uvamo. Potkupljivanja iskonskog ose}aja za moralno. Tra`enja opravdanja za neopro- stivo. Epidemije slepila, ba{ kao u Saramagovom romanu. Kad god pri~am o ovom na{em ratu, kako ga zovu iz milo- {te, pla{im se da }u zazvu~ati, ili pateti~no ili da ne}u uspeti da se oslobodim onih nebrojenih fraza kao: Moramo prihvatiti kri- vicu. Moramo biti spremni da se menjamo. Jer to je jedini put. I {to ih ~e{}e ~ujem sve mi izgledaju neiskrenije, dobijaju vrednost neke bit parole, a gube pravo zna~enje. Valjda se misli da ako se ne{to ponavlja dovoljni broj puta prihvati}e se. Ina~e, postalo je svakida{nje da se nekako i pojam krivice i pokajanja uzima suvise apstraktno, suvi{e olako. To je proces, a ne mome- nat. To je period postepenog suo~avanja. Jer bilo bi potpuno po- gre{no, verujem, prihvatiti ne{to jer je tako re~eno. Jer je onaj „odgore“ rekao da je jedini put – put promena. Verujem da ako se ne{to uzme kao dato, ako se ne prihvati odistinski, onda }e se kad-tad, pojaviti sumnja koja }e se opet, zahvaljuju}i nekom do- brom govorniku, nepovratno rasplamsati. Moraju svi ljudi pona-

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osob, ne koristim re~ narod, suvi{e me podse}a na onu vo|enu rovari po na{im glavama, da nam ne dâ da udahnemo sve` vaz- masu. da shvate da nije u pitanju ni~iji hir. Ljubomora. Pakost duh. Da protrljamo o~i. Ili barem, skinemo nao~are. neke velike sile. Niko nam se ne sveti. To je ono {to se ovde stal- no doga|a. Neka ideja, stalno iznova podstreknuta, da nam je Kamo idemo? Srebrenica name{tena jer nekome nismo bili simpati~ni. U neko bolje dru{tvo. I sam Kant priznaje da je ve~ni mir Stvari nisu cmo-bele. Niti smo mi svi kolja~i niti mu~enici. samo utopija, ali da to ne zna~i da k njemu ne treba te`iti. Ali ljudi sa imenom i prezimenom, Srbi, ubijali su civile. To je ~i- Koliko mi samo izrabljene zvu~e re~i: tolerancija, prihvata- njenica. Bili su izbori i ve}ina stanovni{tva izabrala je Slobodana nje razlika, nediskriminacija. A opet koliko nam je njihovo ostva- Milo{evi}a da ih predstavlja. To je ~injenica. Nije on jedini kriv jer renje nu`no potrebno. ^ovek, trska koja misli. Ro|en bez svog jedan ~ovek, ma koliko mo}an bio, ne mo`e sam voditi rat. I to je znanja ili `elje. „Ba~en“ u Srbiju, Hrvatsku, Kubu, Ameriku. Iz- ~injenica. Izme|u dve krajnosti, da smo potpuno nevini i da smo graditi svest o tome da smo svi ljudi. Ne jednaki jer to me suvi- potpuno krivi, ipak postoji Aristotelova zlatna sredina. Kao naci- {e podse}a na uniformnost, ve} ravnopravni. To je, mislim, zdra- ja, skloni smo ekstremima. I od toga moramo da se sa~uvamo. vija forma jednakosti. Ne postoji malo zlo. ^esto ~ujem prepucavanja o tome ko- Graditi dru{tvo u kome se onakve stvari ne smeju ponovi- liko je civila ubijeno. Pa, time ne~iji greh nije manji. Ljudski `i- ti. Iza sebe imamo sna`nu opomenu. Toliko sna`nu da nas sva- voti ne bi smeli da se vagaju. I da je u pitanju jedan jedini nevi- ki dan nanovo podse}a. Ka`u da ako neko pobegne od svoje pro- no ubijen, morali bismo prona}i onog ko je za to kriv i izvesti ga {losti taj, nikada ne}e mo}i da zakora~i odistinski. Ona }e mu se pred sud. Postoji jo{ jedna zamena teza koja mi budi podozre- vra}ati poput bumeranga i zarivati mu se u ko`u kad god poku- nje. Za{to? Zbog ~ega saznati {ta se desilo? Jer je to uslov za. {a da se pomeri. Neki od nas rade ne{to jo{ stra{nije. Falsifiku- ulazak u Evropsku uniju. I ako nam to postane glavni razlog, mi- ju ju~e i stvaraju ga po onome {to im odgovara. Manipuli{u svim sao vodilja, onda nismo odmakli od po~etka ni korak. Neke stva- i sva~im izazivaju}i kolektivnu amneziju. I daju nam novo ju~e. ri moramo da prihvatimo radi sebe, sopstvenog mira. Ni{ta stra- Ono {to poku{avam da ka`em je da moramo da se pogleda- {nije od neiskrenog pokajanja. mo u o~i. Bez izvrdavanja. I ne treba na tu|oj patnji prikupljati po- Sada. kada je Hrvatska jedna od retkih zemalja u koju ula- liti~ke poene, ma bili oni za ili protiv ovoga {to pri~am. Jer kada zimo bez vize, koliko mi sve deluje besmisleno. Imam dvedeset se oseti neiskrenost u glasu, nesigurnost u re~ima, sve {to se ka- godina. Za mene je rat onda zna~io slanje paketa ro|acima u Sa- zalo dobija neku grotesknu formu, ne{to nalik la`i. Zadr`ati dobru rajevo, na{minkane vesti i par razgovora odraslih da bismo mo- meru u svemu. Misliti ono {to se ka`e. A ne treba ba{ mnogo da gli da tra`imo iseljeni~ku vizu za Novi Zeland. Ali sada. prosto se vidi {ta se desilo. Tu su one spomenute brojke i ~injenice. mi je neverovatno da je mogu}e, da je toliko ljudi }utaio. Koliko Negde sam pro~itala da istoriju pi{u pobednici. Kad se njih se nije usudilo da se suprotstavi? Zar je pokornost tako sna- osvrnem ~ini mi se da ovu na{u istoriju nema ko da napi{e. Iz- `na emocija. I zar je mogu}e tako lako preobratiti ljude, kao da gleda da smo svi pora`eni. Samim tim {to se desilo. su lutke s koncima? Mnogo je onih koji snose moralnu odgovor- Nadam se, to je jedino {to mogu da ka`em. I mnogo puta nost. I pregr{t je opravdanja. Svakakvih. Ali ja, trenutno, ne mo- se setim onog Remarkovog junaka koji sedi u muzeju, za vreme gu da se setim nijednog valjanog. Drugog svetskog rata, i ne mo`e da poveruje da ista ona vrsta ko- Suvi{e dugo su se stvari ovde nazivale pogre{nim imenom. ja je stvorila takva umetni~ka dela je ona koja zverski ubija zbog Suvi{e dugo su tri prsta bili sinonim za patriotizam, a zdrav ra- ne~ijeg imena i prezimena. zum samo glas izdajnika. Ka`u da je za ispravljanje gre{ke po- I dok ovo pi{em titraju mi re~i Bernarda [oa: „Sloboda trebno duplo vi{e vremena nego koliko je trebalo da se ona na- podrazumeva odgovornost. Zato se ve}ina nas i boji.“ Pa red je, pravi. Ovde se ne{to prihvatilo isuvi{e brzo, a ne{to tako uporno valjda, da prihvatimo teret te, tako opevane slobode.

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treba da brinemo, i da se o njenoj (tj. na{oj) budu}nosti stara- mo. To definitivno ne radimo ako ne ustanovimo ko je i za {ta kriv, {ta je i kakva je istina, na kojoj strani nam je budu}nost i Dejan Vujani} ko treba i mo`e sa nama da gradi tu budu}nost. Da krenemo od onog {to definitivno znamo. Znamo gde nam je budu}nost. Budu}nost Srbije je u Evropskoj uniji, i {to O krivici, istini i promeni u Srbiji se toga ti~e tu ne treba da bude nikakvih manipulacija. Budu}- nost nam je u Evropskoj uniji ne zato {to su tamo uslovi za `ivot O krivici, istini i promeni u Srbiji se danas ne govori u onoj bolji nego ovde, ve} zato {to tamo postoje pravila, norme i vred- meri u kojoj bi trebalo. Posmatraju}i medije i politi~ke stranke nosti koje su nama potrebne i bez kojih ne mo`emo da napredu- gotovo da se uop{te o ovome i ne govori, a i kada se govori sti~e jemo. Pravila, norme i vrednosti koje je ovo dru{tvo nekada u se utisak da to {to se govori ne misli, i da to {to se govori ne ra- manjoj meri imalo a tokom proteklih godina rata i sankcija pot- di i ne primenjuje u praksi. Ono {to je tu najbolnije je to da bi puno ih uni{tilo, izgubilo i zaboravilo. Ali da bi do{li do te bu- ova tema morala zauzimati centralno mesto u svakoj ozbiljnijoj du}nosti moramo se uvatiti u ko{tac sa sada{njim problemima, drustveno-politi~koj raspravi u zemlji koja je na putu tranzicije i od kojih su neki novi, poput kapitalizma, demokratije, ali ima tu putu prema Evropskoj uniji. i starih problema kao sto su Kosovo, odnosi sa susedima, ustav- Osim pukog sagledavanja stanja i kritikovanja istog, {to je no odre|enje Srbije, primena zakona itd. Ono {to tako|e mora- i najlak{e (u)raditi, potrebno je pa`nju usmeriti na isturanje ove mo uradti jeste da ne ponavljamo gre{ke pro{lih generacija zbog teme u prvi plan. Za{to? Zato {to bez prihvatanja odgovornosti, kojih je po mom mi{ljenju Srbija danas mala, siroma{na, nepi- za stvari za koje svi (u)tvrde da si bezpogovorno odgovorni, pro- smena zemlja u 21. veku, koja ne mo`e da (o)dr`i korak sa sve- sto nema napredka. Da li }e razgovor o krivici, istini i promeni tom. Zbog tih generacija i dalje ve}ina ljudi u Srbiji smatra da je u Srbiji nama kao gra|anima pomo}i? To zasigurno ne znamo, zlo~in u stvari herojski ~in, da je populizam legitimna politi~ka ali znamo da nam izbegavanje te teme, pored toga {to to nije ni- opcija, da je Evropska unija kradljivac identiteta, da su me|una- malo ljudski, sigurno ne koristi i ne}e koristiti. Pitanje koje se rodne institucije ohole inkvizicije i sli~no. Sa ovakvim stavovima dalje postavlja je slede}e: Kome je u (bilo kakvom) interesu da se se mo`e dogoditi samo odre|ena promena, a to je promena na o krivici, istini i promeni u Srbiji ne govori, kome to smeta i ko- gore. To je promena kakva nas je zadesila devedesetih godina me to {teti? Moj odgovor je jednostavan. To nije u interesu, sme- pro{log veka. Po~eci devedesetih su danas propu{tena {ansa. Ta- ta i {teti upravo onima koji tu krivicu treba da „nose“ na svojim da smo imali bolju priliku da uradimo ovo {to treba da radimo le|ima, koji prihvatanjem te krivice treba da daju doprinos isti- danas. Tada smo imali priliku da prihvatimo razne, ali u velikoj ni i koji tim humanisti~kim ~inom treba da dovedu do, nama svi- meri manje krivice i istine, da odredimo put Srbije, put u Evro- ma potrebne promene. Isti ti koji su najvi{e odgovorni kriju se pu, put i red i institucije, ali na `alost znamo {ta se dogodilo. Za- iza nas kao kolektiviteta i time nas kao narod i kao dr`avu gura- to je na dana{njoj Srbiji jo{ ve}a odgovornost jer mora da se te- ju i dalje u provaliju. Ostali gra|ani koji sa krivicom nemaju ni- meljno obra~una sa svojom mra~nom pro{lo{}u i da se bukval- kakve posredne veze su tako|e odgovorni. Odgovorni su zato {to no sudari sa istorijom. Ako do toga uskoro ne do|e bojim se da o tome ne razmi{ljaju, zato {to okre}u glavu, odgovorni su zato }e u budu}nosti Srbiji ponestati ljudi koji }e uop{te i razmi{lja- {to se pona{aju kao da ne `ive u ovoj dr`avi, a sa takvim pona- ti o istini, krivici i promeni. {anjem mo`da ne}e ni `iveti u ovoj dr`avi, ali ne zato {to }e odav- Ono {to tako|e smatram da je va`no jeste da su Srbiji de oti}i, nego zato {to }e takvim pona{anjem dr`avu potpuno potrebni pozitivni i zdravi stavovi ali ne zato {to to neko `eli da uni{titi. Mo`da zvu~i pretenciozno ali mi smo dr`ava, i mi o njoj ~uje ve} zato {to jedino takvi stavovi vode prema promeni na bo-

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lje. Samo pozitivnim radom i `eljom za nekom budu}no{}u ta budu}nost }e nam i do}i. Iako ve}ina problema koji nas o~ekuju su iz na{e pro{losti i veoma su te{ki za definisanje, mi se u njima ne smemo dugo za- Ivana Karamarkovi} dr`avati. Suo~avanje sa istinom i problemima po mom mi{ljenju ne bi trebalo da bude dugotrajan proces. Suo~avanje sa istinom je trenutak u kome se ta istina prihvata, trenutak u kome se sa- Bez ra{~i{}avanja u sudstvu, ni{ta nam gledavaju stvari onakve kakve jesu i trenutak u kojem se kre}e ne vredi {to }emo mi, i na strani polici- dalje. Na{u istinu, istoriju i krivicu treba prihvatiti bez obzira ka- je, i na strani gra|anstva, a i na strani kva je. Ona je na{a i od toga ne treba nikako be`ati. To su stvari vlade, poja~ati aktivnosti, jer sud je taj koje se ne mogu menjati i zarad prave budu}nosti se ne smeju koji na kraju odlu~uje, kao i u svakoj menjati. Primer tog ignorisanja i neprihvatanja istorije i istine je zemlji. na{ ceo dvadeseti vek. I {ta nam je to donelo? Da nam se pona- Zoran \in|i} vljaju stvari koje uporno od istorije skrivamo. Ima jedna re~enica koja je za Srbiju i njene gra|ane vrlo va`na. „Ne mo`e se Srbija promeniti a da mi ostanemo isti.“ Ja razumem da to zna~i da }e se Srbija promeniti samo ako se mi Cilj ovog rada je ukazivanje na neophodnost borbe protiv promenimo. Ako kao gra|ani shvatimo da i mi nosimo odgovor- korupcije u srpskom dru{tvu i neophodnost funkcionisanja po- nosti ove dr`ave iako nismo na dr`avni~kim funkcijama. Mada je licije i pravosu|a. Pre nego {to uop{te krenemo da se bavimo bitno da oni na vrhu dr`avne piramide uvide da od njihovog op- pojmom „istina“ u sferama srpskog dru{tva (koji bih u ovom ho|enja prema dr`avi zavisi u velikoj meri i na{ odnos prema is- kontekstu najradije izjedna~ila sa pojmom „odgovornost“) – mo- toj. Kada ljudi na ~elu kolone krenu da se menjaju taj lanac pro- ramo da utvrdimo krivicu. mena }e do}i i do onoga koji je na kraju te kolone. To zna~i da prvi koji treba da prihvate odgovornost, krivicu i istinu jesu or- Problemi sa kojima je Srbija suo~ena na po~etku okasnele gani vlasti, pa posle njih i svi gra|ani, i time se taj krug zavr{a- i mu~ne tranzicije su veliki, mnogobrojni, vi{eslojni i me|usob- va i onda mo`emo zajedno da idemo u budu}nost. no tesno povezani: negativna transformacija srpskog dru{tva u proteklih petnaest godina, zloupotreba najva`nijih institucija ove zemlje: zloupotreba policije i pravosu|a, propalost i osionost tih institucija, korupcija, nelegalna ekonomija, organizovani krimi- nal, nepristojnost medijske sfere srpskog dru{tva i radikalno na- cionalisti~ke politi~ke struje koje opstruiraju pozitivne promene i pribli`avanje Evropskoj uniji. Iza pateti~nog termina „kolektivna krivica“ vrlo ~esto se krije izbegavanje odgovornosti. Jedino jasan obra~un sa pro- {lo{}u i krivi~no gonjenje lica koja snose politi~ku, pravnu i moralnu odgovornost za de{avanja u Srbiji u poslednjih petna- est godina mo`e normalizovati srpsko dru{tvo. Nema smisla iz- vinjavati se Srebrenici. Srebrenici ne treba izvinjenje ve} nad- le`nost i a`urnost srpskog pravosu|a kao dokaz da se zlo~in

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ne ignori{e i ne zaboravlja – zlo~in se ka`njava u skladu sa za- mosfera u Srbiji je i dalje apati~na i pro`eta neznanjem, nedo- konskim propisima. Ali kako? statkom etike i kriti~ke misli. Kako koncept civilnog dru{tva pre- Dr`avnu strukturu ~ine nefunkcionalne i uglavnom korum- vesti na srpski? pirane institucije, policija zloupotrebljava ovla{}enja i svojim ne- Neposredno posle 05. 10. 2000. godine zapo~ela je refor- reagovanjem ohrabruje bezakonje, dr`avni organi ne sankcioni- ma pravosu|a, na po~etku 2002. godine doneti su novi zakoni o {u kr{enje ljudskih prava, pravosu|e je sporo, zakoni se ne pravosu|u koje je Ustavni sud blokirao jula iste godine. Premi- sprovode, dru{tvena slojevitost je prestala da postoji. Srbija se jer Zoran \in|i} je ubijen neposredno uo~i konstitutivnog sa- deli na nekolicinu bogatih i armiju siroma{nih. Poreme}ene ska- stanka novog Saveta za borbu protiv korupcije. Ubice Zorana le vrednosti efektivno ubijaju samoinicijativu gra|ana i ne pru`a- \in|i}a jo{ nisu osu|ene, a u Srbiji jo{ uvek nema mnogo poma- ju im razloge za razvitak ose}aja za op{ti interes. Gra|ani su ne- ka u borbi protiv korupcije. Ipak, ne treba izgubiti iz vida da se mo}ni. Srbija upada u zamku radikalno nacionalisti~kih politi~- borba protiv korupcije odvija na vi{e frontova i da se ne smemo kih struja delom i zbog tendencije da zlo~ine koji su se vr{ili nad zavaravati optimisti~kim stavom da ona u Srbiji ne}e dugo traja- njenim gra|anima pod re`imom Slobodana Milo{evi}a (koji ide- ti. Na ovom mestu `elim da uka`em na zna~aj podr`avanja delo- olo{ki jo{ uvek `ivi), u ratovima na teritoriji biv{e Jugoslavije i u vanja Saveta za borbu protiv korupcije, zna~aj primene Zakona ime demokratije pod NATO bombama koje su bile protivne me- o slobodnom pristupu informacijama od javnog zna~aja, zna~aj |unarodnim zakonima i pravilima Ujedinjenih nacija (kada su primene Zakona o finansiranju politi~kih stranaka i zna~aj pro- gra|ani na svojoj ko`i okusili nesrazmernost humanitarnog pra- jekata koji imaju za cilj informisanje i obrazovanje gra|ana o va i politi~ke prakse) kompenzuje negiranjem zlo~ina koji su iz- mogu}nostima koje im ovi zakoni pru`aju. vr{eni u ime gra|ana Srbije od strane gra|ana Srbije, i to po Vladin nedavni predlog za reformu pravosu|a i strategija principu „oko za oko, zub za zub“. U uslovima Milo{evi}eve vla- vlade za ostvarivanje nezavisne politike u pravosu|u do 2011. sti proizveden je i selektivno kori{}en u svrhu u~vr{}ivanja unu- godine izazvali su o{tre kritike od strane Udru`enja sudija Srbi- tra{nje okupacije posttotalitarni nacionalizam. Delovanje krimi- je. Koreni nesporazuma oko pravosu|a se svode na nedostatak nalaca i ratnih profitera u ime nacije i vere degradiralo je srpsko politi~ke volje vlasti da rasture mehanizme koji im mogu biti od dru{tvo i marginalizovalo stvarne interese naroda. Odbrana Mi- koristi. Za{to se zakoni ne primenjuju? Na primer, postavlja se lo{evi}eve politike je prouzrokovala katastrofalne posledice, a pitanje za{to je zaboravljen postoje}i Zakon o odgovornosti za njena „logika“ jo{ uvek predstavlja sasvim sulude pozicije svojih kr{enje ljudskih prava, poznatiji kao zakon o lustraciji koji je primitivnih interesa kao nacionalni i istorijski interes Srbije. mogao da dovede do smenjivanja velikog broja sudija koji su bi- Slavljenje kriminalaca i ratnih profitera i njihovo uzdizanje u na- li ume{ani u name{tanje izbora i unapred odlu~ena su|enja ko- rodne heroje od strane radikalno nacionalisti~kih politi~kih ja je vodio Milo{evi}ev re`im? Kao rezultat tog zakona formirana struja mo`e da se pripi{e nedostatku demokratije – Milo{evi}ev je komisija za lustraciju koja je prestala sa radom pre nego {to re`im je godinama koristio kontrolisanje sredstava informisanja, je ijedan predmet obra|en do kraja. Za{to ~i{}enje institucija vrlo slobodnu interpretaciju istorijskih ~injenica, jednostrano vlasti i javnih slu`bi od predstavnika pro{le, sada{nje i budu}e projektovanje, selektivnu upotrebu kao i potpuno prikrivanje ~i- vlasti sklonih kr{enju ljudskih prava ne nailazi na podr{ku vla- njenica i monumentalnu sliku o nevinosti nacije pro{aranu teo- sti? Odgovor na ovo pitanje je jednostavan i o~igledan: zato {to rijama zavere i pro`etu re~nikom mr`nje. Ovo su bili instrumen- bi lustraciji bili podlo`ni premijer, guverner Narodne banke, ti za sputavanje gra|ana, njihovo obespravljivanje i istrebljivanje predsednik Republike, narodni poslanici, funkcioneri, direktori gra|anskih vrednosti. Psiholo{ko slepilo mase je nastalo kombi- javnih ustanova, direktori preduze}a, ~lanovi vlade… nacijom manipulisanja vlasti ideolo{kim pritiskom i materijal- Obezbe|ivanje kontinuiteta u procesu reformisanja pravo- nom prinudom. Bio je to sigurni put u mentalnu zaostalost. At- su|a je neminovno. Predstavnicima vlasti se ne bi smele pru`iti

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mogu}nosti da uti~u na tu`ila{tva i sudije u procesima. Tu`ioci- ma treba obezbediti su{tinsku nezavisnost i otcepljivanje od kontrole izvr{ne grane vlasti. Dono{enje i sprovo|enje novog za- kona o policiji, kao i dalekose`na i obuhvatna reforma srpskog Maja Perovi} pravosu|a su preduslovi za promenu Srbije. Smatram da bi se realizacijom zakona o lustraciji mogla pravno zaokru`iti srpska pro{lost koja je optere}ena velikim zabludama, paranoidnom @ivot u dr`avnoj zajednici se po~eo raspadati po~etkom politikom i te{kim kr{enjem ljudskih prava. Javnost mora da se devedesetih. Izbio je rat u BIH, a jo{ ranije, negde krajem osam- pozove na odgovornost za zlo~ine i na utvr|ivanje istine. desetih, povremno je dolazilo do sukoba na Kosovu. Rat u BiH Krivicu i istinu utvr|uju nadle`ni sudovi. Iz toga zaklju~u- se zavr{io, ostavljaju}i za sobom neopisivu gor~inu, prezir, mr- jem da pravosudni sistem ubrzo mora postati efikasan i kompe- `nju, `alost i pokajanje. Sukobi su naterali mnoge da napuste tentan ako `elimo da se pribli`imo realnim uslovima za pozitiv- svoje domove, dok je veliki broj Srba, Hrvata, Bosanaca, Alba- ne promene u Srbiji. naca, Muslimana ubijeno. Istina je da smo dugo uspevali da `i- vimo zajedno, grade}i svoj prosperitet i bolju budu}nost. [ta se U suprotnom }e budu}nost Srbije biti izolacija, degradaci- dogodilo, ~ini se da niko zaista ne zna. Onih koji bi voleli da sa- ja i nihilizam. znaju, veliki je broj, posebno mladih, koji nikada nisu direktno u~estvovali u bilo kojim sukobima. Da li }e se ikada ~uti odgo- vori na sve ~e{}e postavljana pitanja? Dans nas o~ekuje ~itav splet mukotrpnih koraka, dok stremimo pokajanju i eventual- nom pomirenju. (Problem 1) I ko je kriv? Postoji veliki problem koji se od- nosi na krivicu i njenu dimenziju pripadnosti. Da li je opravda- no postojanje kolektivne ili pojedina~ne krivice? Sigurno da se javljao ose}aj kolektivne krivice, jer se u samom procesu pomi- renja ne ide postepeno. Do istine ne}e biti lako do}i, jer je sve {to je dovelo do sukoba na ovim na{im prostorima jo{ na sceni u pu- noj snazi. U Francuskoj se 50 godina nije otvaralo pitanje fran- cuskog oportunizma, a ni u pobe|enoj, potu~enoj, razorenoj, okupiranoj Nema~koj to sa denacifikacijom nije i{lo ni brzo ni lako: tek se posle 1968. masovnije suo~avalo sa fa{isti~kom pro- {lo{}u. (Re{enje l) Presija je tu dok sukobi jo{ uvek traju, zato treba po~eti od rane koja je njvi{e zarasla. Stoga, po mom mi{lje- nju, jo{ uvek ne mo`emo govoriti o pomirenju vezanim za de{a- vanja na Kosovu, ali o istini i krivici tokom rata u BiH, zasigur- no mo`emo. (Re{enje2) Ono {to odre|uje krivicu jeste odgovornost i mogu}e pokajanje. Utvrditi ova dva pojma sa stanovi{ta postoja- nja, i povezati ih sa konkretnim imenima i prezimenima, bi defi- nitivno predstavljao prvi korak ka pomirenju. (Problem 2) Zato

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su javnost i dr`avne institucije duboko podeljene po pitanju utvr- hodnom periodu bila su, kao i u svim sli~nim slu~ajevima, prav- |ivanja pojedina~ne odgovornosti Srba u de{avajima na Kosovu dana tzv. dr`avnim razlozima i ~injena su u tajnosti kad god je to i u BiH. Takva podeljenost se ogleda u grupama koje su za, i gru- bilo mogu}e. Me|utim, kako je jo{ Kant tvrdio: „Svi postupci ko- pacijama koje su protiv saradnje sa Ha{kim tribunalom. S dru- ji se doti~u prava drugih ljudi su nepravi~ni, ako se njihova mak- ge strane, postoji veoma vidljiva podela pri progla{avanju ljudi sima ne sla`e sa publicitetom.“ zlo~incima ili herojima, koja naravno, nikome ne koristi ve} (Problem 5) Pored dr`ave i medija, aktivno u~e{}e treba- predstavlja kamen spoticanja. lo bi da uzmu i nevladine organizacije. Sve mi se ~ini da one ni- (Problem 3) Istina je da sva re{enja vezana za pomirenje i su dovoljno efikasne u svom radu jer ne stimuli{u populaciju, budu}nost, ne samo Srbije ve} i ~itavog regiona, treba po~eti ini- ve} samo {a~icu, ~esto slabo uticajnih ljudi. Ne ka`em da njihov cijativom dr`avnih organa. O~igledno je da takva inicijativa kod rad nije cenjen, ve} je neefikasno usmeren samo na mlade lju- nas ne postoji. Mo`e se samo na}i u fragmentima me|u pripadni- de, njihovim anga`ovanjem u radionicama i seminarima. (Re{e- cima odre|enih stranaka, ali ~ak ni njihova slo`nost i odlu~nost nje 5) Ono {to bi NVO trebalo da uklju~i u svoj spektar delat- nije dovoljno jaka da se bori protiv suprotnih interesa. Zapravo, nosti je lobiranje, i to veoma intenzivno lobiranje na dr`avni nema politi~ke volje za kazivanjem istine, jer su svi napori u tom vrh. NVO bi trebalo da budu „tre}a strana“ ili „nevidljiva ruka“ smeru izgledali iznu|eno. (Re{enje 3) Formiranje Komisije za u obaranju prve domine. Ali i pre same njihove akcije, mi mo- istinu u vreme kada je Ko{tunica bio predsednik, predstavljalo je ramo uspostaviti pravne okvire koji bi nam dali mogu}nost stva- sam po~etak. Me|utim, da bi takva Komisija uspe{no radila, neo- ranja dobro organizovane dr`ave. phodno je da postoji saglasnost najva`nijih dru{tvenih aktera o (Problem 6) Definitivno postoji problem u nerazlikovanju ciljevima rada te komisije. A takvog konsenzusa nema, ako ne po- dozvoljenog od nedozvoljenog, pa ~ak i u okviru zakonodavnih i stoji zajedni~ki motiv za suo~avanjem sa, naj~e{}e, veoma nepri- izvr{nih organa srpske vlasti. Ovakvo stanje predstavlja jo{ jed- jatnom istinom. I ve} posle par godina, postalo je sasvim jasno da nu prepreku, stvaraju}i nemogu}nost za odabir odgovaraju}ih ta komisja ne obavlja svoju funkciju – formiranje mosta izme|u metoda i procedura delovanja ka pomirenju. Sukobljavanje ni`ih priznanja i istine, s jedne strane i krivice i pomirenja, s druge. Po- i vi{ih zakonodavnih akata, s jedne strane i poreme}aj vrednosti stoji mogu}nost da se formira nova Komisija za istinu, koja bi i morala s druge, stvaraju takvu situaciju. (Re{enje 6) Ono {to ovog puta imala ozbiljnu podr{ku svih relevantnih dru{tvenih nam je potrebno je adekvatna promena u okviru zakona i eduka- partija i donekle stabilizovanih dr`avnih institucija. cija ljudi. Edukacija bi se ogledala u poku{aju da promeni su- (Problem4) Na koji na~in treba pogledati istini u o~i, kada bjektivno vi|enje situacije, kao i perspektivu koja je u osnovi cr- postoji ogromna podeljenost u okviru samih d`avnih zvani~nika. no-bela: potrebno je mnogo raditi i na pobolj{anju komunikaci- Takvo stanje, de fakto izaziva kolebanja u okviru javnosti i sa- je. Svako ko imalo pridaje zna~aj na~inu me|usobnog obra}anja mih medija, koji postaju preokupirani spletkama, aferama i me- javnih zvani~nika, mo`e primetiti odsustvo bilo kakvog smisla za |usobnim tu`akanjima, jure}i za aktuelnom ve{}u, a ne istinom. diajlog sa neistomi{ljenikom. (Re{enje 4) Mediji su oni, koji bi trebalo u najtesnijoj vezi sara- I kako treba kreirati pravi put od priznavanja istine, ka- |ivati sa vla{}u, i stvarati jo{ jedan most sa {irokim narodnim `njavanja krivaca, pokajanja i me|usobnog pomirenja? Sigurno masama. Mediji, posebno televizijske stanice, treba edukovati da je veoma bitno postojanje kolektivnog pam}enja, a ne kolek- narod Srbije u pogledu prihvatanja istine. Oni su ti koji bi treba- tivne krivice radi moralne obnove ~itavog dru{tva. Samo kolek- lo da probude `elju za saznanjem i razotkrivanjem vela tajni. tivno pam}enje, zajedni~ko se}anje, omogu}ava kako opro{taj, Javno razmatranje je nezamenljiv instrument za uklanjanje ili tako i njegovu su{tinsku pretpostavku, iskreno pokajanje, koje ograni~avanje „nevidljive mo}i“, koja je karakterisala autoritarno {titi demokratiju protiv dalje zloupotrebe vlasti. Ljudima treba srpsko dru{tvo. Naime, kr{enja ljudskih prava i sloboda u pret- otre`njenje istinom ma koliko ona surova bila. Surova jeste, jer

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su tu uvek tajne, predrasude, sukobljavnja na najvi{im delovima vlasti. Potrebno je pre}i slede}e korake ka pomirenju: • Sve korake sprovoditi postepeno, bez jakih presija od Aleksej Ki{juhas strane me|unarodne zajednice. • Treba definisati odgovornost za zlo~ine na individualnom nivou i kazniti krivce. Uvod • Sama inicijatava u kretanju ka pomirenju treba biti u „(Treba da) upoznamo ispraznost na{ega patriotizma, okviru dr`avnih organa. neprirodnost na{eg dr`avnog ure|enja i da sakrijemo svo- • Komisija za pomirenje bi trebalo da kreira most izme|u je lice od stida. Jer, stid je neka vrsta gnjeva koji je okre- nut u sebe. I kada bi se cijela nacija zaista sti|ela, onda bi priznanja i istine, s jedne strane i krivice i pomirenja s ona bila lav koji se povla~i pre skoka. (…) Vi me gledate druge. smije{e}i se i pitate, {to je s tim postignuto? A ja odgova- • Preko medija povezati akcije dr`ave sa {irokim narod- ram: stid je ve} revolucija“ – (Karl Marks, Pismo Rugeu iz 1843. godine). nim masama. Mediji bi trebalo da igraju va`nu ulogu u otkrivanju vela tajni i otre`njenju nacije. „Nije prvo pitanje, ho}emo li u Evropu, ho}emo li eko- nomske reforme, ve}i standard, sve je to pod „be“. Prvo i • Neophodna je visoka politi~ka i pravna stabilnost dr`ave osnovno pitanje, uslov svih uslova, je prihvatanje jednog za sprovo|enje bilo kakvih mera. Stoga treba obezbediti op{teg konsenzusa o tome da shvatimo {ta je ra|eno u ime i odgovaraju}i pravni okvir i me|usobnu saradnju svih Srbije, {ta je ra|eno u ime srpskog naroda. (…) Bez pri- znanja {ta su Srbi radili, bez jedne javne kampanje o tome ~inilaca u politi~kom `ivotu Srbije. {ta se de{avalo na prostorima biv{e Jugoslavije, te{ko je • Sprovoditi intenzivnu edukaciju dr`avnih zvani~nika ra- uop{te govoriti da Srbija mo`e da postane civilizovana, di prevazila`enja netolerancije, egocentrizma, predrasu- normalna – da u|e u dru{tvo evropskih naroda“ (Petar Lu- kovi}, Nezavisna svetlost br. 350, jun 2002). da i necivilizovane komunikacije. • Ve}e anga`ovanje NVO i njihov uticaj na sam vrh dr`ave. Uprkos „doma}oj“ populisti~ko-politi~koj pri~i o „nevero- vatnim/neiskori{}enim potencijalima“ ove zemlje, ali i realnoj `e- lji zemalja Evropske unije spram pobolj{anja politi~ke i ekonom- ske situacije u zemlji – svedoci smo ~injenice prema kojoj se srp- sko dru{tvo nalazi na samom kraju „liste uspe{nosti“ onih dru- {tava koji su zapo~eli sa procesom tranzicije. Uz puno po{tova- nje spram ~injenica prema kojima je u srpskom dru{tvu taj pro- ces po~eo najkasnije, kao i zna~ajnih unutra{njih potresa (pr- venstveno misle}i na atentat na premijera Srbije) – ~ini se kako te ~injenice jednostavno nisu dovoljne za razumevanje takve „po- slednje“ pozicije srpskog dru{tva. Osnovni problem pred kojim se nalazi srpsko dru{tvo danas jeste poku{aj uspe{nog zavr{etka temeljnih dru{tvenih promena nazvanih tranzicija, kao i pronalazak teorijskog modela kojim bi se taj proces uspe{no, efikasno i brzo okon~ao. Re{enje ovog pro-

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blema bio bi upravo diskurs o istini i (sopstvenoj) krivici u kon- idejnu matricu, vode}i sistem vrednosti koji spomenute pojave tekstu dru{tvenih promena, i to jeste diskurs koji, sa svime {to }e ne sankcioni{e, ve} omogu}ava i perpetuira1. Re~ je o dubinskoj pokrenuti, te promene mo`e u~initi temeljnijim i su{tinskim i time i konzervativnoj uronjenosti u koordinate nacije, crkve i dr`ave pribli`iti srpsko dru{tvo jednom kvalitetnijem i bezbednijem me- na gotovo jednakom nivou kao {to je to bilo u pred-tranzicionoj stu za `ivot. Ovo je teza koja se ovim radom `eli dokazati. Srbiji. To je momenat u kome vidimo sr` problema. Tako|e, svesni izvesne redukcije, i koriste}i se pomalo re- Zvani~na tranziciona politika gotovo da nije u~inila ni{ta trohegelijansko-marksisti~kom dihotomijom, ne}emo se bazira- na promeni/tranziciji ove idejne paradigme. Kao ilustraciju bi- ti na tzv. materijalne, vidljive determinante (poraznog) stanja smo naveli odnos prema instituciji Ha{kog tribunala koji je sim- srpskog dru{tva (razorenost institucija, infrastrukture, fizi~ka bol odnosa prema nacionalisti~ki obojenom zlo~inu, odnosno razorenost mnogobrojnih fabri~kih postrojenja, tehnolo{ka zao- prema idejama pred-tranzicione Srbije. Naime, posebno indika- stalost, gubitak ranijih tr`i{ta, broj od preko milion nezaposle- tivni element jesu razlozi opravda(va)nja saradnje sa spomenu- nih radnika i sl). Ovde }emo insistirati na onom idejnom, vred- tim sudom od strane tranzicionih snaga. Ti razlozi ne dolaze iz nosnom stanju u dana{njem srpskom dru{tvu, po{to }e nam sfere idejnog raskida sa pro{lo{}u – ve} su ~isto materijalne pri- ono poslu`iti za formulaciju novog idejnog okvira i sistema rode. Re~ je o donacijama i inostranim kreditima koji (ne)}e bi- vrednosti kao, uvereni smo, mogu}eg modela napredovanja na ti zaustavljeni o dugovima koji (ne)}e biti otpisani i sl Hag je i u spomenutoj „listi tranzicione uspe{nosti“ i otuda re{enja proble- javnom govoru politi~ara demokratske i tranzicione Srbije (tzv. ma koje dru{tvene promene sa sobom nose. „druge“ Srbije) „om~a oko vrata“, „gorka pilula koja se mora progutati“, i sl, a ne stvarni idejni raskid i diskontinuitet sa po- Aktuelno idejno stanje jedincima i politikom za koje se vezuju optu`be za ratni zlo~in. Tranzicija u sferi idejnog se, jednostavno, ne de{ava, a mi{ljenja Re~ je o situaciji koja je dobro opisana ~uvenom senten- smo kako je to va`an aspekt diskursa o mogu}nostima tranzici- com o (srpskoj) `elji za promenama 2000. godine ne zbog ide- je uop{te, Do te tranzicije mo`e do}i samo saznavanjem istine o je vo|enja ratova, ve} zbog poraza u njima. Ta ve{to skrojena de{avanjima devedesetih, jasne svesti o krivici koja, kao aktivi- sentenca zapravo govori kako je, u sferi idejnog, do{lo do veo- sti~ka snaga, a ne slabost – mo`e kreirati diskontinualno novi ma malo tranzicionog u odnosu na period ratne histerije po~et- sistem vrednosti. kom devedesetih. Re~ je o idejama otvorene podr{ke pojedincima optu`e- Novi sistem vrednosti kao model re{enja nim za ratne zlo~ine, o medijima koji su preplavljeni kvazi-isto- Izvestan broj termina i fraza u javnom govoru tranzicione rijskim programima u funkciji promocije nacionalnih ideja i Srbije imaju karakter te`nje za promenom idejne paradigme, si- opravdavanja ili ubla`avanja nedavnih zlo~ina, o ekspanziji na- stema vrednosti. Neki od njih su: „suo~avanje sa pro{lo{}u“, „de- cionalisti~kih incidenata i grafita u etni~ki me{ovitim sredina- nacifikacija“, „katarza“ i sl.2 Taj diskurs u sada{njem srpskom ma, o konstantnim napadima na crkve manjih verskih zajedni- dru{tvu, onda kada je zaista u sferi idejnog diskontinuiteta (a ne ca, o pojavljivanju nekolicine nacionalisti~kih pokreta neskri- usko-materijalisti~kih interesa u vidu finansijske inostrane do- veno fa{isti~ke ideologije, izrazitoj popularnosti pseudonau~- nih programa i literature o tajnim dru{tvima i zaverama usme- 1) O karakteristikama tzv. „srpskog politi~kog etnomita“, odnosno o konzervativnoj, renim spram ove zemlje, o narodnoj, ali i rok-muzici koja je u tribalisti~ko-mitolo{koj i nadasve jo{ uvek va`e}oj idejnoj matrici upravo i fantasti~no jasnoj funkciji promovisanja konzervativnih ideja, o premla}i- sro~enoj u formu mita – op{irnije u; Ivan ^olovi}, Politika Simbola, XX vek, Beograd 2000, str 14-16. vanju seksualno razli~itih itd. 2) Sa ovim pojmovima iz javnog govora ne treba brkati pojam tzv. „{estog oktobra“ koji simboli{e diskontinuitet sa materijalnim, u smislu oduzimanja dobara i uticaja Svi ovi pojedina~ni primeri ne predstavljaju incidentne po- onima koji su ih nelegalno stekli, ali ne i diskontinitet sa idejnom, konzervativnom jave, ve} dru{tvenu stvarnost Srbije u tranziciji odnosno vode}u politikom tih pojedinaca.

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nacije) izaziva kolektivne osude naj{ire javnosti i naj{irih politi~- svojevrsnu favorizaciju promene vode}eg idejnog okvira nasu- kih subjekata. Me|utim, upravo u toj sferi o{trog i dubinskog prot, ili barem ispred materijalnog3. diskontinuiteta sa vladaju}im idejnim okvirima i sistemom vred- Otuda, politi~ki akter sa masovnom podr{kom koji bi za nosti opisanim ne{to ranije – treba tra`iti {ansu za uspe{nu tran- svoj politi~ki program imao idejni, vrednosni diskontinuitet sa ziciju srpskog dru{tva i stvarnu dru{tvenu promenu. pro{lo{}u, oli~en u insistiranju na odgovornosti i krivici srpskog Zapravo, re~ je o radikalnom „razo~aravanju“ u ideju van- dru{tva u u`asima devedesetih u cilju jasnog i nedvosmislenog dis- vremenskog/vanprostornog zna~aja sopstvene nacije, dr`ave i kursa o istini – bio bi onaj motor koji bi sprsko dru{tvo pokrenuo crkve koje je postalo ve}inska idejna matrica po~etkom devede- u pravcu su{tinskih promena. Otuda se dilema izme|u tzv. „prve“ setih i koje traje i danas. Re~ je i o ra{~aravanju ideje konstant- i „druge“ Srbije pokazuje kao jalova, po{to oba puta, postavljaju}i ne ugro`enosti srpske nacije-dr`ave-crkve od konglomerata tzv. ili pogre{na pitanja, ili ih postavljaju}i pogre{nim redosledom, vo- unutra{njih neprijatelja (verskih sekti, masona, homoseksuala- de srpsko dru{tvo daleko od su{tinskih promena. Na`alost gotovo ca…), suseda ili onog {to se kolokvijalno naziva „Novim svet- jedini koji u Srbiji danas pretpostavljaju ovu nu`nost promene skim poretkom“. Dakle, re~ je o dubinskom i sveobuhvatnom idejne paradigme i koji promovi{u taj diskurs – jesu nekolicina ukidanju uljuljkuju}eg sna o sopstvenom „nebeskom“ pore- novinara/ki i lidera/ki pojedinih nevladinih organizacija. klu/pozivu i suo~avanju sa onim surovim i za-o~i-{tipaju}e real- Uprkos utopijskom karakteru prethodnih teza, one imaju i nim. Dakle, te nove vrednosti bi pre svega podrazumevale jasan svoje prakti~no istorijsko opravdanje. Re~ je, svakako, o pozicija- iskorak iz shvatanja sebe u okvirima kolektivisti~kih kategorija ma Zapadne Nema~ke i Japana nakon Drugog svetskog rata. Uz na spomenutoj liniji nacija-dr`ava-crkva kojima je srpsko dru- po{tovanje svih specifi~nosti razvoja spomenutih dr`ava (i {tvo jo{ uvek „o~arano“. enormnih materijalnih ulaganja u njihove privrede), u idejnoj sfe- U pitanju je duboko humanisti~ki raskid sa ideologijama ri ovih dr`ava od vidnog zna~aja je upravo element promene idej- nacije i dr`ave u cilju ostvarivanja stvarne ljudske solidarnosti, ne paradigme, stvaranja novog sistema vrednosti, denacifikacije, izrasle iz katarzi~nog saznanja o svoj tragi~nosti prethodnih kon- razo~aravanja. Napravljen je vrednosni diskontinuitet u odnosu zervativnih ideja i definitivnoj aktivisti~koj osve{}enosti o tragi~- na prethodnu politiku, ljudi su postali svesni sopstvenih zabluda no-realnom stanju u kome se srpsko dru{tvo nalazi. Ovakva ra- i onoga do ~ega su te zablude dovele i nacizam je kao sistem vred- nosti bio potpuno uni{ten pre svih ostalih tranzicionih poduhva- dikalna promena vrednosne paradigme dovela bi do definitivnog ta. Dakle, uz svu svest o nedostacima analogija ovakve vrste, isto- raskida sa onim temeljnim konzervativnim idejama i konsekvet- rijskim specifi~nostima i politi~kim promenama, rezultat koji bi no dovela do neophodnog subjektivnog aktivizma oko nekih radi- trebalo uva`iti ipak jeste njihov skokovit izlazak iz krize. kalno novih ideja usmerenih ka stvarnom razvoju dru{tva. Bilo bi to bu|enje iz samozadovoljnog sna o sopstvenoj „nebeskoj“ dato- Na kraju, obja{njavaju}i Marksovu tezu koja je navedena sti, istovremeno shvatanje brloga u kome se spavalo i usledilo bi kao moto ovog rada, pozicija srpskog dru{tva koje bi pro{lo kroz prirodni impuls ka akciji u smeru definitivne izmene tog stanja. diskurs o sopstvenoj krivici kao „stid“ zbog pro{losti bila bi pozi- cija „lava koji se povla~i pre skoka“, gde „skok“ predstavlja izlaz Ovakav model re{avanja krize zaista se mo`e ~initi jedno- stranim. Diskurs o neophodnosti promene (samo) idejne sfere, 3) Primera radi, uprkos nespornom pobolj{anju materijalnih uslova `ivota nakon pro- ali bez realne produktivnosti i pokretanja proizvodnje u Srbiji mena 2000. godine, taj sistem se upravo po~eo ru{iti onog trenutka kada je uzdrmana mo`e delovati jalovo. Ipak, ponavljamo, ono {to se u Srbiji de{a- idejna sfera, simboli~ki oli~ena u izru~enju Slobodana Milo{evi}a Ha{kom tribunalu 2001. godine. Svojevrsno nadanje prema kojem bi srpsko dru{tvo bilo spremno da va(lo) nekoliko godina nakon tzv. petooktobarskih promena jeste napusti svoje dotada{nje idejne matrice zbog ~injenice {to vi{e ne mora da u~estvuje u {vercovanju benzina i ~eka u redovima za mleko, se pokazalo proma{enim. Redosled gotovo isklju~iva favorizacija materijalnog nasuprot idejnom. poteza „materijalno pa idejno“ je srpsko dru{tvo danas, 5 godina nakon po~etka tranzi- Na{ neskromni predlog bi se mogao svesti na obrnuti put: na cionih procesa, doveo do realnog rizika od vra}anja na pred-tranziciono stanje.

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iz krize. Taj „stid“ zbog dosada{njeg konzervativnog i nacionali- sti~kog sistema vrednosti bi mogao odvesti u novu, diskontinual- nu vrednosnu paradigmu koja bi se mogla nazvati idejnom revo- lucijom. Uspostavljaju}i nove, druga~ije kolektivne vrednosne i Ljiljana Jovanovi} idejne sadr`aje, oslobodiv{i svu kreativnost i tada vode}i u, kon- sekventno, materijalno-ekonomski „skok“ dostojan jednog lava. Uvod „Da li sam ja kriva za ratne zlo~ine koje su na prostoru biv- {e SFRJ po~inili moji sugra|ani/sugra|anke? Kako ja mogu biti kriva za ne{to {to nisam uradila, i ~emu sam se jasno protivila? Kakve veze sa mnom imaju zlo~ini koji su po~injeni kada sam bi- la dete i nisam imala pravo glasa?“ Kako se situacija u Srbiji razvija i kako se izo{trava stav politi~kih elita po pitanju ratnih zlo~ina, sve je izvesnije da }e se suo~avanje sa po~injenim zlodelima u proteklim ratovima prepu- stiti novim generacijama. U na{oj zemlji, ako je verovati rezulta- tima nedavnih istra`ivanja (Beogradski centar za ljudska prava i Strategic marketing, prema: „Danas“, 9. 6. 2005) ne samo da je ve}ina gra|ana/ki ravnodu{no prema `rtvama drugih etni~kih grupa, ve} se pokazalo da deo politi~ke elite odobrava zlo~ine nad drugima. S obzirom na to da je nacionalisti~ka ideologija sna`na i da ve}i deo glasa~kog tela odlu~uje da glasa za stranke koje zastupaju nacionalisti~ke ideje, razumljivo je da na{i sugra- |ani/ke veruju da Srbi nisu krivi za zlo~ine koji im se pripisuju. Stavovi koji su op{teprihva}eni u izvesnom trenutku jesu stvarnost dru{tva u celini, iako mo`da nemaju nikakve veze sa utvr|enim ~injenicama. Ako se celokupni dru{tveni i politi~ki kontekst u izvesnoj meri ne promeni, ti stavovi ostaju isti. Moje je mi{ljenje da je jedna od posledica sada{njih stavova ve}inskog dela na{eg dru{tva i to da }e se naredne generacije baviti otkri- vanjem svih zlo~ina, njihovim javnim priznavanjem i suo~ava- njem sa njihovim posledicama.

^iji su zlo~ini? Istorijsko pam}enje jednog dru{tva nije jedinstveno. Ako posmatramo dru{tvo kao skup individua, onda istorijsko pam- }enje u vezi sa nedavno pro{lim doga|ajima sadr`i nekonzi- stentne i kontradiktorne tvrdnje i ocene. Dru{tvo kao skup gru-

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pa sa razli~itim tradicijama, kulturama i karakteristikama tako- ^esto se u razgovorima koje vodim sa mladim osobama iz |e mo`e sadr`ati me|usobno nepodudarne ili protivre~ne opise svog okru`enja javlja stav da mi, mladi, nismo krivi/e za doga|a- pro{lih doga|anja. Me|utim, ako se kao kriterijum uzmu ud`- je u biv{oj SFRJ. Zlodela koja su po~inili vojska, policija i para- benici istorije, onda govorimo o pam}enju i istini kako ih for- vojne formacije ne dovode se u vezu sa sobom i sopstvenom od- muli{u ili priznaju dominantne grupe i ideologije. U Srbiji „sta- govorno{}u. Uostalom, ovakav do`ivljaj lako se mo`e razumeti: tus dominiraju}eg ima ona diskurzivna strategija koja ovo pita- nijedan/na od mojih sagovornika/ca nije u~estvovao/la u ratovi- nje (krivice i odgovornosti) jednostavno ignorira“ (@igmanov, Te- ma. Nisu nikog ubili/e, povredili/e, silovali/e, proterali/e. Ove oso- `ak teret Ha{kog suda, „Danas“, 14. 6. 2005). Sigurno nije jed- be nisu ni{ta ukrale, spalile, razru{ile. Iako je ovim mladim lju- nostavno ~itavom jednom dru{tvu da prihvati svoju krivicu. Ne dima iskreno `ao zbog rata i patnji kroz koje su mnogi pro{li, to samo da je takvo prihvatanje bolno, ve} o~igledno ima i mno{tvo ne smatraju svojom odgovorno{}u. U~estvovali su u tome {to se politi~kih i ekonomskih posledica. Ali, uzev{i u obzir to da sa- zbilo isto koliko su u~estvovali u zlo~inima u, na primer, Ruan- da{nje politi~ki najmo}nije generacije nemaju namere da se su- di. Podjednako osu|uju i jedno i drugo. U ~emu je onda razlika? o~avaju sa zlo~inima koji njima vremenski pripadaju, pitanje je kako }e to biti u stanju da u~ine generacije koje dolaze na poli- Moje je stanovi{te da se zlo~ini koje jedna dr`ava po~ini ti~ku i dru{tvenu scenu. ostavljaju u nasle|e svim osobama koje su dr`avljani/dr`avljan- ke te dr`ave. Kao {to su nam u nasle|e ostavljene bolnice, {ko- Na prvi pogled se ~ini da }e mladima biti jednostavnije da le, biblioteke, pozori{ta, sportske hale, stambene zgrade. Na isti se bave pitanjima pro{losti u kojoj nisu u~estvovali. Neposredni u~esnici i savremenici doga|aja bili su uklju~eni u ratna de{ava- na~in na koji smatramo bioskope i {etali{ta na{om svojinom, ta- nja, bili su podeljeni po pitanju strana kojima u ratu pripadaju, ko su i zlo~ini na{e dr`ave i njenih predstavnika na{a svojina. bili su izlo`eni stradanjima i svim stra{nim posledicama i bili su Naravno, nijedan/na od nas ne bira gde }e se roditi i kojim pod sna`nim uticajem ideologije koja je do rata dovela. Svaka }e jezikom govoriti. Mo`emo uticati na to tako {to }emo se iseli- osoba je imala neko svoje obja{njenje za teku}e doga|aje, a ne- ti iz dr`ave u kojoj `ivimo (mnoge mlade osobe su tokom prote- retko su to bila obja{njenja u vezi sa neminovno{}u sukoba, klog perioda to uradile). Ali za sve nas koji smo dr`avljani Srbi- opravdanja svoje strane ili zastupanje sopstvene nedu`nosti i je, i za sve one koji }e to u budu}nosti biti, nije pitanje izbora da bespomo}nosti. li prihvatamo zlo~ine iz pro{losti kao svoje. Jedini izbor koji Mogu}e je da }e naredne generacije smatrati ratove besmi- imamo jeste {ta }emo povodom tih zlo~ina u~initi. slenima ili ne}e imati mnogo potrebe da opravdavaju rat u kome Sada se postavlja pitanje za{to je te`e prisvojiti zlo~in od, nisu u~estvovale, da obja{njavaju koja je strana kriva ili manje na primer, spoljnih dugova na{e dr`ave. U odgovoru se dolazi do kriva i da se ne}e dr`ati jedne verzije doga|aja nikako je ne do- identiteta, dominantnog diskursa i raspodele politi~ke mo}i. vode}i u pitanje. To nije bio njihov rat, zar ne? ^ini se da kriza na{eg dru{tva doprinosi ja~anju nacional- Naivno je, po mom mi{ljenju, verovati da }e vreme samo po nog identiteta. Ali, s druge strane, nacionalni identiteti su va`ni i sebi doneti neke zna~ajne promene u stavovima i politi~kim ide- mnogim osobama ~ija dru{tva nisu ni u kakvim krizama. Da bi ologijama. Da bi se neke ideje i stavovi u~inili op{tim, potrebno se odr`ao ovda{nji identitet srpskog naroda kao juna~kog, pra- je da ih dominantni diskursi sadr`e. U domenu je politi~kih bor- vednog i nepravedno `rtvovanog, mora se isklju~iti mogu}nost bi i anga`mana da se odnosi na srbijanskoj dru{tvenoj sceni pro- da je taj isti narod po~inio zlo~ine i genocid. mene i da se stvori mogu}nost druga~ijeg ~itanja istorije. Ali, ~ak i sa takvim, druga~ijim ~itanjem, pitanje je koliko }e nove gene- Dalje, dominantni diskurs je, na`alost, komplementa- racije prihvatati odgovornost za zlo~ine koji su po~injeni u pro- ran sa nacionalnim identitetom i samo ja~a negiranje zlo~ina {losti. Mo`emo re}i da je to pitanje politi~ke kulture. i poricanje krivice.

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Poslednje, politi~ka mo} je danas u Srbiji u velikoj meri sme{tena me|u grupama koje su ratove izazvale i od njih imale koristi. Kako bi se odnos prema zlo~inima po~injenim u ime na{eg Sr|an Milo{evi} naroda u narednom periodu promenio, potrebno je oslabiti na- cionalisti~ke ideologije. Jednako va`no, potrebno je razviti kod Pre nego {to propadne, mladih (jer }e se oni/e verovatno nositi sa posledicama postupa- ka dr`ave i naroda) ose}anje odgovornosti i pripadnosti: ali ne jedan narod otupi. pripadnosti nekakvom nebeskom narodu kome samo bo`anstva Hercen mogu suditi, ve} pripadnosti narodu koji, kao i svaki drugi ima istoriju i tradiciju ispunjenu kontradiktornostima, dobrim deli- ma i zlo~inima. Srbija je na prelomu 20. i 21. stole}a do`ivela sunovrat, ~i- je uzroke nije sposobna ili ne `eli da identifikuje. Nesposobna da Tako|e, potrebno je da se medijske slike i zvani~na istori- makar registruje dubinu civilizacijskih promena koje su se dogo- ja usaglase sa nalazima istra`iva~a ratova i ratnih zlo~ina, i da se dile na planetarnom nivou, Srbija se, dosledna jednom od retkih dâ prostora za suo~avanje sa patnjom koja je drugima naneta. kontinuiteta svoje istorije, opredelila za fundiranje svoje vredno- Tada }emo biti u stanju da ka`emo, kao {to ka`emo „na{a sne orijentacije na tradicionalizmu i mitu. Cenu takvog oprede- privreda“ i „na{i putevi“: na{i zlo~ini. ljenja jo{ uvek pla}aju stotine hiljada unesre}enih ljudi, {irom nekada{nje Jugoslavije, uklju~uju}i i samu Srbiju. U takvim okolnostima, vi{e je nego potrebno, iz nebrojeno razloga, od sa- znajnih do eti~kih, da se o kategorijama odgovornosti, krivice progovori u Srbiji. Odsustvo analize uzroka tog sunovrata li{ava Srbiju mogu}- nosti da elimini{e najva`nije generatore permanentne krize dru- {tva, koji nisu personalne, ve} strukturne prirode. Otuda se su- sret sa realno{}u ne mo`e realizovati kao kriti~ki proces „uspo- stavljanja distance prema malignim elementima nasle|a. Takav ignorantski odnos prema stvarnosti odra`ava jednu civilizacijsku infantilnost koja nije bezazlena. Nasuprot potrebi suo~avanja, perpetuira se nepodno{ljivo stanje dezorijentacije ~ije se manife- stacije kre}u od dominiraju}e letargije do paranoje koja vaskoli- ko srpstvo pozicionira na pijedestal stradaju}eg pravednika. Pojedinci, nosioci dominiraju}eg vrednosnog sistema, slu- ~ajni su, ali sâm sistem nije. U tom smislu naro~ito je zna~ajno apostrofirati odlu~uju}u ulogu elita koje su nosioci politi~ke mo- }i i, objektivno, jedine sposobne (ili bi trebalo da su sposobne) da unose neophodne sistemske promene. Od njihove sposobno- sti i volje zavisi u kom }e se pravcu artikulisati delovanje. Elite u Srbiji nisu se na{le na visini zadatka koji im je namenjen dru-

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{tvenom ulogom. Nesposobnost, me|utim, nije amnestiraju}a Poslednja decenija 20. stole}a nije marginalna epizoda na- osobina, naro~ito kada ista nesposobna elita uzurpira pravo do- cionalne pro{losti. Naprotiv, re~ je o fundamentalnim kategorija- no{enja klju~nih odluka za sam opstanak zajednice. Umesto kre- ma pravde i nepravde, istine i la`i; o periodu u kome su vr{eni ativnog odgovora na izazove epohe, razvijan je jedan zastareo ve- radikalni zahvati u pravcu revizije identiteta, za koji postoji real- likodr`avni koncept: jednu pragmati~nu politiku sredine 19. ve- na opasnost da bude obele`en zlo~inom, kao nekakvom referent- ka, potonje elite, do dana{njih dana, uzdizale su do nivoa ideo- nom vertikalom. logije i izmozgale himeru, danas u najhitnijem odre|enu kombi- Pripisivanje krivice ili moralne superiornosti ~itavim naci- novanjem najprimitivnijih nanosa jalovog tradicionalizma, totali- jama, izraz je grubog upro{}avanja. Naj~e{}e varijacije vr{e se, tarne svesti, vulgarnog antikomunizma i zlo~ina. ipak na temu jedne morbidne uravnilovke: „ubijali jedni, ubijali Iznikle iz naroda, elite su se otu|ile, osiono preziru}i inte- drugi“, ali se neprekidno odr`ava primisao da su „na{i“ zlo~inci rese dru{tva, koje su shvatale gotovo isklju~ivo kao poligon za nekako bolji od „tu|ih“, jer su „na{i“ zlo~ini isprovocirani „njiho- demonstriranje svojih proma{enih planova, manifestuju}i uvre- vim“ zlo~inima. Kona~ni bilans je potpuna relativizacija elemen- dljivi protekcionizam. Obrazac opstanka takvih elita jeste kon- tarnih vrednosti i normalizacija zlo~ina. strukcija zaverolo{kih tirada o ugro`enosti nacije i zabluda o Moralni, materijalni i ljudski potencijali Srbije, dramati~- unapred predodre|enom, neizbe`nom ishodu. no redukovani, skromna su rezerva za 21. stole}e. Stigmatizova- Slika srbijanskog dru{tva najreprezentativniji je u~inak na od strane me|unarodnih ~inilaca, prezrena od suseda, iznu- tra potpuno iscrpljna, potro{ena u ratovima i blokadama Srbija onih koji su uzurpirali pravo odlu~ivanja o budu}nosti. Umesto je normalizovala svaku nenormalnost, marginalizovala alternati- sna`ne emanacije optimizma kojim bi trebalo da je ispunjen po- vu samozavaravanjima o veli~ini, liderstvu na Balkanu, moralnoj jam „budu}nost“, u slu~aju Srbije on nije vi{e od puke hronolo- superiornosti. {ke odrednice, ne bez razloga ispunjene strepnjom. Pet godina nakon beogradskog oktobra, malo ko bi mogao Ne treba `iveti u iluzijama: elite u Srbiji su mra~ne i mor- da bude zadovoljan u~inkom novih vlasti. Bilans tog poludecenij- bidne. @rtva kao ferment opstanka, glavno obele`je etnije i kru- skog razdoblja ukazuje na `ilavost retrogradnog modela dru{tva, cijalni argument izabranja, siguran je put ka propasti. Svakako, koji se {tavi{e u~vrstio nakon sloma „starog re`ima“. Identifika- i ka izbegavanju odgovornosti Srbije u tragi~noj ratnoj drami ko- cija Milo{evi}a sa komunizmom zamaglila je su{tinu i otupela ja se odigravala na prostoru nekada{nje Jugoslavije. o{tricu otpora onim modelima dru{tvene svesti, koji su struktur- Za pomirenje sa susedima, sa istorijskim procesima, sa ni elementi srpskog dru{tva, a koje je komunizam ispunio speci- svojom budu}no{}u Srbiji je neophodna distanca u odnosu na fi~nim sadr`ajem, ne menjaju}i bitno model. U isti kalup izliven nasle|e optere}eno unutra{njim i spoljnim nasiljem i zlo~inima. je novi-stari materijal. Unutar heterogenih opozicionih snaga do- Ta distanca, imperativ dostojanstvenog opstanka srpskog naro- minantno mesto prona{li su nosioci opskurnih ideolo{kih kon- da u 21. veku, podrazumeva otklon od zabluda i mitova, bolan cepcija, koje, kao ni komunisti~ke ni milo{evi}evske, ne kore- proces suo~avanja sa dramati~nim bilansom ~itavog 20. stole}a. spondiraju sa savremenim svetskim vrednostima. Njegove poslednje decenije naro~ito. Politi~ka elita u Srbiji mo- Elite u Srbiji, zarobljene u tradicije egalitarizma, kolektivi- ra}e da ra~una sa ~injenicom da su se identiteti Bo{njaka, Ma- zma, zatvorenosti, kulta vo|e, neosetljive su na probleme ovog kedonaca i Crnogoraca uobli~avali u otporu prema srpstvu koje dru{tva. Razumevanje modernizacije kao „{uplje re~i“, ignorisa- je imalo asimilacijske tendencije ali ne i potencijale. Re~ je o raz- nje sumorne svakodnevice, zanesenost misijama i snovima o no- li~itim ali autenti~nim istorijskim procesima, nasuprot kojima je vim Versajskim konferencijama na kojima }e se razmahati geni- Srbija nastojala da interveni{e, ne biraju}i sredstva. jalnost najodgovornijih politi~kih ljudi Srbije izraz su jednog ras-

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kida sa realno{}u koji bi, da nije tragi~an i fatalan mogao da iz- bude susedima Srbije davala kredite, Srbiji }e istorija isposta- gleda i dirljivo, pa i komi~no. vljati ra~une za cehove pro{losti, koje je ostavila jedna osiona, a Distanca od Milo{evi}evog nasle|a danas nije vi{e od ver- nedarovita intelektualna i politi~ka klika, koja cenu neuspeha ni- balne legitimacije za svaku banalnost koja se na politi~koj sceni je ukalkulisala u svoju anahronu velikodr`avnu koncepciju. Po- promovi{e. Zato je o promenama u Srbiji te{ko govoriti s obzi- raz Srbije nije u neuspehu ratnih planova, ve} u samom njiho- rom na talas involutivnih dru{tvenih procesa. Relativizovanje se- vom postojanju; uzroke ekonomskog sloma treba tra`iti u bura- kularnog karaktera dr`ave, rehabilitacija kolaboracionista iz zersko-orta~koj ekonomskoj plitici; razloge kulturnog zaostaja- nja u jednom himeri~nom spoju guslarsko-desetera~ke i gunj- Drugog svetskog rata, ignorisanje neuspeha obrazovnog sistema, sko-opana~ke socijalne filozofije sa „modernim“ tehnikama i ma- izostanak eti~ke distance prema zlo~inima za koje „sada znamo“ nipulativnom ma{inerijom. da su se dogodili, vrednosna orijentacija na tradicionalizam i od- sustvo volje za kreiranjem modernog identiteta Srbije neki su od Moralni i materijalni teret minule epohe mora}e da podne- pokazatelja koji identifikuju jedno patolo{ko stanje dru{tva. se generacija kojoj i sam pripadam. To je okolnost koja nam da je pravo da postavljamo pitanja i zahtevamo odgovornost. Potre- Skromni uspesi na me|unarodnom planu vi{e su odraz ba da se uka`e na opisano stanje i na krivce za moralni i mate- benevolentnosti me|unarodne zajednice, dok unutra{njeg, au- rijalni bankrot Srbije izraz je jednog li~nog dostojanstva, koje je- tohtonog reformskog kapaciteta jednostavno nema, ili je nedo- dino preostaje u uslovima koje ukidaju budu}nost i osu|uju na statan. `ivot u pro{losti koja nikako da pro|e. Spremnost da se ti uslo- Uloga savesnog ~lana dru{tva u re~enim okolnostima pre- vi menjaju svojevrsni je poduhvat, koji neminovno polazi od tra- vazilazi uobi~ajenu rutinu i postaje opasna egzebicija, ukoliko se `enja uzroka i priznavnja realnosti problema. To je prvi korak, ne pristaje na puko statiranje u socijalnoj drami svakodnevice u koji Srbija tek treba da u~ini. Srbiji. Disperzivnost delovanja u pravcu izgradnje modernog – dru{tva istovremeno je i neophodna i te{ko ostvariva u jednom dru{tvu bez razvijenog korpusa ideja gra|anskih odgovornosti. Obeshrabruju}a slika Srbije i istrajvanje retrogradnih mo- dela ne obesmi{ljavaju poku{aje otpora i smisaonost „plivanja uz maticu“. Me|utim, ne smemo se zavaravati: poku{aj promena u Srbiji je opasan posao. Iskustva pojedinaca koji su nastojali da se suprotstave toj matici nepovoljna su, a brutalnost obra~una sa njima proporcionalna darovitosti koju su posedovali. Svoju vizi- ju, hrabrost i lucidnost pla}ali su politi~kim i li~nim diskredito- vanjem, pa i `ivotom. Nemo} reformskih poduhvata nije uslovlje- na samo malobrojno{}u njihovih nosilaca, ve} i brutalno{}u nji- hovih protivnika. Jednostavno govore}i, Srbija je razvila do savr{enstva sve mehanizme autodestrukcije, ~iji rezultati nisu bez posledica ni za region. Me|utim, sve su ve}i izgledi da se region ipak emanci- puje od zaostalosti i primitivizma. Sa svim svojim te{ko}ama i unutra{njim problemima, ve}ina dr`ava regiona daleko sigurni- je gradi svoju evropsku budu}nost. I dok ta evropska budu}nost

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mena? Ako policija ne nastoji da spre~i izgrednike, ve} njen vi- soki du`nosnik ka`e: „Pa bolje da izgori jedan ‘objekat’, nego da se ne~iji `ivot prekine, jer se ‘objekat’ mo`e ponovo izgraditi a D`enis Bajramovi} ljudski `ivot se ne mo`e vratiti“, a da se istovremeno tra`i od KFOR-a da za{titi pravoslavne spomenike na Kosovu i po cenu ljudskih `ivota, da li se tu radi o dvostrukim standardima? Da li se tu radi o filozofiji: „mi ne moramo ali vi morate“? O krivici, istini i promeni u Srbiji Stra{no je ono {to se desilo 17. marta na Kosovu ali je po- djednako stra{no {ta se desilo te no}i u Beogradu, Ni{u i Novom Sadu. Pri tom treba ista}i ~injenicu da su nerede na Kosovu na- Ima ne{to trulo u dr`avi Danskoj. pravili Albanci a da su izgrednici u Srbiji zapalili d`amije Bo- Vilijem [ekspir {njaka, ~injenica koja nesumljivo govori u prilog tezi da je u Sr- biji i dalje prisutan {ovinizam, govor mr`nje i da Srbija jo{ nije Ja bih rekao da u dr`avi Srbiji ima ne{to trulo. Trule` ko- spremna da se suo~i sa onim {to su pojednci u~inili u njihovo ja se iz dana u dan sve vi{e {iri, i zahvata sve delove dru{tva, ime u Hrvatskoj, Bosni i na Kosovu. mlade i stare, Srbe i nesrbe, dr`avne i nedr`avne institucije. Ako Ako se oni, koji su to uradili ne stide onoga {to su u~inili, bi Srbiju posmatrali kao neku jabuku, trule` koja je do osamde- ako ih se narod ne stidi, ako ih se dr`ava ne stidi, kako }e se oni, setih godina pro{log veka bila mala, gotovo zanemarljiva, od narod i dr`ava stideti onoga sto je u~injeno u Srebrenici i celoj osamdesetih godina po~ela se {iriti munjevitom brzinom, tako Bosni? Neko }e sada re}i dr`ava ih se stidi, dr`ava je osudila ta- da danas samo jedan deo te nekada lepe, so~ne i crvene jabuke, kav akt. Najvi{i dr`avni zvani~nici jesu ali sud, koji prezentuje sada nije zahva}en tim trule`om. dr`avu, koji se brine o za{titi ljudskih, manjinskih i verskih pra- va i sloboda, je izgrednike u Ni{u osudio na svega nekoliko ne- [ta je trule` u Srbiji? delja zatvorske kazne. Nekoliko nedelja za takvo delo! Sud je ja- sno u ovom slu~aju pokazao da je i on, kao dr`avna institucija, Trule` je {ovinizam, kamufliran pod pojmom nacionalizam zahva}en trule`om. Sud je pokazao da u Srbiji postoje dvostru- i patriotizam. Trule` je ratno hu{ka~ka demagogija (govor mr- ki standardi: „za nas jedni a za vas drugi“. `nje), koja Srbiji nije donela, niti }e doneti ni{ta dobro i pozitivno. Ambasador BiH u SCG, Tomislav Leko, prisustvuju}i na Ako se ve}ina ljudi i dalje opredeljuje za krajnje rasi- debati u Novom Pazaru odr`anoj 15. 11. 2005. godine na temu sti~ku, nacionalisti~ku i ekstremisti~ku politi~ku opciju, da „suo~avanje sa budu}no{}u“, istakao je mi{ljenje da se „politi~- li se i{ta promenilo u Srbiji? Da li je Srbija onda spremna da ka demagogija u BiH od Dejtona do danas dosta promenila“, da se suo~i sa zlo~inima koji su u ime neke velike Srbije u~inili je ratno hu{ka~ka demagogija zamenjena demokratskom retori- neki ideolozi, kriminalci, ratni profiteri, zlo~inci? kom uz puno uva`avanje ljudskih sloboda i raznolikosti. Jednostavan odgovor: nije spremna. Mesto da te`i kriti~- kom, politi~kom, dru{tvenom uni{tenju ravno-gorskog pokreta [ta je sa Srbijom? Da li je u njoj ratno hu{ka~ka retori- i ideologije koju je taj pokret sa sobom nosio, de{ava se suprot- ka zamenjena demokratskim razmi{ljanjima? no, nosioci ove ideje se uzdi`u na nivo li~nosti od zna~aja kao Ako na po~etku novog milenijuma, u glavnom gradu jedne {to su Vuk Karad`i}, Dostojevski, Tesla. Mene u`asava pomisao dr`ave gori verski objekat, d`amija, simbol raznolikosti i istorij- da }e moja deca u~iti u {koli daje Dra`a Mihajlovi} bio heroj. skih de{avanja na ovim prostorima, da li je u Srbiji do{lo do pro- Onaj koji je sara|ivao sa nacistima, onaj koji je vr{io genocid

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nad Bo{njacima u Bosni, Crnoj Gori i Sand`aku danas se sma- otvoreno zalagali za veliku Srbiju, koji su zatvarali o~i pred zlo- tra herojem. O tome da je vr{io sistematsko ubijanje Bo{njaka ~inima ili direktno ili indirektno u~estvovali u njima, pa i nare- postoje brojni dokazi kao {to je pismo Pavla \uri{i}a upu}eno |ivali ih, onih koji i danas {ire govor mr`nje, kada }u ja do`ive- njegovom pretpostavljenom, naravno Dra`i Mihajlovi}u, u kome ti da od takvih i njima sli~nih ~ujem re~ „izvini“? se ka`e: „Na{ plan o uni{tenju muslimana se ostvaruje“. Onda govorimo o demokratiji? Ne bi me za~udilo da za nekih pedeset [ta da radite? godina moji unuci po~nu u~iti u {koli da su Karad`i} i Mladi} Prvo nemojte da dr`avu Srbiju proglasite dr`avom „Srba i tako|e heroji, koji su dali doprinos ~ove~anstvu poput Tesle, ti- ostalih naroda“ ve} „dr`avom svih njenih gra|ana“ jer to ona i me {to su jugoisto~nu Evropu „oslobodili“ od nekoliko hiljada treba da bude, naravno pod pretpostavkom da `elite da integri- „turaka“. Stra{no! {ete sve narode i narodnosti u jedno novo moderno dru{tvo ko- Zar se neko nada da nakon {to neko u {koli nau~i da je je }e biti zasnovano na evropskim principima demokratije i po- Dra`a „good gay“, da }e taj isti biti spreman da osudi ono {to su {tovanja verskih i manjinskih prava i sloboda. pojedinci u njihovo ime u~inili u Bosni, Hrvatskoj i na Kosovu? Zar se neko nada da }e osoba kojoj je Dra`a uzor biti spremna Kao drugo, sve izgrednike, koji na nacionalnoj, rasnoj da osudi genocid u Srebrenici? Takvi se ne}e nikada postideti osnovi vr{e teror nad drugima, o{tro kaznite da bi bili pouka za Srebrenice! Takvi }e na pomen, Srebrenica odgovarati sa pita- sve ostale koji sli~no razmi{ljaju, po~ev{i od izgrednika u Beo- njem: (a Bratunac?). Stra{no je ono {to se desilo u Bratuncu, gradu, Novom Sadu i Ni{u. Jer bi to gra|anima ove zemlje bio stra{no je {ta se desilo u Ahmi}ima, ali zlo~in se ne mo`e oprav- jasni dokaz da ne postoji politika dvostrukih standarda, poseb- dati osvetom. Osveta je i u hri{}anskom i islamskom u~enju za- no nesrbima. branjena, a tako|e su zabranjena zverstva i zlo~in. Nemojmo da Ne idealizujte ravno-gorski pokret jer u tom slu~aju ne}ete branimo zlo~ince! Njima nije mesto pokraj nas, njima je mesto u biti spremni da se suo~ite sa pro{lo{}u. Nemojte vr{iti zlo~in nad zatvorskoj }eliji! va{om decom ube|uju}i ih da je Dra`a „good-gay“ jer }ete do}i u Zlo~ine nad Jevrejima u Drugom svetskom ratu nisu tra`i- situaciju da }e oni va{e unuke ube|ivati da su Karad`i} i Mladi} li i sprovodili kriminalci i otpadnici ve} elita nacisti~kog dru{tva, „dobri momci“, a onda nikada ne}ete biti spremni da osudite do- neki od njih su i danas `ivi ali nema~ko dru{tvo ih se stidi. Ne- ga|aje od devedesetih godina. Izbacite iz ud`benika ideju da su ki od njih su i politi~ki aktivni ali nemaju neku zna~ajniju podr- oni bili heroji, dok ne bude kasno, jer na kraju krajeva takva ide- {ku. A u Srbiji? Oni koji su hu{kali uveliko su `ivi! Oni se ne sti- ja vre|a svakog Bo{njaka, gra|anina ove trule zemlje. de onoga {to su uradili. Oni u`ivaju veliko poverenje gra|ana. Ako `elite integraciju svih zajednica u postpeto-oktobar- Preko pedeset odsto ukupnog bira~kog tela konstantno glasa za sko dru{tvo, kada smo svi bili jedinstveni, kada su Srbi, Crno- njih. Da li }e tih pedeset odsto nekad re}i, ja znam za Srebreni- gorci, Ma|ari, Bo{njaci, Rumuni i ostali rame u za rame, zajed- cu, meni je `ao, ja se stidim? Ne}e! Oni }e stalno na pitanja o no u~estvovali u ru{enju Milo{evi}eve diktature, vodite ra~una Srebrenici odgovarati sa kontra pitanjem (a Bratunac?). da himna dr`ave Srbije bude prihvatljiva podjednako za sve gra- [ta meni vredi da re~ „izvini“ ~ujem od pojedinaca, od lju- |ane. posebno nesrbe. Imate ve}inu u Srbiji? Mo`ete kao him- di koji su ~esto manjina u svom okru`enju, od Srba kao {to su nu staviti i pesmu sa tekstom „spremte se spremte ~etnici“, ali Nata{a Kandi}, osim da shvatim da nisu svi Srbi isti, kada tu da li }e onda biti realno o~ekivanje da nesrbi stoje mirno kada jednostavnu re~ koja puno zna~i ne}u nikada ~uti od onih koji se intonira takva himna i da takvu himnu prihvate kao svoju? su se zalagali da Srbiju zahvati trule`. Od ljudi kao {to su ~lano- Ne! Za{to se Srbija stalno mora vra}ati u pro{lost i tamo tra`i- vi Srpske akademije nauka i umetnosti, ratnih zlo~inaca: Vojisla- ti svoje ideale! Za{to ne mo`e prona}i ideale u novijoj istoriji a va Se{elja, Slobodana Milo{evi~a, Karad`i}a, Mladi}a, koji su se da to nisu ratni zlo~inci, za{to kao svoje ideale ne mo`e progla-

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siti borce za demoktratiju i vladavinu prava, za{to se himna ne odnosi ne peto-oktobarsku revoluciju kada je po~ela da se stva- ra jedna nova evropska Srbija, sve do momenta kada je snajper- ski metak prekinuo jedan `ivot a time i istinske demokratske Aurelija \an reforme, barem {to se ti~e po{tovanja manjinskih i verskih pra- va i sloboda. Ako `elite da Bo{njaci, gra|ani Srbije stoje mirno dok se intonira budu}a himna Srbije, vodite ra~una da ona i na- Ove 2006. godine, kada su iza nas sva besmislena ratova- ma bude prihvatljiva. nja, kao i ogroman broj ljudi sa tugom u o~ima i beskarajnim pi- Od momenta kada su ta dva-tri snajperska metka probila tanjima „Za{to?“, `ivot u Srbiji polako se nastavlja… Ali kako? telo va{eg najve}eg reformatora, u Srbiji je trule` ponovo po~ela Petnaest godina ranije, Srbija dobija ulogu protagoniste sa da se {iri. pu{kom u ruci… Pu{ka koja pose}uje teritorije Hrvatske, Bosne @elite da krenemo napred? Ostavite nazadne ideje u pro- i Hercegovine, a ne{to kasnije i Kosova. Glasove sa porukom mi- {losti, stvorite nove ideale. Ova trule` izjeda Srbiju. Ponekada ra, pu{ka nije ~ula. pomislim da je sloboda mi{ljenja u Srbiji prevelika, stalno se po- Danas mlade ljude ne intersuje to {to se zbilo. Ne interesu- minje nekakvo novo `ari{te u „Ra{koj oblasti“. Pominju se neka- je ih {to je tamo ne~iji otac pucao na svog dugogodi{njeg kom{i- kvi mud`ahedini i teroristi, kreira se konstantno „panika“ u jav- ju, {to je neka njihova vr{njakinja izgubila brata, a njena majka nosti pod parolom „bolje biti spreman“. Spreman na {ta? Na godinama nije ~ula ni{ta o njihovom ocu. Ne, to njih ne interesu- plja~ku i sprovo|enje genocida? Zar im nije dosta {ta su sve do je kao ni njihove roditelje, jer ~emu `iveti u pro{losti, treba da se sada uradili? okrene nova stranica, treba sve zaboraviti. Ponekada pomislim da oni (hu{ka~i i oni koji im veruju) i Pla{im se da ako zaboravimo, mo`emo lako dozvoliti da se ne znaju kako mi izgledamo. Ponekada mi se u~ini da nas oni za- to ponovo dogodi. Zato ovo i pi{em… da se ne zaboravi… mi{ljaju kao bradate, kovrd`ave, prljave divljake. Za{lo se ne za- po~ne rad na spajanju mladih njihovom me|usobnom upozna- Tek kada se li~no uhvati u ko{tac sa stvarima koje se nje- vanju, a ne na razdvajanju. Za{lo mladi u “Ra{ku oblast“ dolaze ga ti~u, mlad ~ovek u Srbiji po~inje da tra`i odgovore na razna samo kada ima fudbalska utakmica, kada treba onome drugome pitanja. Pa za{to ja, kao mlada samosvesna osoba ne mogu da se da se opsuje „turska“ majka? Ko je kriv za to? Hu{ka~i! zaposlim ili da napredujem u svom poslu, obavljaju}i ga krajnje profesionalno, za{to ne mogu da razmenjujem iskustva sa ljudi- Mladi spajajmo se, dru`imo se, dajte da po~nemo da zabo- ma sa razli~itih govornih podru~ja, za{to sam zatvorena u ovaj ravljamo. Kako }emo zaboraviti? Tako {to }emo jedni drugima kavez Srbije, i za{to moram nedelju dana da ~ekam ispred au- re}i sve u lice, ne u toku fudbalske utakmice kada nas razdvaja kordon `andarmerije, ve} za zajedni~kim stolom. Ka`ite nama strijske ambasade, pa ipak ne dobijem vizu. {ta vama smeta, mi }emo re}i {ta nama smeta. Organizujmo de- I onda mi prijateljica ka`e da nju uop{te ne interesuje po- bate. Ali ne debate na kojima }e biti istomi{ljenici (demokrate) i litika i to {to se de{avalo proteklih godina. Zar nije apsurdno?? na drugoj strani, ve} svi, i nacionalisti i {ovinisti i ekstremisti i Pome{ana ose}anja besa i tuge obuzimaju me s vremena na demokrate, ukratko i „normalni“ i „nenormalni“. vreme. Pa zar moram ja da ispa{tam zbog svega ovog {to se de- silo… Mama, za{to si mirno sedela i gledala pokolj! Karl Jaspers dobro obja{njava pitanje krivice. Moja mama nije kriva, ona je samo gledala televizijski program u netaknutoj Srbiji. Gra|ani i gra|anke Srbije nisu krivi {to su `iveli u jednoj

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zlo~ina~koj dr`avi, jer „tu gde su svi krivi, niko nije kriv“, pa ta- dvori{ta“, a da isto tako pustimo druge da iznesu pitanje svoje kva vrsta krivice ne vodi ni~emu. odgovornosti. Na{a je odgovornost ono o ~emu mi treba da ras- Ovde se radi o jednoj politi~koj krivici koja podrazumeva pravljamo, a njihova ono o ~emu oni treba da raspravljaju. da se svi dr`avljani u~ine odgovornim za posledice postupaka Zato sada dolazimo u situaciju da su nam mediji preplavlje- dr`ave, ali ne podrazumeva i krivi~nu odgovornost svakog poje- ni predrasudama, stereotipima, govorima mr`nje kao legitimnim dinog dr`avljanina ili dr`avljanke za zlo~ine koji su po~injeni u stavovima, bajkama o borbi i slobodi. Zato se sada ponovo bude ime dr`ave. Odgovornost pojedinca ili pojedinke po~inje prizna- nacionalisti~ke strasti, zato je Vojvodina puna „Nacionalnih stro- vanjem istine, i onog {to se zapravo desilo sagledano u okviru ~i- jeva“ i „Obraza“, i zato se svi klanjaju „ratnim herojima“. Kao da njenica, a istina donosi talas pro~i{}enja koji je neophodan da duh „generala u bekstvu“ lebdi iznad nas i ruga nam se. bismo krenuli da `ivimo normalno, bez otrova mr`nje koji su Momci i devojke, umesto da nose majice omiljenih peva~a nam ostavili roditelji. ili glumaca, ponosno i dr~no veli~aju zlo~ina~ke heroje. Podsme- Prvi stepenik suo~avanja Srbije sa pro{lo{}u i put ka vaju se svemu {to je razli~ito, svemu {to odstupa od strogo utvr- ozdravljenju ~itavog dru{tva le`i u krivi~nim procesima koji se |enih formi koje dru{tvo name}e, ne shvataju}i da u tome i jeste vode, kako u Hagu, tako i u Srbiji. Komisija za istinu i pomire- bogatstvo, lepota. Odri Lord obja{njava: „Neosporno je da izme- nje unosi odre|enu dozu sigurnosti i nade da }e svi zlo~inci do- |u nas postoje razlike u rasi, starosnom dobu i polu. Ali nije to biti zaslu`enu i odgovaraju}u kaznu. Me|utim, ceo proces na- ono {to nas razdvaja. Nas razdvaja poricanje tih razlika, odbija- pretka i promena komplikuje se raznoraznim propagandama go- nje da ispitamo la`ne predstave koje su rezultat pogre{nog ime- vora mr`nje kao i ogromnim ostacima politike rata koje ne nai- novanja tih razlika i njihovog uticaja na ljudsko pona{anje i ljud- laze na sankcije. ska o~ekivanja.“ Ova politi~ka struja u Srbiji nikako ne `eli da prizna odgovor- Promena u Srbiji nije logi~na ako prvi uslov za to nije ispu- nost za sve {to je prethodna vlast u~inila, a kamoli da preduzme njen. Tek kada se `rtvama vrati njihovo dostojanstvo, i svi zlo~in- odgovaraju}e korake kako bi nosioci zlo~ina~ke politike na od- ci budu ka`njeni, tek tada }e se stvoriti zdrava platforma ili „ap- re|en period bili isklju~eni iz javnog i politi~kog `ivota. Isto ta- solutna nula“ od koje mo`emo po~eti demokratizaciju. „Nemogu- ko, kao {to lopov zaslu`uje zatvor, treba shvatiti da i ratni zlo~i- }e je o~ekivati ‘pomirenje’ ako deo stanovni{tva odbija da prizna nac zaslu`uje odgovaraju}u kaznu. To je neophodno ne samo da da je zlo u~injeno, a drugom delu nikada nije priznato da je pre- bi se dostigao odre|eni stepen pravde, ve} zato {to je izno{enje trpeo patnju, niti da postoji odgovornost za tu patnju“ (pismo u javnost i javna osuda svih zlo~ina najbolji na~in za povla~enje Human Rights Watch-a predsedniku De Klerku). Stvaranje uslo- linije izme|u stare i nove vlasti, jer u suprotnom, nova vlast je va za demokratiju treba da obelodani „re`im torture“ i objasni samo naslednik stare. Srbija neguje politiku }utanja, „a }utnja je za{to je odre|ena praksa zapo~eta i podr`ana. Insistiranje na he- pravi zlo~in protiv ljudskog roda“ (Nade`a Mandelj{tam). rojstvu ratnih zlo~inaca predstavlja nastavak kriminalizacije dr- „Postignut je konsenzus da je u redu ako va{a vlast odlu~i `ave i nakon odlaska totalitarnog re`ima. da ubija. Ukoliko ubijate unutar zemlje u velikoj ste nevolji. Uko- Na~in na koji omladina razvija svoju svest, mogu re}i pot- liko ubijate van zemlje, na pravom mestu, u pravo vreme, po- puno sputano, pla{i me. Mitovi i legende na{ih roditelja koji jo{ slednjeg neprijatelja – dobijate orden“ (D`oan Baez). A zanimlji- uvek `ive kosovsku bajku ne mogu se odraziti pozitivno na mla- vo je da smo svi bili svedoci dodeljivanja ordena i nagrada, kao de ljude. Postajemo zarobljenici pri~a o la`nom patriotizmu, za i veli~anstvenog ispra}aja generala u Hag. koji treba ginuti i ubijati, kao i ksenofobije koja kuca na sva~i- Ne postoji politi~ka volja koja jasno i glasno ka`e da mi tre- ja vrata. Istra`ivanje koje je sprovela NVO „Centar modernih ve- ba da odgovaramo za svoja nedela i da prvo „~istimo ispred svog {tina“ govori da studenti Beogradskog univerziteta ne bi delili

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studentsku sobu sa nekim ko je Rom, Hrvat, Bo{njak, Albanac ili homoseksualac. Svako treba da se okrene idividualnosti svoje li~nosti i da prevazi|e kolektivni identitet „nebeskih“ vrlina. Negovanje politi- Jelena Budimirovi} ke mira, gra|anskih i ljudskih prava i osnovnih vrednosti huma- nog dru{tva, jedini je put koji donosi katarzu, a koju svako kao pojedinac ili pojedinka prvo mora sam da do`ivi. Pitanje koje nam se name}e Jedan od uspe{nih primera modela suo~avanja sa pro{lo- Povodom burnih reakcija islamskog sveta na karikature {}u sprovela je posleratna Nema~ka. Denacifikacija, pored demi- proroka Muhameda, nobelovac Ginter Gras je izjavio: „Zapad je litarizacije i demokratije, predstavljala je administrativan model posle srednjeg veka pro{ao kroz renesansu i prosvetiteljstvo, i proizvela je potpuni raskid sa nacisti~kim re`imom. Usvojio se kroz bolan proces kojim je izborio slobodu, a islamski svet nije zakon koji je zabranjivao relativizaciju, osporavanje zlo~ina i ho- pro{ao taj proces, on je na druga~ijem stepenu razvoja. I to tre- lokausta, veli~anje nacisti~kog re`ima i sl. ba po{tovati.“ I danas vidimo blagoslove prosvetiteljstva zapadne Zanimljivo je da suo~avanje sa pro{lo{}u jo{ uvek traje u civilizacije – blagoslove koje je doneo oslobo|en i kreativan ljud- Nema~koj. Ono podrazumeva konstantno uspostavljanje i ja~a- ski um, ^ovek probu|ene svesti o sopstvenoj `ivotnoj odgovor- nje sistema vrednosti kojih gra|ani i gra|anke moraju da se pri- nosti – mo`da najvi{e u po{tovanju li~nosti drugog ~oveka, nje- dr`avaju. gove slobode misli i izra`avanja, njegovog prava na razli~itost, To je dokaz da proces osve{}ivanja naroda traje mnogo du- kao i ostalih ljudskih prava. Ali, te blagoslove vrlo slabo vidimo `e nego {to se i mo`e zamisliti. Pedago{ki modeli psiholo{ko-so- na Balkanu, {to nas suo~ava sa bolnom ~injenicom da ni mi ni- cijalnog sadr`aja treba sprovoditi sve dok postoji i najmanji tra- smo pro{li proces prosvetiteljstva, i da nikada nismo stvarno i ~ak se}anja na sva zla koja su se dogodila. Sti~em utisak da je to potpuno iza{li iz tame srednjeg veka. proces koji traje zauvek. [ta se to de{avalo u umu ljudskog bi}a u vreme njegovog lako su u poslednje vreme teme suo~avanja sa pro{lo{}u izlaska iz tame srednjeg veka? [ta zna~i pojam prosve}enosti? bile zastupljenije u javnosti, Srbija u ovom trenutku pokazuje Da li je mogu}e da i mi pro|emo takav proces, da i nama zabli- svoje staro lice. Taman kada je istina o ratnim zlo~inima po~ela sta svetlost prosvetiteljstva sa svojim blagoslovom mira, me|u- da izlazi na videlo, desio se doga|aj koji je pretio da ugrozi ~itav sobnog ljudskog po{tovanja i svekolikog napretka? To su pitanja zapo~eti proces osu|ivanja ratnih zlo~ina. Javno utvr|ena krivi- koja nam se name}u i na koja smo du`ni da ponudimo odgovor. ca najodgovornijeg ~oveka nikada ne}e biti zvani~no obelodanje- na. Samim tim mi }emo nastaviti da `ivimo film virtuelne Srbije [ta je prosve}enost? u kojoj su glavni pozitivci lo{i momci. Po Kantu, prosve}enost predstavlja „~ovekovo napu{tanje Neizostavan je utisak da }e generacije i generacije biti po- vlastite nezrelosti koju je sam sebi nametnuo. Nezrelost je nemo} trebne da se bajke zaborave, a „epske pesme“ ne prenose sa ko- da se razum upotrebljava bez vo|stva nekog drugog… Lenjost i lena na koleno. kukavi~luk su uzroci zbog kojih tako veliki deo ljudi, premda ih Promena stavova javnosti prema ratnim zlo~inima kao i ge- je priroda odavno oslobodila od tu|eg upravljanja, ipak drago- neralna promena u dru{tvu, mogu}a je samo pod uticajem isho- voljno do kraja `ivota ostaje nezreo, i zbog kojih drugima biva da budu}ih su|enja i vo|enjem politike suo~avanja sa pro{lo{}u sasvim lako da im se nametnu za njihove tutore. Veoma je udob- neke nove politi~ke elite koja bi na tome vi{e insistirala. no biti nezreo… Nema potrebe da mislim kada mogu samo da

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platim; neko drugi }e ve} za mene preuzeti mrski posao.“ (Ema- damo slobodu misli i izra`avanja, a svakoga ko nas podse}a na nuel Kant, „Um i sloboda“, 43). na{u neodgovornost i krivicu progla{avamo neprijateljem. Za razliku od `ivotinje, ~ovek je bi}e odgovorno za svoje Autoritarna li~nost stalno o~ekuje od nekog drugog, naj~e- postupke. Odgovornim ga ~ine razum, savest i volja. Kada razum {}e od svog ideolo{kog i politi~kog autoriteta, da uklanja posle- raskrinka odre|ene motive kao iracionalne i nesvrhovite, tada dice njegove sopstvene `ivotne neodgovornosti. Ukoliko je ~ovek im savest pridaje moralnu vrednost – progla{ava ih pogre{nim i neodgovorniji, to je njegova zavisnost od autoriteta ve}a, i toliko tra`i od ~oveka da im se svojom voljom odupre. Kada poslu{a- njegov ideolo{ki i politi~ki sistem prirodno postaje fanati~niji i mo glas savesti i odupremo se lo{im motivima i postupcima, po- autoritarniji. Umesto da menja sebe, autoritaran narod misli da stajemo ljudi u najuzvi{enijem smislu te re~i. Svojim odgovor- }e iz tstorijske krize iza}i ukoliko promeni svog vo|u, svoju nim pona{anjem uzdi`emo se iznad svoje biolo{ke prirode i vlast. A kada se takav autoritaran sistem jednom uspostavi, on- spoljnih isku{enja, postaju}i slobodni da kreativno menjamo sa- da je pojedincu i narodu jako te{ko da odraste i da se osloni na mi sebe i svet oko sebe. snage svoje sopstvene odgovornosti. Na taj na~in je funkcionisao ~ovek tamnog srednjeg veka, a Neprosve}enost vodi u totalitarizam i danas tako funkcioni{e tamo gde pojedinci i narodi jo{ iz njega Ali, mi imamo slobodu i da se odreknemo svoje odgovor- nisu iza{li. A takav sistem ni formalno ne funkcioni{e kako treba nosti i da time postanemo `rtve svojih unutra{njih slabosti i – ako je ve}ina neprosve}ena, onda nema snage koja }e ispravno spoljnih neprilika, a samim tim i raznih spoljnih manipulacija. sprovoditi pravni sistem, jer su i oni koji ga ~ine skloni korupci- U tom slu~aju dolazimo u sukob sa svojim intelektualnim poseb- ji, mitu, nepotizmu i svakoj drugoj zloupotrebi svoje mo}i. nostima, kojima se razlikujemo od drugih `ivih bi}a. Ako se ne odupiremo svojim slabostima, onda nam upotreba razuma sme- Prosve}enost vodi u prosperitet i slobodu ta, jer raskrinkava iracionalnost na{ih motiva i postupaka. Tada Sami ideali prosvetiteljstva, bez borbe protiv autoritarno- se u nama stvara potreba za nekim drugim autoritetom koji }e sti, nikada nisu bili u stanju da prosvete neki narod, ve} su ~e- da misli i odlu~uje umesto nas samih. Vi{e nam nije tako va`an sto bili izgovor za razne zlo~ine koji su u njihovo ime ~injeni (i smisao onoga {to je neko rekao, nego ko je to rekao, koliko lju- sama srednjovekovna inkvizicija imala je, na kraju krajeva, uzvi- di to zastupa, kao i glas sopstvenih ose}anja. Oko svega, {to bi {ene ideale i ciljeve kao izgovore za svoje nasilje nad ljudskom dovelo u pitanje na{u odgovornost, formiramo tabue u koje ne save{}u). Proces prosve}ivanja zapadne civilizacije po~eo je ne- sme da se dira. koliko vekova pre definisanja pojma prosvetiteljstva, u vreme ka- Pored toga {to svojom neprosve}eno{}u dolazimo u sukob da je protestantska reformacija ustala protiv autoritarne svesti sa sopstvenim zdravim razumom, tada dolazimo u konflikt i sa ~oveka srednjeg veka. sopstvenom save{}u, koja nas opominje zbog pokoravanja lo{im Reformacija je ukinula autoritete koji su putem straha i motivima. Taj konflikt nas ~ini jo{ infantilnijim, jer se odri~emo krivice preuzimali pravo na sebe da misle i odlu~uju umesto ~o- sopstvene odgovornosti, prebacuju}i je na nekog drugog. Tada vekove savesti, osvedo~ila je ljude o odgovornost za sopstvene imamo potrebu za de`urnim krivcima, koje tra`imo u verskim, postupke, i navela ih da sami koriste razum u analizi kvaliteta nacionalnim, rasnim, politi~kim ili nekim drugim protivnicima. sopstvenih motiva i postupaka. Ljudski um, oslobo|en od stega Ne~ista savest nas ~ini preosetljivim i paranoidnim, sklonim da nametnutog jednoumlja i krivice, u svojoj se kreativnosti oslobo- u svima vidimo svog suparnika i neprijatelja. Svakoga ko ne po- dio. Srca reformisanog karaktera donela su svoje plodove kroz dr`ava na{ kult progla{avamo {pijunom i izdajnikom koji ima dela privrednog, nau~nog i kulturnog preporoda. Probu|ena nameru da nas ugrozi i uni{ti. Radi mira sopstvene savesti uki- svest o li~noj odgovornosti rezutovala je promenom svesti i ka-

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raktera gotovo ~itavog tada{njeg zapadnog sveta. Ratoborni [ve- Zna~i – sve je do ljudi… Ne mo`e da se promeni Srbija a da svi |ani postali su miroljubivi i krotki. [vajcarski reformator Cvin- ostanemo nepromenjeni.“ gli je pisao: „Mir se nastanio u na{em gradu… nema vi{e sva|a, Takav proces reformacije i svesti i karaktera je i na{a naci- zavisti, licemerstva i nesloge.“ Ruski putopisac Karamzin odu{e- onalna `ivotodavna neophodnost Ne mo`emo, kao neki paraziti, vljeno je pisao: „Stigli smo u Englesku, u zemlju koja je po ka- stalno da `ivimo zaka~eni o ivicu zapadne civilizacije, nezaslu`e- rakteru stanovni{tva i stepenu narodne prosve}enosti, naravno, no u`ivaju}i plodove njenih napora. Da bismo u{li u Evropu, i mi jedna od prvih zemalja Evrope. Ovde je sve druga~ije: i ku}e i uli- treba da pro|emo kroz onaj proces moralnog i duhovnog prepo- ce, i ljudi… jednom re~ju, ~ini mi se, da sam kro~io u neki dru- roda kroz koji je ranije u istoriji pro{la civilizacija Zapada. To je gi svet. Koliko ljudi! I kakva poslovnost! Uz sve to kakav red! Sve jedini na~in da i na{ narod iza|e iz tame totalitarizma, a udje u odi{e zadovoljstvom, i mada nema rasko{i, postoji izobilje… Ov- svet prosve}enosti, demokratije i me|usobnog po{tovanja – svet de iz malih ciglenih ku}ica izlaze zdravi i zadovoljni ljudi sa ple- savremene Evrope. menitim i smirenim izgledom – i lord i zanatlija ~isto odeveni i skoro bez ikakvih razlika.“ Ljubomir Nenadovi} opisuje tu pro- menu slede}im re~ima: „Za nekoliko kratkih vekova Nemci su ~udesa u~inili, pretvorili su u pravi raj svoju zemlju, o kojoj su Rimljani kao o nekom Sibiru govorili; podigli su industriju, re- formisali rimsku veru, stvorili su {kole, nauke, zakone, slobodu, i pravom presvetom prosvetili su sredinu Evrope.“ Jedan od retkih Srba koji su promovisali ideje osve}enosti bio je i Dositej Obradovi}. On ka`e: „Neka samo okrenemo jedan pogled na narode prosve}ene cele Evrope… Samo prostota i glu- post zadovljava se uvek pri starinskom ostati. Za{to je Bog dao ~oveku razum, sposobnost rasu|ivanja i slobodnu volju, nego da mo`e rasuditi, raspoznati i izabrati ono {to je bolje? A {ta je dru- go bolje, nego ono {to je korisnije? [to god ne donosi ma kakvu korist, nema nikakve dobrote u sebi. Za{to bi dakle mi Srbi sumnjali da u takvom i toliko korisnom i pohvalama dostojnom delu druge slavne narode sledimo? … Evo {ta prostota i sujevei- je vi~e: ‘Tako su na{i stari ~inili, tako ho}emo i mi!’ No, na{i su stari zbog mnogih kojekakvih stvari posle ljuto postradali: je li, dakle, pravo i pametno da i mi u njima ostajemo i stradamo? Ni- po{to! Kad bi ljudi uvek isti ostajali, nikada nijedan narod ne bi se pobolj{ao ni prosvetio. Razumni idu sve nabolje, a nerazum- ni ili ostaju kako su bili, ili ({to je verovatnije), ako se ne pobolj- {avaju, a oni idu sve na gore.“ U istom duhu, dva veka kasnije, govori pokojni premijer Srbije Zoran \in|i}: „Ima zemalja koje imaju dijamante, zlato i energiju, pa su siroma{ne, zato {to ljudi nisu sposobni da to koriste. Ima zemalja koje nemaju ni{ta, pa su bogate, zato {to su ljudi sposobni da se dobro organizuju.

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ne za nove dr`avne. U ratu stvorena, SFRJ je ratom i nestala. No- va dr`avnost krvavo je pla}ena – vi{e hiljada `rtava, ogromna materijalna {teta i razbuktale nacionalisti~ke strasti. Jelena Beli} Falsifikovanjem stvarnosti u Srbiji je stvoren privid pobe- de. Predsednik SRJ Slobodan Milo{evi}, ~ak je krunisan oreo- lom mirotvorca. Bilo je potrebno da se desi jo{ jedna humani- O krivici, istini i promeni u Srbiji tarna katastrofa, kao posledica bombardovanja Srbije 1999. pa da gra|ani shvate 5. oktobra 2000. da se vladaju}i re`im mora Naseljavaju}i prostor bedema Evrope prema Aziji, mali promeniti. Me|utim, {est godina nakon revolucije promene ni- balkanski narodi izgradili su koncept nacije razli~it od raspro- su na zadovoljavaju}em nivou. Etni~ke podele i dalje destabili- stranjenog evropskog shvatanja nacionaliteta. Vi{evekovno rop- zuju multietni~ko dru{tvo Srbije. Suo~avanje sa pro{lo{}u izvo- stvo pod osmanlijskom vla{}u proizvelo je kolektivnu slobodu di se parcijalno i to uglavnom od strane onih koji su od samog u vrhovnu vrednost, utiru}i put dominaciji kolektivisti~ke tra- po~etka ukazivali na drasti~ne posledice nacionalne mr`nje. To dicije. Se}anje na srednjovekovnu dr`avnost vezalo je pojam o nije dovoljno. Istina mora pro`eti sve pore na{eg dru{tva. Jed- nacionalnom identitetu za odre|enu teritoriju na Balkanu. Po- nom zasvagda mora postati jasno u ~emu je bila gre{ka, kako laganje istorijskih prava na oblasti ~ije su se granice ~esto pre- nam se vi{e nikada ne bi ponovilo. Potrebno je redefinisati kon- klapale, trajno je destabilizovalo ovo podru~je. Iskazana zain- cept nacije. Neophodne su nam nove vrednosti koje }e nadi}i ne- teresovanost „velikih sila za ove prostore dovela je do proizvolj- premostive i trajne etni~ke barijere. Doba mira nastupi}e kada nog prekrajanja granica, ~ime su odnosi autohtonih naroda do- nacionalni identitet pre|e u sferu kulture i tradicije, a dru{tvo datno optere}eni. usvoji nove smernice – ekonomski prosperitet i evrointegracije. Putevi istorijskog razvoja uglavnom su i{li u istom pravcu Drugi pravac promena jeste ja~anje civilnog dru{tva. Budu}i da da bi krajem XX veka do{lo do razdvajanja. Za razliku od suse- po~iva na postulatima individualnih sloboda, time bi bila razbi- da, koji su zauzeli novi politi~ki kurs i krenuli putem evrointe- jena monolitnost kolektivizma, ~ija je ujedinjuju}a snaga bila gracija, konstitutivni narodi biv{e SFRJ o`iveli su nedosanjane lak plen za manipulaciju. snove o nedovr{enim dr`avama. Vra}aju}i se velikim dr`avnim Proces suo~avanja sa pro{lo{}u jeste dugotrajan i sveobu- pitanjima i arhai~nim nacionalnim projektima ostali su na stadi- hvatan. Jedinstvenog modela nema, kao {to nema ni jedne celo- jumu pretpoliti~ke zajednice. Ne dozvoliv{i evoluiranje vredno- vite istine, ve} postoji mno{tvo pojedina~nih. Deo istine nose ne- sti, usvojenih po~etkom XIX veka, pokazali su politi~ku nezrelost, vine `rtve, ~ija je jedina krivica bila pripadanje nekom narodu. i nespremnost na suo~avanje sa nadolaze}im tranzicionim pro- Deo istine nose uniformisana lica koja su po ne~ijem nare|enju blemima. Nacionalna rukovodstva, zaslepljena vlastoljubljem, te- po~inila stra{ne zlo~ine. Tu dolazimo do pitanja – kako nam se `ila su da, po svaku cenu, budu upisana u istoriju kao dr`avo- mogao desiti rat? Za ne poverovati je da su gra|ani Srbije, daju- tvorci. Dr`e}i sve poluge vlasti u svojim rukama, dr`avni vrh }i podr{ku onda{njem predsedniku Milo{evi}u 1990. to ~inili sa uspeo je da putem bezobzirne propagande stvori utisak da je rat namerom da naprave pakao od svojih `ivota. Ne. Tada su posta- neminovan. Poslednju deceniju XX veka obele`ili su jedinim ra- li svesni da Titove Jugoslavije vi{e nema i da se treba suo~iti sa tom koji je vo|en na starom kontinentu nakon II svetskog rata – promenama koje postkomunisti~ko razdoblje sobom nosi. Kao gra|anskim ratom u Hrvatskoj i BiH. Kasnije }e se pokazati da vesnik novog doba on je prihva}en kao {to bi bio prihva}en bilo su `rtve bile uzaludne, kao i uvek uostalom. Naime, potpisiva- ko drugi ko vi{e nije komunista. Me|utim, ovaj nekada{nji ~lan njem Dejtonskog sporazuma SFRJ se raspala na federalne repu- KPJ, nesposoban da se suo~i sa turbulentnom tranzicijom ponu- blike, pri ~emu su nekada{nje administrativne granice progla{e- dio je nacionalizam kao univerzalno re{enje za nastale probleme.

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Unutardru{tveni konflikti projektovani su na nacionalnu ravan u „bratstvo i jedinstvo“. ^injenica, da tako dugo opstaje su`ivot cilju odr`anja vlasti. Bezobzirna propaganda {irila je ideju o upu}uje da je deplasirano raspravljati na ~ijem smo tlu. Neop- oslobo|enju i ujedinjenju svih Srba u jednoj dr`avi. Stravi~ni hodno je redefinisati koncept nacije. Sagledavanje posledica prizori sa malih ekrana, dezinformacije i cenzura medija, mobi- agresivnog nacionalizma mo`e dovesti do napu{tanja istog. Suo- lizovali su nacionalna ose}anja. Prihvatanje kolektivnih ciljeva ~avanje sa istinom li{ilo bi ratne zlo~ince titule heroja. Osuda ka- bilo je mogu}e usled dominiraju}e kolektivisti~ke tradicije koja tastrofalnih poteza onemogu}ila bi povratak istih ili njima sli~- je socijalisti~ko ruho zamenila nacionalisti~kim. nih na vlast. Nacionalni identitet trebalo bi izmestiti u sferu kul- ^itava istorija Balkana obele`ena je oslobodila~kim borba- turnog, a ne stavljati u partijski program. Potrebne su nam nove ma za kolektivna prava. Autoritarna politi~ka kultura nalagala je unificiraju}e vrednosti, koje bi trebalo osna`iti Ustavom. Nosilac patriotizam do samouni{tenja. Ksenofobija je spre~ila razvoj in- tih vrednosti individualizma, autonomije, tolerancije, jeste civil- dividualizma. Oslobo|ena Srbija od seljaka je napravila vojnika no dru{tvo. Na{ civilni sektor je nedovoljno razvijen. Gra|ani onemogu}iv{i mu da postane gra|anin. II svetski rat omogu}io je moraju shvatiti da se on samokonstitui{e putem mno{tva indivi- prodor isto~nja~kog socijalizma na ove prostore. Opet je kolek- dualnih inicijativa. Stoga je bitno spoznati vlastiti interes. Budu- tivitet pod maskom samouprave potisnuo nakratko o`ivelu indi- }i da svi pripadamo ovom dru{tvu bez obzira na nacionalitet, svi- vidualnu inicijativu. Odricanje od individualne slobode donelo je ma nama je u interesu da ono napreduje. Verujem da opredelje- nost za ekonomski prosperitet i evrointegracije nosi veliki unifi- blagodet neodgovornosti. Dru{tvo je politizovano kako bi moglo ciraju}i naboj u sebi. Pre|a{nje stanje ne sme se zaboraviti kako da bude kontrolisano od strane dr`ave. Neefikasna i preoptere- nam se nikad vi{e ne bi ponovilo da na{u volju izra`ava autisti~- }ena dr`ava do`ivela je kolaps. SFRJ je odradila svoje – konsti- ni voluntarizam, koji je mnogima neneo {tete, a najvi{e nama sa- tutivni narodi po`eleli su da se samokonstitui{u u nacionalne dr- mima. Predugo smo radili protiv sebe. `ave. Re`im je jo{ jednom na{ao upori{te u ksenofobiji. Rat je odlo`io unutra{nje promene {to je i bio cij rukovodstva. Me|u- tim oni koji su rat pokrenuli progla{eni su na kraju od strane me|unarodne zajednice mirotvorcima. Bilo je potrebno da se u`asi stradanja ponove na Kosovu i Metohiji pa da postane o~i- gledno ko je glavni krivac. Oktobra 2000. kona~no se ~uo glas onih koji su sve vreme osu|ivali ovu populisti~ku diktaturu. Po- gledalo se istini u o~i – Milo{evi} je iza sebe ostavio postratno po- ra`eno dru{tvo, ruiniranu privredu i razoren pravni sistem. Me|utim, se}anja na rat problematizuju odnos sa stvarno- {}u evociraju}i slike u`asa. Strah od gubitka Kosova ponovo omogu}ava nekim regresivnim strujama da igraju na kartu naci- onalizma. Ne postoji svest o tome da nas svet percipira kao mi- litantan narod. Dru{tvo je duboko podeljeno izme|u nacionali- sti~ke i gra|anske struje. Suo~avanje sa pro{lo{}u do`ivljava se kao nametanje uverenja gra|anske opcije. I dalje postoji tenden- cija problematizovanja onoga {to je do ju~e bilo uobi~ajeno – opet tra`imo strance me|u nama. Srbija je oduvek bila multietni~ko dru{tvo. Kraljevinu SHS izgradio je „troimeni narod“. Vezivno tkivo SFRJ bila je krilatica

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U ve~itoj borbi sama sa sobom, ho}e li se ikada probuditi iz dugog sna i shvatiti poruke sopstvene pro{losti? Oduvek su je sputavale borbe za vlast, koje se i posle toliko godina nastavljaju Vanja Miljkovi} nesmanjenom `estinom. Jeste li za Obrenovi}e ili Kara|or|evi}e? Za kralja ili partiju? Za Slobu ili Vuka? SPS ili DOS? DSS ili DS? *** G17 ili radikali? Svakodnevno va{ari{te na kome ve{ti prodavci Ako odnekud do|e{ i stigne{ gde treba da stigne{, magle nude najrazli~itije upakovane fraze. Sa televizijskih ekrana neko }e ti ponuditi sve`u poga~u i malo soli, Veliki Politi~ari poru~uju: Ako nama, narode, date vlast, plate }e mo`da i slatko sa blagim medom koje miri{e na vanilu i vino. biti ve}e, penzije redovne, a u Srbiji }e te}i med i mleko. Oni su Zna}e{ tada da si u ku}i prijatelja, krivi za sve! Dole vlada! Raspustite skup{tinu!, na {ta drugi Ve- da si stigao u Srbiju… liki Politi~ari odgovaraju: Zar oni koji su upropast{i ovu zemlju Sloboda, ljubav, pravda da govore o nama koji smo u~inili sve da se u Srbiji `ivi bolje! u toj su ruci koja ti pru`a hleb i so Na giljotinu sa njima. Izbori, kojih je u poslednjih pet godina bi- i koja ostavlja otvorena vrata na svojoj ku}i. lo toliko da je te{ko na}i nekoga ko bi ih sve mogao nabrojati, U Srbiji si, stran~e, i tvoja sloboda i tvoja ~ast su na sigurnom. prava su tragikomi~na drama koja obavezno ima dva ~ina. U pr- vom }e pljuvati svako na svakoga, dok zbunjeni gra|ani, koji sva- Pol Disnard, Ako odnekud do|e{ ki put u sve ve}em broju odustaju od u~e{}a u predstavi, ne po- klone nekome od njih svoj glasa~ki listi}, a drugi ~in }e bita me- |usobna bokserska borba dva preostala igra~a za koje }e ostatak Dvadeset i prvi vek je, zasigurno, raskrsnica u istoriji pla- gluma~ke ekipe u taborima navijati. I dok poslanici u sku{ptini nete. Kada o po~etku tre}eg milenijuma za stotinak godina pro- igraju reprize te popularne {panske serije, dok ljudi, izgubljeni u fesori istorije budu govorili, svojoj }e viziji na{eg vremena dava- lavirintima isprepletanih la`i i poluistina, navijaju}i prate njihove ti veliku civilizacijsku va`nost. Re}i }e: To je bilo vreme kada se TV duele, a u pauzama sve ~e{}e zajedno gledaju Grand i kroz ru- menjao svet. U ovom }e se veku, verovatno, okon~ati globalne `i~asta stakla zaviruju u svet poznatnh kvaziumetnika, jedan je nesuglasice, Evropa }e se ujediniti, a opasnost od izbijanja Tre- vek u Srbiji zavr{io kao {to je i po~eo, stra{no – atentatom. I svi- }eg svetskog rata trebalo bi da bude svedena na minimum. @ivi- ma je lepo! Samo da bude para za nove epizode ju`noameri~kih mo, dakle, u vremenu koje je od presudnog zna~aja za budu}- telenovela i za poslani~ke plate! nost i ~esto toga nismo ni svesni. A na Balkanu, u jednoj zemlji Te{ko je razlu~iti {ta je u dana{njoj Srbiji istina. Da li je `i- ~ija je istorja duga i ispreplitana borbama i nesuglasicama, na vot onakav o kakvom svakodnevno slu{amo i ~itamo? Zatrpani pragu nove epohe i dalje se vode iscrpne i nimalo zna~ajne ras- nebitnim informacijama, ~ini mi se da zaboravljamo prave vred- prave o izgubljenim godinama. Ta je zemlja, utemeljena na pra- nosti i postajemo deo indiferentne sivozelenkaste pu~ine o kojoj voslavlju nasle|enom od Vizantije, jo{ u trinaestom veku imala je jo{ Domanovi} pisao u svom „Mrtvom moru“ na po~etku dva- kralja, u ~etrnaestom je postala carstvo, njeni nau~nici i umetni- desetog stole}a (da li je mogu}e da se nimalo nismo promenili?). ci doprineli su razvoju civilizacije, a danas, ipak, mnogi stanov- Ako petnaestogodi{njaka upitate kako se zove pesma nove zve- nici sveta ne znaju gde se ona ta~no nalazi i kad ~uju ime Srbi- zde polularne grand-muzike, dobi}ete i refren, a ako ga upitate ja, prva im je pomisao – rat. U poslednjoj deceniji iz te su se ze- kako se zove jedini srpski nobelovac, osta}ete bez odgovora. De- mlje mnogi iselili, tra`e}i u tu|im otad`binama iskru lep{e su- ca u Srbji odrastaju slu{aju}i svakakve budala{tine koje nari~u tra{njice. poluobu~ene (da ne ka`em – polugole!) marionete, pa se, u po- Srbija ju~e i Srbija danas. Srbija sukoba. slednje vreme i ona priklju~uju tom luda~kom piru. Raspravlja-

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njem o tobo` va`nim pitanjima (sa kim je neka estradna umetni- ma koje ispod maske glamura i slave kriju tragove poroka i pat- ca prevarila de~ka, koliko je para neki sportista dobio da bi pre- nje. Moramo biti svesni da i svet jo{ uvek gre{i i da nisu svi ko- {ao u drugi klub, koji polita~ar je koga nazvao lopovom) neispu- ji geografski pripadaju zemljama razvijenog duha istinski brani- njeni `ivoti dobijaju la`ni smisao, ali praznina ostaje. Ko je takvu oci ~ove~anstva. Srbiju stvorio? Jesmo li krivi {to i sami pripadamo cirkusu i {to Kada budemo imali smelosti da oprostimo jedni drugima ne menjamo sopstvene lo{e navike? Isto se pitanje postavlja i na- prejaku re~, da po{tujemo onoga ko je druga~iji, da razumemo kon ~itanja Domanovi}evog „Vo|e“: da li je kriv narod koji je sle- tu|u patnju, kala budemo u sebi prona{li iskru one istinske ~o- po i{ao za Vo|om ili je kriv Vo|a koji je slep vodio ljude u pro- ve~nosti, zna}emo da smo na pravom putu da Srbiju vratimo past ne odav{i im svoju tajnu? Sve smo to iskusili: besprekorno tom svetu od koga se jednom krivicom na{ih prethodnika i nas verovanje vodilo je u ratove. Ljudi su ~inili ono o ~emu ni u naj- samih, odvojila. U godinama sivila i magle vrednosti gube smisao mra~nijim snovima nisu pomi{ljali – nekada{nji susedi no`evi- samo ako nikada i nisu bile nerazdvojni deo ljudskog bi}a. Neka ma i pu{kama nasrtali su jedni na druge, zbog pripadanja razli- nam sve {to se desilo bude pouka. Iste gre{ke ponavljaju samo ~itim stranama raspadale su se porodice, godinama su sahranji- oni koji se na putu kroz vreme nikada ne zaustavljaju kako bi vana moralna na~ela, ~injeni su zlo~ini. Ko mo`e opravdati ta ne- preispitali sopstvene postupke, jer nemaju hrabrosti da pogleda- dela? Zar je to u duhu naroda koji sebe smatra naslednikom ju odraz u ogledalu. A kakav je na{ odraz danas? Srbija, suo~e- pravoslavne tradicije?! na sa pitanjima koja tra`e smele i brze odgovore, gleda televizij- Jo{ smo u ne~emu pogre{ili – u stavu prema promenama. ske sapunice i peva nakaradne stihove novokomponovane muzi- Mislili smo da }emo se jednog jutra probuditi u zemlji okupanoj ke okre}u}i glavu od problema koji bi je mogli ko{tati opstanka. suncem novog milenijuma, a da sami ne moramo u~initi ni{ta. U raznim televvzijskim raspravama tra`e se krivci za postoje}e Kada po~nemo da donosimo odluke o sopstvenom `ivotu i kada stanje, a niko ne govori o mogu}em re{enju. Kada }emo se umo- budemo imali snage i volje da se suprotstvimo la`nim rodoljup- riti od tog neprestanog su|enja i sigurnim korakom krenuti ka cima, koji jedino vole novac i mo}, uspe}emo da promenimo budu}nosti u kojoj ima mesta za sva~iju razli~itost? stvarnost i shvati}emo da nije potrebno izgubiti sebe da bi nas Srbija sutra. Evropa prihvatila. Ni svet nije savr{en, ali je svestan da bez me- Srbija kakvu su ranije opisivali stranci koji su se u njoj njanja nikada to ne}e postati. Ne treba se bojati promene jer bez ose}ali sigurno. Srbija koja neguje tradiciju i menja lo{e navike. poku{aja i padova ne}emo znati koliko vredimo. Traganje za isti- Srbija koja voli i pra{ta, stvara i poklanja. Srbija koju vole, ko- nom, za onom apsolutnom i bez imalo sumnje, naporan je i dug joj pra{taju. Srbija u kojoj mladi vide sebe. Srbija koja miri{e na put. Uvek je najlak{e odustati i prepustiti se indiferentnosti, ma maline i vino. Zemlja Andri}a, Ki{a, Crnjanskog. Sumatra sveta. koliko ona te{ka i sramna bila. Da li je to ono {to `elimo – da ~i- tavog `ivota pri~amo kako smo prevareni, da tra`imo krivce u Ima li u nama dovoljno `elje da taj ideal ostvarimo, da se pro{losti, a da, zapravo, znamo da smo sami najve}i krivci? oslobodimo krivice i krenemo ka istini?!

Pripadati svetu ne zna~i samo pobolj{ati `ivotni standard, ve} biti sposoban da ispravi{ sopstvene gre{ke. I ono {to je naj- va`nije – potrebno je duhom biti deo civilizacije, nositi njenu ko- levku u srcu, a ne izgubiti svoju unikatnost. Pored onih koji u tom svetu vide velikog neprijatelja tradicije, postoje i oni koji sve iz tog sveta prihvataju kao proverenu vrednost. Zalu|eni ameri~kim snom, oni, svesni koliko je ve{ta~kog u tom snu, ipak `ele da ga pro`ive poistove}uju}i se sa poznatim zvezda-

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Potrebno nam je da lupimo glavom o zid i suo~imo se sa budu}no{}u, a ona po~inje ~is}enjem sopstvenih dvori{ta. Moramo prihvatiti ~injenice, po{tovati tu| `ivot, zaboraviti Senka ^ekr|in na predrasude, diskriminaciju, optu`iti one koji su kr{ili i kr{e zakon. Potrebno je da sopstveno mi{ljenje formiramo sami pra- te}i izvore iz kojih mo`emo dobiti {to istinitije informacije, a ne: O krivici istini i promeni u Srbiji slede}i idole, slepo im veruju}i. Po~injemo shvatati da nijedna in- stitucija nije idealna i da je ljudski gre{iti, ali i snositi posledice Svest mladih u Srbiji o doga|ajima, ljudima i situacijama svojih gre{aka. Ako je istorija u~iteljica `ivota, za{to nam je toli- koje im kreiraju `ivot svodi se na minimum, te stoga smatram da ko lako da zaboravljamo? je potrebno da svako u sebi probudi gra|anina, da znamo ko vu- ~e konce nad na{im glavama i da kreiramo sopstveno mi{ljenje Perspektiva gra|ana kada su u pitanju radna mesta, {kolo- vanje, plate, podizanje dece, izra`avanje sopstvenog mi{ljenja, o trenutnoj situaciji ~itaju}i, prate}i medije, slu{aju}i i uklju~u- pona{anja u skladu sa svojim potrebama, raspolaganje de~jim i ju}i se u razgovore. ljudskim pravima, nedeskriminacija i nezloupotreba su na pri- Pojam krivice u Srbiji sobom nosi sve {to smo godinama li~no nezavidnom nivou. trpali pod tepih i {to je sada po~elo isplivavati napolje uprkos to- Mnogo je onih koji svoju budu}nost vide van Srbije jer ka- me {to neki neuredni ~elnici i dalje ovu zemlju poku{avaju sre- da imaju sredstva za zavr{avanje studija ili ni`eg obrazovanja po diti prikrivanjem onoga {to se dogodilo i {to }e se doga|ati ako zavr{enom {klovanju te{ko nalaze posao u svojoj struci izuzev istina ne ispliva. [ta se nama zapravo dogodilo? Dogodila nam ako nemaju „dobru vezu“, ~ak i ako se uspeju zaposliti bivaju ne- se mr`nja iz koje je pobedu odnela diskriminacija. Polna. Rasna. dovoljno pla}eni za svoje znanje i rad. Materijalno stanje je Verska. Dogodilo nam se to da smo zaboravili da su Hrvati, Bo- osnovni razlog {to mnogi napu{taju zemlju; ono je uzrok i poja- sanci, Albanci, Romi… ljudi, a ne na{i narodni neprijatelji. Za- ve bele kuge, nezadovoljstva ljudi, siroma{tva… S druge strane boravili smo da rat ne po~inje tako {to cela nacija odjednom od- oni koji su do ogromnog li~nog kapitala do{li mutnim poslovima lu~i da }e da ubije kom{ije jer nisu Srbi, ve} da se gotovo sve od- smatraju se sposobnima da upravljaju dr`avom, a s obzirom da vija po unapred smi{ljenom planu. su mo} i sredstva usko povezani, ~esto uspevaju da se probiju u Zaboravili smo da moramo optu`iti one koji su krivi. Za politi~ke vrhove u kojima se odigrava ne{to, {to jo{ uvek ni sa- smrt, la`i i prevaru. Kao da vi{e ne umemo po{tovati tu|i `ivot. ma ne mogu da pojmim, ali apsurdno je to {to se u zaveru {ver- Dozvolili smo da ne~iji li~ni interesi po~nu upravljati na{om dr- ca cigareta, ubistva premijera, masovnog genocida, skrivanju `avom. Izgubili smo mo} racionalnog rasu|ivanja i dozvolili sebi ubica… upli}u imena dr`avnika koji predstavljaju na{u zemlju, da glasno mrzimo ono {to je ispravno pod izgovorom da svi ra- koji vode na{u politiku, oni koje smo mi izabrali. de protiv nas i ho}e da nas uni{te. Istina je to da mi vi{e ne `eli- Nejasno mi je i to da je ve}ina jedne nacije u stanju da za- mo otvoriti o~i samo zato {to je tako lak{e. Ali ona je po~ela is- boravi mu~an na~in na koji je `ivela gaze}i ljude da bi dobila {a- plivavati i sada kada okrenemo glavu vidimo je na sve strane ko- ~icu hleba, i oprosti, napravi idola od jednog ~oveka i njegovih liko god ne `eleli da je priznamo. „apostola“ ~iji je jedini interes bio li~ni. ^oveka koji je ve{to umeo da la`e, manipuli{e i nadasve `eleo da vlada. Promena se ipak sastoji u tome {to smo ponovo po~eli da u~imo kako da budemo ispravni. Podse}amo se da prekr{eni za- Do cilja se sti`e bleskom genija kon sobom povla~i kaznu, da nismo jedina nacija na svetu i da ili ume{nom pokvareno{}u. zlo nije ~injeno u ime nacije ve} pojedinaca. Balzak: ^i~a Gorio

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Ovaj „princip“ je jedna od golemih razlika izme|u ubijenog {to ne po{tujemo svi istu tradiciju, ne govorimo istim jezicima, premijera Zorana \in|i}a, koji je jedini umeo da nas postavi na razli~ito pripremamo hranu i nismo svi iste boje ko`e. noge i izvu~e iz blata i umrlog Slobodana Milo{evi}a, ha{kog op- Mislim da je najuputniji na~in za re{avanje na{e situacije tu`enika koji je doprineo da potonemo u to blato, koji danas, na- niz edukacija, debata, istinitih informacija… Potrebno je da po- kon svoje smrti ponovo postaje idol. Ono {to me te{i jeste (mo- novo nau~imo da svoje stavove ne treba formirati na osnovu po- `da privid) da su se generacije podelile i da su mla|i po~eli otva- jedinih li~nosti i njihovog na~ina `ivljenja, ve} tako {to }emo sa- rati o~i sebi, a potom onima starijim i mla|im od sebe. slu{ati sve izvore koji nam nude tra`ene informacije, zatim po- ^injenica je da problem postoji. On le`i u nama samima. U razgovarati sa nekim o tome, razmeniti stavove nezavisno od to- na{oj spremnosti da o{tro osu|ujemo sve ono {to je novo i nepo- ga kojoj narodnosti pripadamo, a potom ih sami srediti u na{oj znato, prethodno se ne informi{u}i o tome. U na{oj navici da po- glavi. Ali isto tako ne bi trebalo da se dr`imo tih stavova po sva- ri~emo neoborive dokaze za zlodela ~injena u ime svih nas. U na- ku cenu i vreme je da priu{timo sebi luksuz promene mi{ljenja ukoliko nam se ~ini da je drugi na~in ispravniji. Krajnje je vre- {oj lenjosti dok od zaposlenja o~ekujemo da }e pasti s neba, pa me da sebi priu{timo ose}aj da smo zajednica, ne omalova`ava- i kada padne bivamo nezadovoljni ako dobijemo posao na kome ju}i sve one koji su u manjini, da o ljudima ne sudimo na osno- zaista treba ne{to raditi da bismo do{li do zarade. Odrasli smo vu njihova izgleda i vere, jer je mnogo lep{e da te`imo ka demok- u patrijarhalnom na~inu `ivljenja gde `ena predstavlja doma}i- ratiji ~ija definicija sobom nosi mnogo tolerancije i nediskrimi- cu, ~uva decu i biva kriva {to ih je lo{e vaspitala. Isuvi{e smo nacije, nego da trujemo kom{ijske pse jer su zalajali na nas. spremni na to da je sve {to dolazi sa zapada lo{e. U`ivamo da „te- ramo inat“ svemu onome {to nam mo`e biti od koristi samo za- to {to nam je te{ko da menjamo navike, postanemo svesniji, sa- mokriti~niji. Ponekad sti~em utisak da su mnogi van ove zemlje svesniji situacije u njoj nego mi sami. Mo`da zbog toga {to je isu- vi{e struja koje vuku na svoje strane, {to su strani mediji objek- tivniji, zato {to smo usred procesa tranzicije, promena, odrasta- nja. A i dalje nam je lak{e da kad pogledamo snimke iz Srebre- nice ka`emo da je u pitanju foto-monta`a ne veruju}i vi{e ni sa- mi sebi. I dalje mnogi smatraju da je Ha{ki tribunal veliko zlo i jo{ jedan na~in da uni{te Srbe kao narod. Zbog ~ega onda sami ne sudimo onima koji su diktirali ubistva u ime svakoga od nas? Zbog ~ega je toliko lak{e poricati o~iglednu stvar nego izviniti se? Nije li to ljudskije i moralnije? \aci kada napuste onovsnu {ko- lu prvo {to ih sa~eka jeste {amar istine koji govori da mi ipak ni- smo najbogatija, najuspe{nija zemlja, kako su ih do tada u~ili. Naime nalazim da svakako nismo zemlja ~iji se politi~ki, ekonomski, socijalni… status mo`e jednostavno i lako definisa- ti. Ali uprkos problemima smatram da moja dr`ava mo`e da mi pru`i mnogo kvalitetnih stvari, poput {kolovanja. Mislim da na{ narod po~inje shvatati da mu je potrebno da racionalno razmi- {lja i deluje. Da re{enje nije u tome da mrzimo jedni druge zato

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gogodi{nja stradanja, a samim tim i demonstracije kao posledi- ce? Ili postoji pojedinac odgovoran za sve?! Ali nakon tog petog oktobra situacija se menja. Svakom je dozvoljeno da ka`e {ta mi- Aleksandra Uskokovi} sli i ose}a. Nema vi{e dru{tvenih stega koje nam nisu davale mi- ra. Nema vi{e tog re`ima koji nas je izolovao od sveta. Sada smo slobodni. Po~injemo da govorimo o temama koje su dugo bile za- Intrigantna tema o krivici, istini i promeni u Srbiji je deo branjene. Postavljamo nova i stara pitanja. Preispitujemo sop- sada{njosti kojom se moramo baviti. Mnogo toga ne biramo. Nu- stveni identitet. Da li se i koliko na{ identitet promenio posle `nost nas ve`e za istoriju i pro{lost, ali su sada{njost i budu}- svih de{avanja na prostoru biv{e Jugoslavije. Da li mo`emo da nost u na{oj vlasti. Mladi u na{oj zemlji nisu dovoljno informisa- ka`emo ko smo? Da li bez srama i stida mo`emo da priznamo ni o doga|ajima proteklih petnaest godina. Moji drugovi i druga- da smo Srbi? rice znaju za rat u Bosni, za bombardovanje 1999. godine, za Ha- Pomo} slobodnih medija dala nam je nova saznanja, pro- {ki tribunal i zlo~ince kojima se tamo sudi. Naga|aju {ta je od {irila vidike ili pokazala ono {to mo`da mi sami nismo hteli da svega {to ~uju istina ili iznose stavove svojih roditelja. Ali se ni- vidimo. Mediji, koji su nekada sejali mr`nju, sada su na na{oj kada nisu zapitali {ta je prava istina. strani, strani mladih, poma`u nam da napredujemo, kako na Neinformisanost ili nepriznavanje istine je problem zbog psiholo{kom tako i na profesionalnom planu. Mladi su dobili vi- koga svi patimo, problem koji nam ne dâ da idemo u bolju bu- {e udela u pitanjima budu}nosti. Posvetili su se sebi i formira- du}nost i problem zbog koga }emo stagnirati sve dok ne na|emo nju slobodnog stava prema problemima koji su posledica pret- re{enje. Zato ja `elim da znam pravu istinu. @elim da znam ko hodne vlasti. je kriv. @elim bolju budu}nost za svoje vr{njake i sebe. Ne `elim Moji drugovi i ja smo poha|ali radionice ljudskih prava, to- da se polovi~na istina, zbog koje svi patimo, pro`ima na nared- lerancije, interkulturalnosti i nenasilne komunikacije koje su ne generacije. Ne `elim da hodamo u mraku. @elim da se suo~i- mnogo pomogle u formiranju moje li~nosti i stava i dale mi slo- mo sa pro{lo{}u i promenimo svoje stereotipne stavove. bodu da sama donosim odluke bez i~ijeg uticaja. Nije dovoljno da se uklju~e samo dr`avni organi ve} i me- Zahvalna sam zbog tih promena, ali su one pokrenule lavi- diji, nevladine organizacije i svi gra|ani dobre volje. nu doga|aja koji nisu prijatni i kojih smo se pribojavali. Otvore- Do petog oktobra 2000. godine na{a dr`ava je bila mala, na su mnoga mra~na pitanja koja su se nekada samo naga|ala. konzervativna sredina u kojoj je vladavina jednog re`ima li~ila na Formiran je me|unarodni sud za nalogodavce i po~inioce zlo~i- apsolutizam nekih dr`ava u {esnaestom, sedamnaestom ili na na ovim prostorima. Otvaranjem ovih pitanja, na{a dr`ava je osamnaestom veku. Pojedini mediji bili su veoma privr`eni vla- postala glavna tema svetskih medija. Mra~na istina je postala do- daju}em re`imu dok oni objektivni nisu mogli da informi{u iz minantan faktor. Sve {to je nekada bilo lepo ili smo mi mislili da straha od zatvaranja ili pretnji smr}u. Oni koji bi se suprotstavi- jeste, nestalo je preko no}i. li gubili bi posao, vodili se kao nestali ili bili ubijeni. @rtva takvog Ljudi, koji su samo brinuli da njima bude dobro, po~eli su re`ima je novinar Slavko ]uruvija koji je istinu platio `ivotom. da se bude i pitaju. Tra`ili su odgovore. Nisu `eleli subjektivnu Glas mladih, naro~ito studenata, nije se po{tovao a jo{ ma- istinu koju pi{e re`im. @eleli su i `ele mir na ovim prostorima, nje tinejd`era koji nisu ni smeli da se pitaju. Veliki broj demon- mir u sopstvenoj zemlji, prestanak sukoba i na religijskoj osno- stracija je surovo suzbijano. U mnogima je bilo i `rtava. Za{to? vi. @ele mir i pomirenje. Ko je kriv? Da li smo mi krivi {to se pitamo? Da li smo mi, kao Zato smatram da proces saznavanja istine i pomirenja tre- narod, krivi {to nismo ranije uticali na re`im i tako spre~ili du- ba da zapo~nu dr`avni organi kao i svaki gra|anin koji ima do-

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bru volju. Dosta je bilo sporog i neadekvatnog suo~avanja i ne- spremnosti dr`avnih organa da stvore pogodniju klimu u kojoj bi se {to bezbolnije diskutovalo o pro{losti, istini, krivici i promeni. Dr`ava treba da na|e re{enje, osmisli plan koriste}i ideje gra|a- na. Treba da otvori savetodavno telo koje }e redovno zasedati i di- skutovati o problemima i njihovom re{avanju. Trebalo bi povre- meno da organizuje javne diskusije, debate i konferencije o po- stignutim rezultatima. Moraju se eksponirati i potencirati ove te- me i u medijima koji bi trebalo da iza|u u susret. Trebalo bi da se organizuju tribine na kojima bi se diskutovalo o ratnim zlo~i- nima i `rtvama ratova, ali i o ogromnim materijalnim razaranji- ma i ekonomskom zaostajanju ~ije smo `rtve najvi{e mi mladi. Ali i gra|ani moraju da rade na sebi. Moraju prestati sa op- tu`ivanjem, nepoverenjem, netolerancijom, predrasudama i za- ta{kavanjem zlo~ina za koje tra`imo „istorijska opravdanja“. Ne sme se misliti da smo mi „nebeski narod“, nedodirljiv, nepogre- {iv i iznad svih. Moramo spre~iti ponavljanje istorije. Moramo pribli`iti mladima pojam krivice koji je Jaspers svrstao u ~etiri kategorije – individualnu, kolektivnu, moralnu i politi~ku. Mora- D IJALOG IZME \U RELIGIJSKIH mo se truditi da uspostavimo otvoren dijalog izme|u sukoblje- nih strana, Trebalo bi da se otvoreno razgovara o problemima, ZAJEDNICA KAO PUT da vi{e ne bude mr`nje izme|u Srba, Hrvata, Bo{njaka i Albana- ca. Svi mladi treba da nau~e razlikovati krivicu od odgovornosti. KA POMIRENJU Treba da se bore i trude za sebe, svoju budu}nost i budu}nost „nekih novih klinaca“. Ne}e biti opravdanja ako to ne u~inimo. Ne smemo se vi{e oglu{ivati o znake upozorenja i na{a sudbina ne treba biti drugim zemljama za nauk ve} za primer. Mora do}i do rasvetljavanja pro{losti, do priznavanja istine i sno{enja po- sledica kao kazne za zlodela kojih nismo ili jesmo bili svesni. Jer, „individualno ili kolektivno otre`njenje omogu}i}e nam da pro{lost smestimo tamo gde i pripada, u istoriju, i posvetimo se kreativnom i radosnom oblikovanju budu}nosti kakvu pri`eljku- jemo i na kakvu imamo prava“.

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Ivana Franeta

Religija se odr`ala i u 21. veku, epohi tehnolo{kog napret- ka i kompjuterizacije. I uprkos pretnjama modernpg dru{tva, re- ligija danas igra zna~ajnu ulogu u `ivotu ~oveka, ali i u `ivotu dr- `ave. U velikoj meri ona uti~e na svest ~oveka, na njegove stavo- ve prema `ivotu i prema drugima. Kao vrsta upori{ta naspram hladnog sveta ma{ina, kao ne{to {to pripada tradiciji, religija se postavlja kao ~uvar identiteta naroda i nade u bolje sutra. Me|u- tim, pitanje koje se postavlja je, da li je mogu} `ivot u multikon- fesionalnoj i multietni~koj sredini? Naro~ito kada se ima u vidu da je prethodni vek obele`en raspadom mnogih zemalja, kao {to su SSSR, ^ehoslova~ka, Austro-Ugarska i mo`da najbolji primer Jugoslavija. Sukobi na prostorima biv{e Jugoslavije imali su i obele`ja me|ureligijskih sukoba. Naime, me|unacionalne nape- tosti bile su u odre|enoj meri potencirane i razli~itom religio- znom pripadno{}u tih nacija, odnosno nacionalnih manjina. I sada, nakon svega, mo`e li upravo religija, odnosno dijalog izme- |u razli~itih religijskih zajednica biti klju~ pomirenja? Mo`e se re}i da je religija stara koliko i ~ovek, a njen raz- vojni put se kretao od naivnog obo`avanja predmeta i pojava iz prirode, totemizma, preko politeisti~kih religija, do monoteizma. Ipak, ma koliko se ~inile razli~ite, sve religije imaju jedan zajed- ni~ki cilj. Od samog po~etka svrha religije je bila da pru`i ~ove- ku uto~i{te pred nepoznatim, da ga uputi u to kako treba `iveti u skladu s prirodom i drugim ljudima, i kona~no, da mu ulije nadu u bolje sutra. Kada je stvorena prva Biblija, ona je pre sve- ga zami{ljena kao vrsta moralnog zakonika, koja je od strane Bo- ga kao Svevi{njeg bi}a data ljudima da se njome rukovode u `i- votu. Bilo pisani, bilo nepisani, bo`ji zakoni uvek propisuju Do- bro i Ljubav. Oni su „Slovo ljubve“ upu}eno celokupnom ljud- skom rodu. Ali da li je ljubav istinska ako je destruktivna? Da- nas se, na`alost, ispoljava sve ve}a agresivnost pojedinih verskih zajednica, a nacionalni i religijski ekstremizam i ekskluzivizam, upravo su uzroci mnogih sukoba. Takvo poimanje religije i sva- kako zloupotreba Svetog pisma naru{ava me|uetni~ku i me|u-

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religijsku toleranciju, a ba{ je ona (tolerancija) potrebna za istin- na prava, i misija „Bo`jih izaslanika na Zemlji“ bi bila {irenje lju- ski dijalog izme|u pripadnika razli~itih zajednica. Ukoliko tole- bavi, razumevanja i tolerancije. rancije nema, ne mo`emo ni govoriti o dijalogu, ve} samo o mo- Sve religije u svojoj su{tini imaju ne{to zajedni~ko: sve su nologu, a jednostrana komunikacija nikada nije dovela do re{e- vrsta moralnog zakonika i sve imaju svrhu da pru`e ~oveku uto- nja problema, koji svakako postoji, ina~e ne bi ni do{lo do suko- ~i{te i nadu u bolje sutra. Ni hri{}anstvo ni islam ne propisuju ba na prostorima biv{e Jugoslavije. da treba ubiti, niti opravdavaju ubistvo, niti bilo kakvo ugro`ava- Raspad biv{e Jugoslavije za mnoge je bio {ok. Potpuno je nje ~ovekovih prava. To nije svrha religije, i svako tuma~enje ko- neshvatljivo kako su se doju~era{nji prijatelji tako preobrazili i je opravdava naru{avanje osnovnih ~ovekovih. prava, predstavlja okrenuli jedni protiv drugih, prakti~no preko no}i? Svakako da zloupotrebu bo`jeg zakona. Ne mo`emo re}i da je jedna religija „zaslugu“ za dobar deo onoga {to se dogodilo dugujemo medij- ispravnija od druge, kao {to ne mo`emo re}i ni da je jedan jezik skoj propagandi. Udarne vesti bile su pokolji srpske dece od bolji od drugog, dokle god taj jezik ispunjava svoju funkciju u za- jednici u kojoj postoji. Mo`emo da imamo svoje afinitete prema strane Hrvata i Muslimana i obratno, u zavisnosti od toga ~ija je ne~emu, ali ne mo`emo osporavati ono drugo samo zato {to nam televizija emitovala program – prebacivanje krivice s jedne stra- se ne dopada. Uostalom, nije li demokratija pravo svakog ~ove- ne na drugu. A ko je zaista kriv? Krivi smo svi. Moramo shvatiti ka da sam bira, dokle god time ne ugro`ava prava drugoga? da u ratu nema pobednika i da svi gube. Ako `elimo da zapo~ne- mo bilo kakav dijalog, moramo priznati da smo svi manje ili vi- Da bismo uspostavili kvalitetnu komunikaciju moramo po- {e posredno ili neposredno u~estvovali u ratu, bratoubila~kom, {tovati op{ta ljudska prava, pravo na slobodu mi{ljenja i oprede- koji }e zauvek ostati mrlja u istoriji na{ih naroda. Da bi jedan ljenje. Saslu{ajmo druge i po{tujmo njihov izbor. Nismo samo mi narod u{ao u rat zna~i da je ve}ina tog naroda izglasala rat. Da- uvek u pravu i ne postoji samo jedna ispravna odluka. Treba go- voriti o sli~nostima izme|u religija, a ne potencirati razlike. S kle, izmanipulisani ili ne, krivi smo kao narod, i to ne samo mi razli~itostima bi trebalo nau~iti da `ivimo u harmoniji, jer kao Srbi, ve} i Hrvati i Bosanci. Tu krivicu kolektiva moramo prizna- {to prijateljstvo i ljubav po~ivaju na me|usobnom dopunjavanju ti da bismo napravili taj prvi korak na putu ka pomirenju. Tek i razumevanju, tako i komunikacija izme|u religijskih grupa mo- onda sledi dugotrajni proces sticanja poverenja izme|u razli~itih `e doprineti skladnijim odnosima. Pou~eni gre{kama iz pro{lo- zajednica, etni~kih i religijskih. sti, moramo nau~iti da `ivimo s drugima u miru, da ih po{tuje- U dijalog moramo u}i bez predrasuda, a najbolji na~in da mo i da se me|usobno dopunjujemo. se one izbegnu jeste informisanost. Ovo se ~esto javlja kao pro- Dakle, ne ponavljajmo gre{ke, u~imo iz njih. Do re{enja blem jer su mnogi neupu}eni ili imaju nejasne i uglavnom pogre- problema moramo do}i zajedno, to mora biti zajedni~ka odluka {ne predstave o drugima. A kako je praksa pokazala, netrpelji- svih strana. Dijalog me|u religijama treba da bude poziv na hu- vost je u velikom broju slu~ajeva posledica pogre{nog ili nedo- manost. ^ovek je dru{tveno bi}e, on sam ne mo`e da opstane. voljnog obrazovanja. Kao bitan faktor isti~e se uticaj crkvenog Njegovo mesto je u zajednici. Stoga, nau~imo najpre da volimo u~enja. To je naro~ito zna~ajno za prevla|ivanje etni~kih i rasnih sebe, a onda i druge, jer tamo gde nema tolerancije i po{tovanja, predrasuda, a posebno onih da postoji a priori mr`nja jednog ne mo`e biti ni topline u me|uljudskim odnosima, ni normal- naroda, odnosno pripadnika jedne religijske grupe, prema dru- nog funkcionisanja zajednice, kao ni jedinki koje je sa~injavaju. gima. Takva se propaganda naro~ito {irila po~etkom devedesetih Poka`imo da je Balkan kona~no spreman da se uklju~i u evrop- na prostorima biv{e Jugoslavije, i takva je propaganda kriva za ske integracije. stvaranje predrasuda i bu|enje onog najgoreg u nama. Ishod je dobro poznat. Crkva bi trebalo da budi svest da smo svi jednaki pred Bogom, da svi ljudi imaju ista ljudska, gra|anska i kultur-

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Nacionalne i konfesionalne podele postoje. ^ini se da se protiv njih ne mo`emo boriti tako {to }emo ih negirati. Niko ne mo`e da ospori da postoje muslimani ili katolici ili pravoslavci Dunja Poleti ili pripadnici bilo koje druge konfesije. ^ak iako se sami ne de- klari{emo, ne}emo mo}i da izbegnemo klasifikaciju i sme{tanje u odre|ene kategorije od strane drugih. Dekonstrukcija i preva- Devetnaestovekovni mislioci o~igledno nisu bili u pravu ka- zila`enje pojmova je „guranje problema pod tepih“. Ali, ono {to da su prognozirali da }e religija postati marginalni ~inilac u mo- mo`emo da prevazi|emo jeste vrednovanje kategorija. Nije sra- dernom svetu, da }e nestati sa dru{tvene scene i da }e biti zame- mota primetiti da je neko pravoslavac ili katolik ili musliman ili njena razumom. ^ovekova potreba za transcendentnim, za tra- pripadnik bilo koje druge konfesije, sramota je pomisliti da je bi- ganjem, u okviru i izvan sopstvenog sveta, nije i{~ezla. Naprotiv, ti „drugi“ a priori lo{e. Mi nismo isti (i to je dobro, jer bi nam u kraj XX veka doneo nam je religijski revivalizam. protivnom bilo prili~no dosadno), ali trebalo bi da budemo jed- naki. Mi druga~ije izgledamo, druga~ije razmi{ljamo, druga~ije U zemljama koje su napu{tale komunizam i bile na po~et- se klanjamo, ali po pitanju prava i obaveza ne bi trebalo da po- ku svoje tranzicije ka kapitalisti~kom dru{tvu, zaustavljen je stoje dvostruki standardi. To je cilj, a on se posti`e kroz dijalog. proces sekularizacije1. Me|usobno pribli`avanje i podr`avanje Pojam dijaloga, pored toga {to podrazumeva razgovor iz- dr`ave i crkve otvorilo je put za politizaciju religije. Specifi~ne me|u dva lica, ima jo{ neke bitne karakteristike koje ga odliku- okolnosti na Balkanu nikako nisu i{le na ruku osamostaljivanju ju. Vrlo ~esto je to razgovor o zajedni~koj temi izme|u dve ili vi- duhovne sfere. Religijska pripadnost je, pored nacionalne, posta- {e osoba koje mogu imati razli~ite uglove gledanja. Cilj nije ver- la najhitniji nosilac ~ovekovog identiteta. Problem je bio u tome balno pobediti protivnika. Su{tina je u tome da u~esnici izlo`e i {to su se nacionalne i konfesionalne granice preklapale, tako da obrazlo`e svoje stavove, da nau~e ne{to, da saslu{aju drugoga, je konfesija postala znak ne samo religijskog, ve} i bitan deo na- ali i da se prilagode i pribli`e. Me|ureligijski dijalog je u neku ru- cionalnog identiteta. Religija vi{e nikako nije mogla da izbegne ku specifi~an: u~esnici ne samo da pripadaju razli~itim religij- uklju~ivanje u etni~ki sukob koji je bio na pomolu. skim tradicijama i veroispovestima, oni imaju jasnu sliku o sebi i svom religijskom poreklu. ^injenica da je konfesija igrala va`nu ulogu u ratovima iz devedesetih govori o tome da razli~ita religijska pripadnost i da- Kako razli~ite religije pru`aju u osnovi druga~ije poglede lje mo`e biti izvor mogu}ih sukoba i antagonizama. Niti `elja da na svet, one mogu biti izvor nerazumevanja. S druge strane, ni- okrivimo tada{nje verske vo|e zbog nedovoljnog anaga`ovanja jedna dru{tvena sfera ne poziva tako jasno na tolerantnost, na na spre~avanju sukoba, niti jadikovanje nad ~injenicom da je re- razumevanje i na opra{tanje vi{e od religijske. Krajnji cilj svake religije jeste da transformi{e ljudska bi}a. S obzirom na to da re- ligija bila zloupotrebljavana, ne}e nam mnogo pomo}i. Potrebno ligija mo`e da odredi pravac i smer u kojem }e nas transformi- je da prihvatimo jedni druge onakve kakvi smo. To se mo`e do- sati, ona mo`e biti faktor pomirenja. Naravno da treba imati u vi- goditi jedino ako budemo imali `elje i snage da se bolje upozna- du da religijske zajednice svakako nemaju onu politi~ku mo} ko- mo, da utvrdimo {ta nam je to zajedni~ko, a u ~emu se razliku- ju imaju dr`ave, ali ne treba zanemarivati ni moralni, ni simbo- jemo. Bolje razumevanje sagovornika se mo`e ostvariti samo li~ni zna~aj na koji se religijske odluke ~esto svode. kroz razgovor sa njima. Da bi religijski dijalog bio uspe{an put ka pomirenju, po- trebno je ispuniti neke pretpostavke. Potrebno je, prvo, da raci- 1) Pojam sekularizacije mo`e imati vi{e zna~enja. Pod njim se mo`e podrazumevati nes- onalno sagledamo sve ~injenice koje su vodile sukobu. Potrebno tajanje religije ili gubitak njenog dru{tvenog zna~aja, njeno ve}e prilago|avanje ovom svetu, odvajanje dru{tva od religije, kao i prelazak od svetog ka svetovnom dru{tvu je da shvatimo da se odgovornost i krivica ne mogu tra`iti samo (Hamilton, 2003: 306). u „drugima“. Moramo da budemo spremni da ispitamo i vlastitu

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ulogu i da se suo~imo sa vlastitom save{}u. Potebno je i da pri- hvatimo odgovornost ne samo za zlo~ine, ve} i za indiferentnost i okretanje glave u drugu stranu. Dakle, potreban je samokriti~- ni duh. S druge strane, neophodno je da uvidimo vrednost i va- Andrea Kaitovi} `nost „druga~ijeg“, Neophodno je da uva`avamo razlike i da po- {tujemo religijski, etni~ki i politi~ki pluralizam. Dijalog mo`e bi- ti dobar jedino ako su u~esnici ravnopravni i ako jedni druge ta- Bio sam ~ovek s ovim od ju~e, i ho}u da ko do`ivljavaju. budem ~ovek sa onim od danas; drug~ijim mo- `da i suprotnim. ali me to ne buni jer ~ovek je Religijsko pitanje se ne mo`e do kraja svesti na individual- promena, a zlo je neposlu{ati ni nivo i gurnuti u privatnu sferu, ve} je potrebna inicijativa na savest kada se javi. institucionalnom nivou. Za to su odgovorni ljudi na funkcijama, kako dr`avnim, tako i crkvenim. Ali, da li }emo uvek ~ekati zva- ni~ni poziv? Da li mo`emo ne{to i sami da u~inimo, na mikro Te{ko je danas u vremenu u kom `ivimo i borimo se za planu, na nivou pojedinca? ^esto ni ne vidimo mogu}nost da se svoju egzistenciju, biti kompetentan i davati odgovore na ove go- sami anga`ujemo i ~ekamo da neko drugi prvi krene. Opravda- ru}e teme. Nije religija inicijalna kapisla samo u XXI veku ve} je nje za indiferentnost ne postoji. Mnogo je te`e ulo`iti bilo kakav od nastanka hri{}anstva to aktuelan problem i nikada ne zami- li~ni napor, posebno ako se rezultati ne vide ni odmah, a ni ja- re. Mnogo je nevine krvi proliveno rekama ne samo Evrope ve} sno. Ali, ako se svako od nas potrudi bar malo, kumulativni efe- {irom sveta za o~uvanje i odbranu onih ideala u koje verujemo. kat mo`e biti ogroman. Kroz dalje izlaganje posta}e vam jasno da se sukobi zasnovani „Evolucija nije ni dobra ni lo{a – ona, naprosto, jeste. Stru- na veri javljaju tek sa nastankom hri{}anstva, kao monoteisti~- jom mo`emo ubijati ili je koristiti za pravljenje tosta. Struja je- ke religije. ste. Preko interneta mo`ete distribuirati de~ju pornografiju ili Istorijski gledano, periodi sukoba me|u razli~itim religij- upoznati budu}eg supru`nika. Internet jeste. Budu}nost ne po- skim tradicijama u svetu, pa i unutar samih religija, mnogo su stoji. Ona nije ni dobra ni lo{a. Bi}e onakva kakvom je sami stvo- du`e trajali od njihovog sporazumevanja i dijaloga. Ti sukobi, rimo. ‘[to jeste jeste’, ka`e Dalaj Lama“ (Nordstrom; „Riderstra- koji su obi~no bili podsticani nekim religijskim nesuglasicama, le“, 2004: 48). sporovima (~ak i kada religija nije uvek bila pravi ili jedini Religija jeste. I konfesije jesu. I razlike jesu. Ali, one nisu po uzrok rata), ne moraju, me|utim, nu`no imati samo negativne konotacije. ^itav niz nerazja{njenih problema unutar pojedinih prirodi ni dobre ni lo{e. One su onakve kakvim ih sami stvorimo. tradicija po~eo se re{avati tek kada su bili inicirani neki ozbilj- Za to je potreban dijalog, a ~ini se da dijalog jo{ uvek nije… ni konflikti izme|u pojedinih religijskih grupa ili pojedinaca unutar verskih zajednica. S druge strane, to ne zna~i nu`no da LITERATURA: je sukob uvek i po`eljan, pogotovu kada rezultira u otvorenoj 1. Hamilton, Malkolm, „Sociologija religije“, Clio, Beograd, konfrontaciji me|u religijskim i etni~kim zajednicama, pa i oru- 2003. `anom sukobu, ratu. Pojedini ratovi u istoriji imali su. naime, i 2. Nordstrom, Kjel, „Riderstrale“, Johas, Fanky business, Pla- religijska obele`ja. to, Beograd, 2004. Vo|enje dijaloga me|u religijskim zajednicama je jedna re- 3. Vukomanovi}, Milan, „Religija“, Zavod za ud`benike i na- lativno novija pojava, a ~isto istorijski gledano, period sukoba stavna sredstva, Beograd, 2004. me|u razli~itim religijskim tradicijama (pa i unutar pojedinih

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tradicija), mnogo je du`e trajao. Ako uzmemo hri{}ansku crkvu nije zapravo poenta u tome da li verujemo ili ne, ve} u tome da li kao primer, nalazimo da je Me|unarodna komisija za teolo{ki `ivimo u skladu sa svojim ube|enjima, tj. da li `ivimo u skladu dijalog izme|u pravoslavaca i rimokatolika po~ela s radom tek sa religijom kojoj pripadamo i onim u {ta verujemo jer ne vode 1980. g. dok je period sukoba, raskola unutar hri{}anstva trajao isti `ivot vernici i ateisti. Me|utim, problem sa uvo|enjem vero- jo{ od srednjeg veka. Svetski savet crkava, vode}a me|unarodna nauke zapravo implicira neke druge posledice kao {to je sukob organizacija ~iji je cilj podsticanje dijaloga me|u hri{}anima sta- dogmatskog sa kriti~kim mi{ljenjem, izme|u kojih se stvorio jaz. ra je, pak, koliko i Ujedinjene nacije. Ona je osnovana tek 1948. Na{ cilj je, zapravo, da aktivno pratimo promene koje nam g. i od tada deluje s promenljivim uspehom. se doga|aju i da putem istra`ivanja, razgovora i objavljivanja re- Verske zajednice su danas brojnije nego nacije, i sve su zultata doprinesemo uspostavljanju ravnote`e izme|u dostignu- ipak tako bliske jedna drugoj a ipak tako razli~ie. Tanka je nit iz- }a savremene nauke i dru{tvenog razvoja sa potrebama ~oveka me|u ljubavi i mr`nje, vere i nevere. Dans ne postoji ve}i grad za verom i stabilnim vrednosnim sistemom. Stoga su i mnogi pre koji poznaje samo jednu religiju, naciju i kulturu, ve} je ceo svet mene smatrali da je dijalog put ka toleranciji. pretvoren u jednu religijsku zajednicu u kojoj se sre}u razli~ite Svako od nas ima neki svoj put i svoje vi|enje sveta u ko- kulture, vere, i jednostavno to je na{a svakodnevica, odnosno me `ivi, i na kraju tog puta, veruje da ga ~eka svetionik koji }e jedna globalna mre`a odnosa. Naviknuti smo da `ivimo pod raz- mu osvetliti put i pokazati smer u kom treba da se kre}e, tj. da}e li~itim uticajima na kojima jednostavno gradimo svoj identitet. mu precizne i jasne koordinate. Bez ikakvog preterivanja, religija danas predstavlja najmo}nije Og Mandini je u jednom od svojih mnogobrojnih radova oru`je za masovno uni{tenje. napisao: Oduvek su bili suprotstavljeni liberalni Zapad i konzerva- [to smo stariji, put koji nam je do tada izgledao tako ne- tivni Istok, Islam i hri{}anstvo, dolaskom ove na{e tzv. civilizaci- dostupan i pun prepreka postaje nam bli`i i razumniji a krivi- je (pod civilizacijom ovde podrazumevam period posle Drugog ne koje su bile tako nepregledne postaju nam sve jasnije kako svetskog rata i osnivanja Ujedinjenih nacija), tra`i se kompromi- se bli`imo kraju. sno re{enje koje podrazumeva me|usobni dijalog verskih zajed- nica i postavljanje op{teva`e}ih na~ela. Zapravo i razgovori su mogu}i ba{ zbog te na{e razli~itosti i kriti~kog mi{ljenja koje mi kao ljudi posedujemo jedini od svih Me|utim, neprestano se govori o toleranciji, ali budimo `ivih stvorova koji hodaju zemljom, a to je upravo ono {to nas ~i- svesni da zapravo tolerancija postoji do onog momenta dok ne- ni jednakima u svoj na{oj razli~itosti. ko ne naru{i va{a ljudska prava. Ho}u da ka`em da zapravo je- Od starih Grka svet se u~io razgovoru a od starih Rimlja- dini krivac za dana{nju situaciju jeste nedovoljna upu}enost re- na razgovoru. Grci nisu razgovarali samo izme|u sebe, oni su ligijskih zajednica jedna na drugu. [ta to zapravo zna~i? vodili razgovore i o svojim Bogovima: vina, ljubavi, mudrosti. Di- To zapravo inicira da mi nedovoljno poznajemo ne samo ve}i se gr~kim bogovima mi se u stvari divimo gr~koj kulturni druge religije nego i na{u sopstvenu. A propo toga mo`e se sma- kojoj je svaki bog simbolizovao neku vrednost, a vrhovni bog ili trati, s jedne strane, dobrim ponovno uvo|enje veronauke u si- bog op{te prakse simbolizovao je najvi{u vrednost tj. celovit stem srednjo{kolskog obrazovanja, koje zapravo ima za cilj stva- vrednosni sistem. Grci su osetili da se kroz razgovor ra|a ne sa- ranje verske tolerancije i upu}ivanje srednjo{kolaca u to {ta zna- mo mudra misao, nego i gradi zajednica. Stepen saznanja zapra- ~i religija. Zapravo budimo barem jednom iskreni, religiju ne bi- vo zavisi od stepena otvorenosti: koliko su pojedinci otvoreni za ramo sami, to je ne{to {to nam je samim ro|enjem nametnuto zajednicu toliko su otvoreni i za zajednicu. Zanimljiva je ~injeni- isto kao i roditelji, nacionalnost. Mada bez obzira na to, kroz `i- ca da gr~ko mnogobo{tvo ne zna za verski rat, kao {to nije zna- vot se sami opredeljujemo da li }emo u to ne{to verovati ili ne. Ali lo ni za raskole, jeresi itd. Kako }emo videti, rat je pre povezan

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sa verom u jednog Boga, jer vera u jednog Boga isklju~uje sve Ovde }u se skoncentrisati prvenstveno na obradu dijaloga druge: ona je netrpeljiva, borbena i lako zapaljiva! izme|u pripadnika vernika razli~itih veroispovesti, u cilju boljeg pribli`avanja osnovne teme mog izlaganja. Ona tek mo`e da tvrdi da je njen Bog istina, a svi drugi sa- mo obmane: prva najava strepnje u kulturi! Monoteisti~ke vere U Kuranu, svetoj knjizi islamske vere, spu{tenoj s neba radije isti~u svoju prednost nego jednakost sa drugima. Tamo pomo}u nebeskog u`eta, stoji zapisano: Od jednog ~oveka i od gde je bilo vi{e bogova, bilo je i vi{e na~ina mi{ljenja, verovanja jedne `ene vas stvaram i na narode i plemena vas delim, me- i pona{anja: lak{e se disalo, kao {to se lak{e di{e u vi{estrana~- |usobno da se upoznajete. kom politi~kom sistemu nego u jednostrana~kom jednoumlju. Svaka religija u sebi nosi neku poruku i svaka na svoj na- Tamo gde susre}emo veru u vi{e bogova, ne mo`emo nai}i na ~in daje obja{njenja tj. otkrovenja o nastanku sveta. Tako da go- svemo} jednog me|u njima, jer i me|u njima postoji podela ra- voriti o tome koja je religija najbolja zapravo nema nikakvu svr- da. Grci su, dakle, bili svesni da postoje mnoge vere i druk~iji hu, to je isto kao i pitati koji je istorijski period bio najbolji za na~ini za njihovo izra`avanje – zato su rado ulazili u razgovor sa ~ove~anstvo jer iz svakog smo iza{li prosvetljeniji i mudriji za ne- drugim i druk~ijim. ka iskustvo. Ili pak to je isto kao i pitati filozofa koji je filozof naj- zna~ajniji za razvoj filozofije, zapravo na to nije mogu}e odgovo- To je i razumljivo, jer oni nisu imali svete knjige u kojima riti jer svaki je uneo ne{to novo, {to je kasnije pomoglo drugima bi istina bila zapisana jednom za svagda – zato nisu bili dogma- da grade svoje teorije kritikuju}i prethodne ili razra|uju}i ih. ti~ni. Nisu imali proroke i spasitelje, pa nisu bili obavezni da ih Kada jedna vera mirno podnosi drugu to je zapravo odraz njiho- slede – zato nisu bili fanati~ni. Njihovu veru stvorili su pesnici a ve veli~ine i snage i jemstvo njhove budu}nosti. ne sve{tenici, zato je ona omogu}ila dijalog sa drugim pogledima ^ovek koji po{tuje samo svoju veru, a potcenjuje dru- na svet, {to je povoljno delovalo na razvoj filozofske i nau~ne mi- ge, nalik je na ~oveka koji po{tuje samo svoju majku, a sli. Govoriti o dijalogu a ne upozoriti na to da hri{}anski Bog od prezire majke drugih. samog po~etka vodi razgovor sa svojih dvanaest u~enika i sa sva- kim koga sretne na svom trnovitom putu, zna~i ne samo proma- Brojne su prepreke ka potpunoj toleranciji razli~itih ver- {iti su{tinu hri{}anskog poimanja ljubavi, vere i spasenja, nego i skih zajednica, ali treba da se trudimo da izgradimo mostove i ne razumeti temelj odnosa Boga prema ~oveku i ~oveka prema upoznamo razli~ite religije i da u~e}i nadgra|ujemo sebe i svoju svom bli`njem. kulturu. Dijalog i tolerancija zapravo su jedini ispravan na~in za postizanje mira i uzajamnog po{tovanja u ovom svetu kojem je \uro [u{nji} napisao je jedan sjajan ~lanak u kojem govo- ve} dosta ratova i koji te`e globalnom miru bez nasilja, suza i ri o razli~itim vrstama dijaloga izme|u pripadnika razli~ith ver- protra}enih `ivota. skih zajednica. U tom ~lanku on navodi ~etiri vrste dijaloga: Kada se vrednost religije ne meri po njenim izvornim ili 1. dijalog izme|u vernika iste veroispovesti; unutra{njim zna~enjima, onako kako su ona data u otkrovenji- ma, ve} po izvedenim ili spolja{njim ciljevima, onako kako oni 2. dijalog izme|u pripadnika razli~itih hri{}anskih vero- odgovaraju interesima pojedinaca i grupa, tada se de{ava izdaja ispovesti; vere. Ni~e vi~e: Ideologija je koristan na~in pogre{nog tuma~e- nja vere! Onaj ko mrzi u ime vere ~ini zlo~in protiv, vere. 3. dijalog izme|u vernika razli~itih vera (npr. dijalog iz- me|u budista, hri{}ana i islamskih vernika); Stara mudrost ka`e: Kloni se sva|e, pa }e{ manje da gre- {i{. Ako se ideolozi verskih zajednica nastave da sva|aju, onda se 4. dijalog izme|u vernika i onih koji ne veruju (ili sa oni- njihova sva|a mo`e zavr{iti ti{inom koja vlada na groblju. A svi ma koji su neodlu~ni, odnosno ravnodu{ni prema veri). smo mi smrtni i svi imamo probleme kako religijske, politi~ke,

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ekonomske tako i samo na{e individualne, jer zapravo ko ih ne- da dolaze? Dolaze iz religijske ideologije (klerikalizma, naciona- ma? Ako `elite da vidite one koji ih nemaju slobodno pro{etajte lizma itd.), kad se vera stavi u slu`bu ograni~enih interesa. Pre- grobljem, jer tamo su oni koji ih jedini vi{e nemaju, oni su sve svo- ma tome, svete re~i osniva~a svetskih religija ne sadr`e ni{ta {to je probleme ili prerano ili prekasno ili pak na vreme re{ili, a na bi li~ilo na netrpeljivost, mr`nju i rat. Ako bi rat zavisio od vere, nama je da nosimo svoje breme i da sa {to manje konflikata ispo- onda rata ne bi ni bilo, jer su vere po pravilu vere u mir. Sve su {tujemo me|usobne razli~itosti na koje smo zapravo ponosni. svetske vere usvojile zlatno pravilo „ne ~ini drugome ono {to ne bi `eleo da on tebi u~ini“. Istina je da svetska istorija poznaje mnogo vi{e konfliktnih nego dijalo{kih re{avanja religijskih problema, ali zar je nemo- Pred nama je veoma va`an i te`ak zadatak: mi se moramo gu}e otvoriti novo poglavlje istorije i zapo~eti novi mirni, bezkon- u~iti dijalogu i toleranciji, jer sve na{e nevolje proisti~u iz ~inje- fliktni svetski poredak? nice {to ne umemo da vodimo trpeljiv razgovor. Samo vaspita- njem i obrazovanjem za dijalog i toleranciju mo`e se ste}i svest Zapravo i nije. Sve {to nam je potrebno jeste lepa re~, jer da je drugi ~ovek na{a dopuna, a ne na{ pakao. Ko nije trpeljiv, neko re~e: „Lepa re~ i gvozdena vrata otvara.“ I ne samo to, da- ne mo`e biti ~ovek: jo{ nije dorastao do ~ovekove visine! Da bi to }u sebi za pravo da ka`em da je bitno upoznati i nau~iti i druge postigao, on mora da oslu{kuje razli~ite glasove vremena i razli- religije i njihov na~in `ivota, shvatiti kako ti ljudi, zapravo, funk- ~ite na~ine govora, jer samo tako ima mogu}nosti da upore|uje, cioni{u i ne osu|ivati svaki postupak koji je druk~iji od va{eg bira i stvara. Zato Johan Hoizinga ima pravo kada ka`e: „Mi na- shvatanja. Ne mo`e{ spoznati sebe bez drugih, neko je jednom {e prozore dr`imo otvorene za svaki vetar.“ rekao. Ako se dva na~ina mi{ljenja, verovanja i delanja toliko razlikuju da se ne mo`e na}i neko polje uzajamnog razumevanja, U~eni teolog Hans King upozorava da se odnos izme|u ra- onda nije mali plod razgovora me|u njima ako se ustanove gra- znih vera kretao od ignorancije preko arogancije do tolerancije! Ovo se mo`e razumeti i ovako: vi{e jedni pored drugih i jedni nice preko kojih se ne mo`e i}i dalje. Jedna vera ne sme biti pro- protiv drugih, nego jedni sa drugima! Ima puno zajedni~koga, ali tiv druge: ako ne mogu jedna sa drugom, onda mogu jedna po- nema jedinstva; niko nije protiv, ali svi ostaju uz svoje; ima oku- red druge, a ne moraju jedna protiv druge. Razlike me|u religi- pljanja, ali nema delovanja; ima pribli`avanja, ali ne i ljubavi; jama nisu vi{e osnova za netrpeljivost i sukobe, ve} povod za raz- ima simboli~nih nagove{taja, ali nema stvarnih poku{aja; ima umevanje i saradnju. Netrpeljivost je nespojiva sa izvornim po- ubla`avanja sporova, ali nema njihova prevazila`enja; ima opro- rukama svetskih religija. Maks Veber navodi da su u helenskom {taja, ali nema zaborava, Ti susreti i nisu susreti vernika nego svetu ~ak i zava|eni narodi po{tovali bogove svojih protivnika i verskih ustanova ili njihovih predstavnika, pa vi{e li~e na glumu prinosili im `rtve. U savremenom svetu pluralisti~kih verovanja nego na stvarnost. trpeljivost postaje merilo vrednosti jedne vere. Trpeljivost je nu- `an uslov u dru{tvima verske, nacionalne i kulturne razli~itosti. V. D`ems u „Raznolikosti religioznog iskustva“ primetio je: U ku}i na{eg Oca mnogo je soba, pa svatko mora sam ot- kriti vrstu religije i koli~inu svetosti koja se najbolje sla`e s onim {to on smatra svojom snagom, te osje}a kao svoju istin- sku misiju i vokaciju. Ako se uporede svetske religije, onda }e se ustanoviti da u njihovim u~enjima preovla|uju stavovi razumevanja, trpeljivosti i ljubavi. Ako je to tako, a jeste, otkuda onda mr`nja, sporovi i ratovi? O~igledno da ove pojave ne dolaze iz religije. Odakle on-

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Pozivam za svedoka mastionicu i pero i ono {to se perom pi{e, Pozivam za svedoka nesigurnu tamu sumraka i no} i sve ono {to ona o`ivi, Emilija D`aja Pozivam za svedoka mesec kad najedra i zoru kad zabeli, Pozivam za svedoka sudnji dan i du{u {to sama sebe kori, Dijalog izme|u religijskih zajednica predstavlja naro~it vid razgovora. U~esnici dijaloga su predstavnici razli~itih religijskih Pozivam za svedoka vreme, po~etak i svr{etak svega – da je zajednica koji direktno ili indirektno, pismenim ili usmenim pu- svaki ~ovek uvek na gubitku! tem, raspravljaju o nekoj religijskoj temi. Kako bi jedna takva vr- Iz Kurana sta dijaloga uop{te bila mogu}a te, ukoliko se `eli posti}i poziti- van i uspe{an ishod istog, neophodno je da njegovi u~esnici bu- du svesni pre svega svoje kulture, istorije i tradicije. Svaki od Verujem u jednog Boga, Oca, svedr`ioca, tvorca neba predstavnika treba da poseduje jasnu predstavu o sebi, o sop- i zemlje i svega vidljivog i nevidljivog. stvenom identitetu, ali i da bude samokriti~an, da izgradi svest o I u jednog Gospoda Isusa Hrista Sina Bo`ijeg jednorodnog, vlastitim kao i tu|im religijskim slobodama, te da nastoji da ih od Oca ro|enog pre svih vekova. za{titi kao svoje. Nemogu}e je ostvariti bilo kakav inter-religijski Svetlost od svetlosti, Boga istinoga, ro|enog, razgovor, ukoliko nismo spremni da priznamo sebi da ne posto- nestvorenog, jednobitnog sa Ocem, kroz koga je sve postalo… ji samo jedna istina tj. da nije istinito i jedino ispravno ono u {ta mi verujemo. Dakle mora postojati spremnost da se drugi sagle- Iz Biblije da {to objektivnije, da se u razgovor u|e bez predrasuda i stere- otipa. Moramo biti spremni da uva`imo i ispo{tujemo razlike. Literatura: „Religija,veronauka i tolerancija“ Zbornik radova ^injenica da smo mi i oni drugi razli~iti upravo nam je „Verski dijalog i tolerancija“ \uro [u{nji} omogu}ila razgovor, da smo jednaki, ne bi bilo potrebe da se sa- stajemo, ne bi bilo „nas“ i „njih“. Na{e slike sveta su jednostav- „Enciklopedija Politi~ke kulture“ no razli~ite ali, neophodno je po}i od toga da smo svi barem u „Istorija filozofije“ Bo{ko Telebakovi} razgovoru jednaki u~esnici, i da ne mo`emo istupati autoritar- „Politika“ Endru Hejvud no. Ne smemo poku{avati da jedni drugima name}emo sopstve- Biblija no vi|enje stvari, ne smemo istupati sa stavom da smo superi- Kuran orniji od drugih, ne smemo o drugima misliti kao o nekultivisa- nim divljacima kojima mi treba da usadimo veru i poka`emo pravi put ka spasenju. Najbolje primere lo{e komunikacije verovatno mo`emo na- }i izme|u islamske religije i civilizacije s jedne i zapadne (multi- kulturalne) civilizacije s druge strane ili na teritoriji biv{e Jugo- slavije. U Evropi je jo{ od 7. veka susret s islamom zna~io pre sve- ga susret na bojnom polju. Ideja o muslimanima kao necivilizo- vanim varvarinia poti~e jo{ od krsta{kih, ratova. Do po~etka 20.

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veka velike oblasti islamskog sveta kolonizovane su od strane za- No nije nastupila revitalizacija religije i religijske svesti kao padnih zemalja. Mnogi su muslimani to do`ivljavali kao napad takve, ne radi nje same i ne sama po sebi, ve} na sceni imamo na sam islam, jer je muslimansko stanovni{tvo imalo veoma politizaciju tj. nacionalizaciju religije. Bujanje nacionalizma je ograni~en uticaj na politi~ki i ekonomski `ivot. Kolonijalne sile zapravo dovelo do obnove religioznosti. su se zalagale za prodor zapadnog {kolskog sistema odakle bi se Ina~e je op{te poznato da se ljudi u nestabilnim dru{tvenim zapadne ideje dalje {irile islamskim dru{tvom. Veliki problem je uslovima ose}aju nesigurnim te su najpodlo`niji manipulaciji. predstavljao i izazov sekularizacije. Naime, u islamu naj~e{}e ne- Naime ljudi su u stalnoj potrazi za identitetom koji }e im pru`iti ma tako jasne odvojenosti religijske zajednice (uleme) i dr`ave, jaku moralnu i emocionalnu podr{ku. Religijski i nacionalni iden- zajednica je uvek ispred i iznad pojedinca. titeti su u tom smislu najranjiviji na napade i osporavanja i sa- Ina~e u nemuslimanskom svetu vlada predrasuda da su mim tim najlak{e i najbr`e mobili{u mr`nju i netrpeljivost. muslimani grubi i nasilni prema drugima. Pri~e o musliman- Ne mo`emo o~ekivati da }e se vreme postarati za sve, da }e skim ekstremistima i teroristima se kroz medije plasiraju kao da sav bol koji smo naneli jedni drugima nestati jednog lepog dana su svi muslimani isti i da islamsko u~enje propagira nasilje, {to posle pomra~enja sunca ili meseca, kada }e se i na{a svest tj. na- se naro~ito poja~ava posle napada na Ameriku. {e se}anje pomra~iti, kada }emo zaboraviti {ta se doga|alo u U Isto~noj Evropi tj. komunisti~kim dru{tvima religija i dr- pro{losti. Neophodno je da sve strane budu zainteresovane za di- `ava bile su formalno odvojene. Vlasti su pod uticajem socijali- jalog, da se poka`e spremnost za nepristrasan uvid u ~injenice i sti~ke ideologije ~inile znatne napore kako bi potisnule religiju i same doga|aje koji su prethodili sukobu i odr`avali ga. Treba namesto nje usadile jednu ateisti~ku kulturu. No, taj proces ate- pokazati spremnost da se realno sagleda i oceni sopstvena uloga izacije nije u svim socijalisti~kim dru{tvima imao ista obele`ja. i odgovornost za sukobe, a ne samo krivce tra`iti u drugima. Na jednom kraju mo`emo govoriti o Albaniji, SSSR-u, Bugarskoj Ukoliko se te`i ostvariti miran zajedni~ki su`ivot, mora se i Rumuniji gde je dr`ava bila krajnje netolerantna prema religiji, prevazi}i svaka ideja o diskriminaciji i voditi ra~una da se istovre- a na drugom kraju mo`emo govoriti o Jugoslaviji, Poljskoj ili ^e- meno ne naru{ava i ne `rtvuje kako vlastiti tako i tu|i integritet. hoslova~koj. SFRJ je bila multietni~ko i multikonfesionalno dru{tvo, ali istovremeno i izrazito sekularno dru{tvo, a koje je pak negovalo ideju bratstva i jedinstva. Politika jugoslovenstva je za posledicu imala ne uo~avanje bitnih razlika u nacionalnom pogledu, a s ob- zirom da nije bilo eksplicitnijeg ispoljavanja razli~itih religijskih orijentacija, nije se uo~avala ni razli~itist na religijskom planu. Povratak jugoslovenskih naroda religiji zbio se u uslovima pro- du`ene ekonomske, socijalne i politi~ke krize. Kada je krajem 80-ih i po~etkom 90-ih do{lo do naglog o`ivljavanje religioznosti po~ele su se uo~avati i izra`avati razli~itosti, te jaka netoleranci- ja i ekskluzivizam na svim nivoima. Dakle, vi{e nismo Jugosloveni, vi{e ne verujemo u bratstvo i jedinstvo, sada smo Srbi, Bo{njaci i Hrvati odnosno, pravoslav- ci, Muslimani i katolici. Mi ne govorimo niti smo ikada govorili istim jezikom.

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Dvadeseti vek je, me|utim, znao da prepozna religiju i kao polje ljudskog delanja koje mo`e biti ~inilac mira. Promena poli- tike Nobelovog komiteta u ovom pravcu jasno govori o tome. Pro- Sr|an Atanasovski cena ovog komiteta da religija postaje bitan faktor po pitanju glo- balnog mira postaje jasna krajem sedamdesetih kada je, 1979. godine, Nobelovu nagradu za mir dobila Majka Tereza. Nobelova Tezu da je religija jedan od zna~ajnih generatora sukoba i nagrada za mir na{la je svoje mesto jo{ tri puta u okrilju religije razjedinjavanja me|u narodima za jednog istori~ara isuvi{e je la- – 1984. godine dobio ju je biskup Dezmont za vreme aparthejda ko odbraniti. Dovoljno bi bilo razmotriti dru{tvenu ulogu i polo- u Ju`noj Africi ({to predstavlja idealan primer za politizaciju re- `aj hri{}anske crkve (ili crkvi) – institucije koja pretenduje na ligije odnosno religizaciju politike kao kompatibilne procese u polo`aj zemaljskog predstavnika jednog od najhumanijih bogova kriznim podru~jima); 1989. godine dobitnik je bio Dalaj Lama, koje je ~ovek ikada stvorio. Odorom skriveni sve{tenici kao da dok je 2004. jedan od nominovanih bio tada{nji papa Jovan Pa- su zaboravljali Hristove propovedi u kojima ih je u~io da ljube vle II. Misionarska putovanja Jovana Pavla II, bila su, ina~e, od neprijatelja svog, da okrenu drugi obraz kada im udari prvi, ka- izuzetnog zna~aja za me|ureligijski dijalog – posete Moskvi, Ki- da su slali vitezove u sveti krsta{ki rat. Kada su raspirivali ver- jevu, zvani~ni odlasci u sinagogu i d`amiju ({to nijedan papa do ske sukobe u doba kontrareformacije, kada su proganjali Mava- tada nije uradio). re i Jevreje iz katoli~ke [panije i, kona~no, kada su blagosiljali U proteklih dvadeset godina na prostorima koji nas okru- vojnike u ostra{}enom ratu na prostorima Bosne i Hrvatske i, sa `uju religija je bar jednom korenito promenila svoju ulogu i po- pu{kom umesto krsta, istupali u javnost. lo`aj u dru{tvu. Raspadom takozvanog socijalisti~kog dru{tve- Ne postoji svetska religija koja u svojim knjigama nema za- nog ure|enja, ateizam je pao sa pijedestala „dr`avnog oprede- pisane poruke ljubavi, a, opet, ne postoji svetska religija koja u ljenja“ i preduslova da pojedinac bude politi~ki aktivan. ^inje- nekom trenutku nije postala ideolo{ka uzdanica krvavog suko- nica da je ateizam, ako ne religijsko izja{njavanje a ono bar iz- ba. Pretpostavljam da su ljudi koji su pre stotinu {est godina po- ja{njavanje o religiji, bio jedan od kamena temeljaca ideologije smatrli kazaljke na satu kako ozna~avaju po~etak novog veka dru{tvenog ure|enja koje je oti{lo u istoriju, zna~ajno je uslo- o~ekivali sve samo ne novu i nikad sna`niju potvrdu ove teze. vila ulogu religije u postsocijalisti~kom – tranzicionom – dru- Dvadeseti vek trebalo je da bude vek u kome }e znanje – napre- {tvu. Povratkom religije pojedinac sada postaje politi~ki akti- dak u nauci – zagospodariti ljudskim nepromi{ljenostima i otvo- van, a religija postaje jedna od stavki u politi~kim programima riti vrata nesmetanog progresa. Pa ipak, znanje XX veka pokaza- i sredstvo za postizanje odre|enih ciljeva, ponekad na nivou lo se i kao ubojito oru`je ostra{}enih ideologija u otvorenim su- svakodnevnih intriga. kobima, izazvav{i time i sumnju u smisao i opstanak ~ove~an- Mnogo je pogubniji uticaj na ulogu religije imao poriv ka stva. Ratovi pro{log veka odneli su daleko vi{e `rtava i od najkr- stvaranju nacionalnih dr`ava. Dok je proces stvaranja nacional- vavijih sukoba koje je svet do tada iskusio. Ponovo je u najbespo- nih dr`ava u Evropi okon~an Versajskim mirom, na prostorima {tednijim od ovih ratova religija igrala ulogu ideolo{ke pozadine. biv{e Socijalisti~ke Federativne Repubilke Jugoslavije, odnosno Proces desekularizacije umnogo je obele`io drugu polovinu veka; Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, on je po~eo efektivno da se sukobi koji su predstavljali politi~ko bu|enje islama – u ^e~eni- realizuje tek 90-ih godina XX veka. Podatak je paradoksalan ako ji, Pakistanu, Nigeriji, na Kipru, Isto~nom Timoru, u Izraelu – se ima u vidu da se radi o momentu u svetskoj istoriji kada kon- kao i sukobi naroda srodnih kultura ali suprotstavljenih konfe- cept ograni~enog suvereniteta jasno odnosi prevaga samoj religi- sija – u Severnoj Irskoj i, nama svakako najbli`oj, biv{oj Jugo- ji, me|utim, ova uloga bila je daleko od nepoznate; oduvek je ona slaviji – vidno su zloupotrebljavali religiju u raspirivanju mr`nje. bila prirodni saveznik romanti~arski obojenih pokreta koji u

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svojim manifestima kao cilj navode stvaranje nezavisne nacional- razumevanju i po{tovanju. ^injenca da su sadr`ane u religijima ne dr`ave pozivaju}i se na herojsku pro{lost svog naroda. ~ini ovakav razgovor ne samo dostupnijim, ve} i daleko verovat- Pa ipak nema primera u evropskoj istoriji sa kojim mo`e- nijim. mo uporediti fundamentalnu ulogu religije u ovom procesu ko- Sa stanovi{ta pragmatika pitanje da li bi ovaj svet (ili, uko- ju je ona igrala na na{im prostorima. Konfesionalnost na ovim liko ograni~imo predmet rasprave, na{e neposredno okru`enje) prostorima odvajkada igra klju~nu ulogu u podeli naroda. Pri- bio mirniji ili ratoborniji sa ili bez religije, nema nikakvog smi- padnost razli~itim konfesijama predstavlja najo~itiju razliku sla. Religija je deo na{eg kulturnog okru`enja. Pitanje koje, me- me|u narodima koji dele srpsko-hrvatsku (odnosno hrvatsko- |utim, sa punim pravom treba postaviti jeste kako usmeriti nje- srpsku) formaciju jezika. Sam jezik relativno je homogen u po- nu snagu u pravcu izgradnje mira. U cilju odgovora na ovo istin- re|enju sa ostalim ju`noslovenskim narodima, i njegove vari- ski dru{tveno korisno pitanje, razmatranje ambivalentne uloge jante ne oslikavaju dovoljno dobro nacionalnu pripadnost. Tra- religije u istoriji ljudskih sukoba pru`a dragoceno znanje. Moja dicija i obi~aji tako|e su se me|usobno preplitali: sve republi- je `elja da ono bude upotrebljeno na najhumaniji (najhri{}an- ke SFRJ bile su multietni~kog sastava (SFRJ je brojala oko 20 skiji – najislamskiji) na~in. etni~kih grupa), a kultura koja se razvijala od formiranja Kra- ljevine SHS postepeno se ujedna~avala, Usled nezadovoljstva identitetom jugoslavenstva religija je tako postala sto`er potra- ge za nacionalnim identitetom. U sadejstvu sa njenim novostvarenim politi~kim anga`ova- njem lako je, me|utim, postala i ideolo{ki nosilac krvavih suko- ba usmerenih ka stvaranjima nacionalnih dr`ava. Da li je neko razabirao zvuk crkvenih zvona od zvuka rafalnih paljbi? Jednom upletena u ratni sukob, religija nije mogla istupiti iz njega. U kri- znim situacijama kao {to je rat sve ve}i deo ~lanova dru{tva po- stajao je religiozniji. Neiznena|uju}e, to je posebno bilo izra`eno na granicama izme|u konfesija, na branicima kreiranja nacio- nalnih identiteta. Doline Drine, Neretve i Une devedesitih pretvo- rile su se u masovne grobnice – grobnice ne samo ljudskih `ivo- ta, ve} i grobnice humanih poruka koje su religije ~uvale kao mr- tva slova na papiru propovednih knjiga. Danas kada je sukob okon~an postavlja se pitanje kako iz te grobnice vaskrsnuti poruke ljubavi koje religije koje nas okru- `uju nose u sebi, a ne prizivati duhove mr`nje jer ovi duhovi je- dva da su i pokopani. Treba postaviti i jedno pitanje koje se ret- ko postavlja – kako (ponovo) prihvatiti religiju kao deo na{eg dru{tva bez gorkog ukusa krvi. Poruke ljubavi su poruke koje mogu prebroditi sve razlike, kako religije, tako i nacije, jezika. Sve {to treba uraditi, ma koliko to te{ko danas bilo, jeste izgovo- riti ih iskreno, na svom jeziku, u svojoj d`amiji, u svojoj crkvi. One su osnova za razgovor koji }e se zasnivati na me|usobnom

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spremne na dijalog ~ak i ako on sa sobom nosi pre}utno prizna- nje da ne postoji samo jedna – njihova istina. U izvesnoj meri je paradoksalno o~ekivati da }e bilo koja Miljana Trifkovi} verska zajednica odstupiti od svoje pretenzije na isklju~ivu isti- nitost, ali takav kompromis je i za njih nu`an jer one, u protiv- nom, gube opravdanje. Verske zajednice bi morale pristati na ^oveku je uro|ena `elja za trajanjem bez prestanka, ljud- svojevrstan paradoks, odre}i svome u~enju status apsolutne ne- skoj prirodi je strano i pora`avaju}e pomirenje sa prolazno{}u, pogre{ivosti u zamenu za jedan korak ka toleranciji, ka pomire- sa ~injenicom da posle smrti tela nestajemo zauvek i da ne po- nju. Taj svojevoljni poraz je za religije imperativ, ustupak za da- stoji „druga prilika“ za na{e, zapravo smrtne du{e. lje trajanje, Jer, ako religije nastave biti site razdvajanja, uvek Mo} religije po~iva upravo na ljudskom strahu od prola- postoji opasnost da }e ~ovek, zauzimaju}i odstojanje, sagledati znosti, na ljudskoj potrebi za trajanjem. Stvaraju}i privid o ljud- njihove mra~ne strane i videti, ne vi{e re~i utehe i ljubavi, nego skoj neuni{tivosli u vremenu religije su sebe u~inile neuni{tivi- teorije li{ene socijalne opravdanosti, teorije ~ije su najuo~ljivije ma, opstajale su i kada su nestajala carstva u ~ijim okriljima su posledice sukobi. Verske zajednice moraju shvatiti da njihova nastale. Magijska privla~nost njihove utehe na~inila je od njih u~enja, tuma~ena na dosada{nji na~in ne}e mo}i nastaviti da tra- uticajne tvorce istorije, zadivljuju}e ili sablasne, {to je ve} zavisi- ju samo zahvaljuju}i nesigurnoj utehi i prividnom smislu koje lo od izbora ciljeva. pru`aju. Bez konstruktivne uloge u „ovozemaljskim“ dru{tvenim Osvr}u}i se na ulogu koju su religije i religijske zajednice procesima, u odsustvu racionaiih i eti~kih opravdanja, mo} reli- imale kroz istoriju, postavlja se pitanje njihovog uticaja danas. gijskih zajednica }e po~eti da se ru{i i nestaje. Jedino biraju}i Da li religije imaju mo} i spremnost da menjaju ljudsku stvar- mir kao svoj cilj religija mo`e opravdati svoje dalje postojanje. U nost? Da li dijalog religijskih zajednica mo`e dovesti do razre{e- osnovi svake religije ve} se nalaze poruke mira – potrebno je sa- nja sukoba koji se drugim na~inima nisu mogli prevazi}i? mo osvrnuti se na njih. Su{tina i sadr`aj verskih u~enja ne is- klju~uju se me|usobno, stoga kompromis ne}e ozna~iti njihov Ne zavaravati se – religija nije uzrok niti mo`e biti razre- kraj. Bog jedne nacije ne}e nestati sa prihvatanjem mogu}nosti {enje svih protivre~nosti savremenog sveta, ali istovremno, ne da druge nacije nekim drugim imenima ozna~avaju vrhovne smemo izgubiti iz vida kolika je mo} koju religija poseduje, ko- vrednosti koje su, zapravo, iste za sve. Potrebno je dati prednost lika je mo} utehe i, nadasve, koliko je danas jezi~ki, istorijski i atributima koji se pripisuju vrhovnom bi}u a ne njegovom ime- uop{te civilizacijski bliskih nacija me|u kojima jo{ samo religi- nu; shvatiti da u osnovi svake religije stoje izvesne univerzalne ja stvara ose}aj razli~itosti. Ako se ne mo`e osporiti zna~aj, ko- ideje, zajedni~ke celom ~ove~anstvu, taj jednostavan misaoni ji su religijske zajednice imale u pro{losti za{to bi se danas od- proces dovoljan je za brisanje granica i ponora koje su religije ricala svaka mogu}nost njihovog uticaja na izmenu dru{tvene stvorile me|u nacijama i za povratak pacifizmu koji je, bar u po- svesti i pomirenja me|usobno suprotstavljenjih grupa? Vera je ~etku, bio u osnovi svake religije, Uprkos razli~itim oblicima i tu- toliko puta davala ljudima hrabrost pred polazak u ratove. Za- ma~enjima koja se smenjuju kroz njihovo trajanje, sve religije su {to ne bi mogla biti i pokret druga~ijih dru{tvenih procesa? pro`ete krajnje humanisti~ki orijentisanim idejama i na~elima Znaju}i kolika je snaga religije i snaga ljudske potrebe za njom, potpuno suprotnom od onih koje im pridaju ekstremne i impe- ne bismo smeli arogantno odbaciti tu mogu}nost. Ali, sve i da rijalisti~ke struje. Povratak tim izvornim verskim na~elima je nu- prihvatimo mogu}nost uticaja religijskih zajednica na dana{nje `an jer, svi sukobi, uprkos prividnom mno{tvu uzroka i ishoda sukobe, otvara se jedno drugo pitanje – pitanje njihove sprem- imaju zapravo samo jednog istinskog pokreta~a i pobednika – nosti da budu nosioci pomirenja. Da li su religijske zajednice ideologiju mr`nje. Religije su isuvi{e ~esto slu`ile takvoj ideolo-

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giji. Izuzetna su verska u~enja ~iju istoriju, bar u izvesnim peri- Kada svi razlozi razuma postanu neubedljivi, vera jo{ uvek mo- odima, nisu obele`ili represija, progoni zbog druga~ijeg mi{lje- `e uticati na ~ovekovu svest, usmeravati njegove postupke. Ra- nja, i nadasve – razvrstavanje ljudi na „bra}u“ i „ostale“ sa posle- zum je ponekad nemo}an jer ljudima ne mo`e dati ni{ta osim dieama koje nije te{ko naslutiti. Takav poredak stvari je danas istine koja ih pla{i. Na drugoj strani, ne postoje ustupci na koje neprihvatljiv i verske zajednice to po~inju uvi|ati. Nesporno je ~ovek ne bi bio spreman u zamenu za obe}anje koje mu nudi re- da su, uprkos svim zabludama, u okvira religija oduvek postoja- ligija. Sve dok to ne shvatimo i ne iskoristimo tu spoznaju, suko- la i istinski pozitivna stremljenja, ali tek poslednjih decenija ona bi }e ostati bitno obele`je na{e stvarnosti. Jedino me|ureligijski prestaju biti zanemarljiva. Kona~no se budi svest verskih zajed- dijalog mo`e izgraditi ose}aj jedinstva me|u ljudima, u~initi da nica o sopstvenoj mo}i i odgovornosti koja na njih pada. Kona~- mir postane njihova potreba, cilj kome }e te`iti, a ne prinudno no i one po~inju uvi|ati nu`nost kompromisa i ustupaka. Nji- nametnuto stanje zajedni{tva. Nemogu}e je ljudima objasniti {ta hova osuda sukoba sve je o{trija a zna~aj te osude daleko preva- treba da ose}aju – potrebno je to ose}anje izgraditi, a tu je razum zilazi snagu svakog politi~kog sredstva. Nesumnjivo je da religij- nemo}an. Izvesne sukobe je mogu}e prevazi}i jedino razgovorom ske, zajednice nisu ni pribli`no dovoljno iskoristile mo} te osu- religijskih zajednica, susretom religija. Takva vrsta ~ina javlja se de, da jo{ uvek nisu prihvatile svoju odgovornost u potpunosti. ne samo kao potreba savremenog sveta nego i samih religija. To Ali kod njih se po~inje nazirati spremnost za razgovor i u tome je jedino mogu}e iskupljenje njihove pro{losti i jedino opravda- treba videti put za prevazila`enje mnogih sukoba. Osporiti takvu nje za dalje trajanje. mogu}nost zna~i priznati da su antagonizam i mr`nja iskonska, neuni{tiva svojstva ~oveka i da zaista postoje sukobi koji, nakon {to su jednom stvoreni, ostaju izvan ljudskog doma{aja. Takav pesimizam i ravnodu{nost su nedopustivi. Dosada{nja sredstva za prevazila`enje sukoba su bila pogre{na, ali to ne zna~i da je pomirenje nemogu}e nego samo da je potrebno promeniti na~in. Tamo gde su pora`ena obja{njenja razuma, treba pru`iti mogu}- nost za delovanje nadrazumnog – dati priliku religijskim zajed- nicama da preuzmu ulogu izmirenja i poku{aju re~ima izbrisati razlike koje su re~ima stvorile. Proces je spor i, naizgled, osu|en na propast, osobito imaju}i u vidu ja~inu mr`nje koja je u poza- dini, pojedinih sukoba. Ali zar danas, posmatraju}i istoriju reli- gija, mo`emo odre}i svaki njihov zna~aj? One su nam ostavljale i najhumanije zavete {ire}i ideje ljubavi i jednakosti pred bogom, ali i primere genocida poput Vartolomejske no}i i istrebljenja ka- tara. Iskustvom je potvr|eno da je vera mo} koju samo treba znati usmeriti ka `eljenom cilju. Religije mogu nastaviti da pro- dubljuju ve} postoje}e razlike ili nas, bar kada su izvesni suko- bi u pitanju, mogu dovesti bli`e pomirenju nego {to bismo ikada uspeli drugim putevima. Jer u domenima gde prestaje uticaj ra- zuma, prava, obzira, filozofije, politike tamo po~inje najve}i uti- caj religije na ljudsku svest. Vera ljudskom postojanju daje smi- sao koji mu razum ne mo`e pru`iti, i stoga ~ovek razumu nika- da ne mo`e biti tako bezuslovno odan kao religijskom zanosu.

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svete pokrenu akciju dijaloga i slu{anja ljudi. To, naravno, nije lako, pogotovo {to roditelji ube|uju decu u to da su samo oni u pravu. Mlade ljude treba nau~iti da misle sopstvenom glavom na Sanja Kanazir osnovu onoga {to su sami videli i ~uli. Zbog toga bi na ~asove gra|anskog vaspitanja trebalo pozivati goste, ljude i mlade i sta- re, koji pripadaju razli~itim religijama, koji imaju razli~ite `ivot- U Srbiji `ivi veliki broj nacionalnih manjina razli~itih reli- ne stavove i koji su spremni te svoje stavove da podele sa drugi- gijskih opredeljenja. Na`alost, ~esto se mo`e ~uti da je Srbija ze- ma. Posebnu pa`nju treba obratiti na devedesete godine pro{log mlja „isklju~ivo srpskog pravoslavnog naroda, a sve ostale vere veka i sve ono {to se desilo a {to je dovelo do velikog jaza i naiz- smatraju se neprijateljskim i ovde nisu dobrodo{le. Takva raz- mi{ljanja dovela su do otvorenih verskih sukoba ne samo unu- gled nepremostivih razlika izme|u ljudi koji su nekada `iveli u tar Srbije ve} i u odnosu Srba prema drugim dr`avama. Rat je jednoj istoj dr`avi. Ka`em naizgled zato {to sve mo`e da se re{i zavr{en i bio je takav da su svi patili. Ali nakon njega, nakon ve- ako postoji volja za tim. A volja mora postojati jer u cilju demo- likih gubitaka i, ispostavilo se, neopravdano krupnih zalogaja, u kratske Srbije i njenog dru{tva jeste da se prevazi|u razlike i Srbiji bi trebalo da se postavi pitanje krivice, pitanje pravde, pi- stvori novo tlo za gra|enje novih, mirnih odnosa. Ne mogu da tanje su`ivota razli~ito opredeljenih pojedinaca. Postoji jedan tvrdim da su ljudi ranije mislili druga~ije, ali bili su prinu|eni da deo dru{tva koji ima izrazito negativan stav prema razlikama i prihvate razlike ne shvataju}i su{tinu. Danas to treba da se pro- koji agresivno insistira na stvaranju srpskog nacionalizma kao meni. Uvo|enjem gra|anskog vaspitanja |ake treba nau~iti ne- jedinog na~ina odr`anja. Me|utim, to nije jedina mogu}nost. Ne ~emu. Svi oni moraju biti upoznati sa istorijom razvoja obi~aja i misle svi tako. Stoga treba pomo}i onima koji misle druga~ije, kulture i pravoslavaca i katolika i Muslimana i jevreja i svih lju- onim najmla|im koji }e voditi zemlju u budu}nosti. Oni su ti ko- di koji `ive u na{oj neposrednoj blizini. Ovo je dru{tvo koje nije ji }e podneti najve}u odgovornost za gre{ke koje nisu njihove. A nau~eno toleranciji, a ona je su{tina. da bi to bilo {to bezbolnije, treba im pomo}i da Srbija ne bude Tako|e, deo plana sa uvo|enjem gra|anskog vaspitanja vi{e dr`ava srpskog naroda, ve} srpske nacije. Da to ne bude dr- `ava koja odbacuje druge religijske zajednice, ve} ih prihvata kao bio bi vezan za organizovanje tribina i ekskurzija. Veoma je va- deo sopstvenog kulturnog puta. `no poku{ati pribli`iti religijske teme {to ve}em broju ljudi i mo`da nametati odre|ene stavove u smislu njihove u~estalosti Ono {to ja vidim kao deo potencijalnog re{enja nalazi se u u javnosti. Vi{e je nego o~igledno da ljudi u Srbiji sve vide i sve obrazovanju. Moj predlog je da se u osnovne i srednje {kole Sr- rade kroz politiku, a politi~ari malo toga ~ine da prestane ver- bije uvede predmet gra|ansko vaspitanje koji ve} postoji, ali da ska netrpeljivost. Oni iskori{}avaju nemo} i neznanje stanov- to bude ozbiljno shva}en predmet. To je trebalo, kao sada, da ni{tva i opravdavaju doga|aje i ljude koji to ne zaslu`uju. Mno- bude predmet za poslednji, sedmi ~as utorkom na koji niko ne dolazi i koji predaju nepodobni ljudi tako|e neuvereni u va`nost gi }e re}i da su se Srbi u Bosni branili, da su Hrvati nacisti~ke zadatka koji im je poveren. Ja verujem da to mora da bude pred- ubice ili da sve „[iptare treba pobiti“. Ovo zvu~i jako ru`no, i met obavezan za sve, u vidu radionica i diskusija me|u mladim treba da se prevazi|e. Izvesno je da postoji na~in da se do|e ne ljudima. Savetujem da bude poveren stru~njacima, psiholozima do istine, ve} do svesti o njoj. Ne mo`emo da pravimo razlike na i sociolozima koji su u stanju i koji imaju `elju da objasne dru- kolektivu, na tome kako se neko zove, krsti ili gde `ivi, Su{tina {tveno-politi~ke prilike u Srbiji od kraja Drugog svetskog rata, je u pojedincu, u onome {to jedna osoba kao takva mo`e da ka- da pru`e priliku svakom da se izjasni i da navedu svakog u~eni- `e, misli ili uradi. Zato je gra|ansko vaspitanje gra|anska du- ka ne samo da ka`e {ta misli, ve} i da ~uje drugu stranu. Mislim `nost, i zaista mora da po~ne da se radi na stvaranju gra|ana, da bi bilo korisno da Vlada Republike Srbije i Ministartovo pro- ljudi koji su spremni na kompromis.

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Me|utim, u nekim delovima vidljiv je napredak. Naime, is- tra`ivalje Centra za empirijska istra`ivanja iz Novog Sada poka- zuje da je 60,8 procenata ispitanika u Vojvodini religiozno. Jed- na tre}ina nije religiozna, ali za sebe ka`e da je tolerantna prema Nevena Gojkovi} onima koji veruju dok protivnika svake religije danas ima naj- manje, tek jedan odsto ispitanika. Ovo jasno gavori o mogu}nosti preoblikovanja dru{tvene strukture u celoj Srbiji, ne samo u Voj- vodini u kojoj `ivi najve}i broj ljudi razli~itih verskih opredelje- Uvod nja. O~igledno je da postoje ljudi koji razmi{ljaju na pragmati~an Religija je konstitutivni ~inilac u istoriji ~ove~anstva. Upr- na~in i koji se trude da ne vide probleme tamo gde ih zapravo i kos predvi|anjima mnogih eminentnih nau~nika poput Sigmun- nema. Ali tako|e se svakodnevno sre}emo sa onima koji ne pri- da Frojda, Karla Marksa i Emila Dirkema o gubitku zna~aja, pa hvataju ~injenicu da ne znaju dovoljno o onome i o onima o ko- i nestajanju opijuma za narod i kolektivne neuroze ~ove~an- jima sude. Stoga treba insistirati na promenama u obrazovnom stva, kao i procesu sekularizacije koji nesumnjivo, sa usponima sistemu koje }e dovesti do toga da mladi ljudi odrastu shvataju- i padovima, traje jo{ od doba Prosvetiteljstva. U poslednje dve }i da, bez obzira na sve, svi ljudi zaslu`uju da `ive u bilo kojoj decenije 20. veka dolazi do obrnutog procesa, to jest do deseku- dr`avi na na~in na koji sami `ele, jer svi pate i pro`ivljavaju svet larizacije. na isti na~in. Kraj stole}a doneo je nekoliko zna~ajnih preokreta. Nakon Gra|ansko vaspitanje nosi u sebi mogu}nost simulacije Iranske revolucije 1979. godine u delu arapskog sveta dolazi do svih mogu}ih situacija kao i mogu}nost pronala`enja re{enja. bu|enja politi~kog islama. Istovremeno na snazi dobijaju eku- Bitno je kroz pri~u upoznati sve ono {to se de{ava a ~ega nismo menski procesi, zapo~eti sa Drugim vatikanskim koncilom svesni kako bismo se sami potrudili u `ivotu da ne pravimo iste (1962-1965). Najzad, sa padom komunizma narodi Centralne i gre{ke koje su iz neznanja pravile prethodne generacije. Isto~ne Evrope svoj identitet rekonstrui{u dobrim delom i uz po- vratak veri i crkvi. lako je u 20. veku vladalo mi{ljenje da je zavr{en premo- derni period u kom je religija obja{njavala i strukturisala svet, poslednje decenije su jasno pokazale da religijske zajednice i da- lje igraju zna~ajnu ulogu. U ovom radu bavi}u se prostorom eks Jugoslavije na kom je do obnove religioznosti do{lo u trenucima duboke politi~ke, ekonomske, dru{tvene, pa i moralne krize. S obzirom da je Bal- kan, a naro~ito Bosna i Hercegovina, podru~je susretanja tri ve- like svetske religije, ~iji su nosioci narodi kojima je osnovni ele- ment me|usobnog razlikovanja upravo veroispovest, raspadom Jugoslavije probudila se politi~ka i isforsirana religioznost. Re- ligijske zajednice su malo u~inile za ubla`avanje krize, a tokom rata su nedovoljno insistirale na prekidu neprijateljstava. Reli- gijom su manipulisali politi~ari, dok su istovremeno duhovna li- ca pretendovala na bavljenje politikom. Me|utim, religijske za- jednice danas mogu dati va`an doprinos u procesu pomirenja. Moja primarna teza jeste da put ka pomirenju mora biti zapo-

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~et suo~avanjem svake od strana sa vlastitom odgovorno{}u za eti~kih principa ne bi smelo da bude prepreka. Vernike u okviru sukob i sa vlastitim zlo~inima. svoje zajednice treba podu~avati kulturi nenasilja i solidarnosti. Tako|e, organizovanje ~estih susreta na lokalnom i regio- Religijske zajednice i njihovo delovanje nalnom nivou mo`e biti zna~ajno. Na taj na~in bi ~lanovi jedne na prostoru biv{e Jugoslavije religijske zajednice stekli iskustvo drugoga, to jest neposredno Rat na prostoru biv{e Jugoslavije nije vo|en oko verskih stekli uvid u drugu veru. Smatram da bi kontakti i upoznavanja pitanja, ali je religija i te kako bila uvu~ena u ovaj sukob, s obzi- pripadnika razli~itih verskih i nacionalnih zajednica, koji ne bi rom da je nacionalno izjedna~eno sa verskim. Identitet se rede- ni negirali ni apsolutizovali me|usobne razlike, ve} nastojali da finisao kroz razlike u odnosu na drugog. Dogodilo se odricanje ih prevazi|u, zna~ajno doprineli izgradnji poverenja, smanjenju od svake sli~nosti sa neposrednim susedima negiranjem zajed- predrasuda i stvaranju povoljne klime za mirnu i kvalitetnu ko- ni~ke kulture, tradicije, porekla, pa i jezika, uz istovremeno sta- egzistenciju. Ukoliko su pojedinci, kao i zajednice otvoreni za sa- vljanje na pijedestal svoje zajednice. Me|utim, neophodno je raz- znanja o drugima, spremni da toleri{u razli~itost i {tite tu|a dvojiti kvazi-patriotizam i kvazi-religioznost od istinske ljubavi ljudska prava i slobode, malo prostora ostaje za konflikt. prema domovini i autenti~ne pobo`nosti. Pre po~etka dijaloga Va`no je naglasiti da religija ne sme biti zloupotrebljavana svaka religijska zajednica morala bi ra{~istiti sa fundamentali- u politi~ke svrhe. Po{to dr`ave Balkana te`e izgradnji civilnog zmom u sopstvenim redovima. Treba biti samokriti~an i koliko dru{tva u kom }e biti po{tovana pluralnost u svakom smislu, je god mogu}e objektivno i nepristrasno prou~iti doga|aje koji neophodno je da i religijske zajednice shvate koja je njihova ulo- su doveli do dana{njeg stanja stvari, kao i prihvatiti sopstvenu ga u ovakvom dru{tvu i da se kona~no, ne samo formalno odvo- krivicu, u meri u kojoj ona postoji. Dakle, svako je obavezan da je od dr`ave. po~ne od sebe, relativizuju}i i kritikuju}i vlastitu perpsektivu. Sumnjam u uspe{nost dijaloga, ako pre njegovog po~etka Srp- Na kraju, zaklju~ila bih da je nu`an uslov za pomirenje da ska pravoslavna crkva, Rimokatoli~ka crkva i Islamska zajedni- religijske zajednice u dijalog u|u sa iskreno{}u i dobrom voljom ca ne preispitaju svaka svoju odgovornost. za opra{tanjem i u~enjem na gre{kama iz pro{losti. Prema mom mi{ljenju, najva`nije je odgajati budu}e generacije u duhu tole- Sem toga, smatram da osnovu za dijalog ~ini poznavanje rancije i razumevanja, jer jedino tako pomirenje mo`e biti pot- svoje i tu|e verske tradicije. Za vreme komunisti~ke Jugoslavije puno. Uspostavljanje veza ne sme biti deklerativno i kozmeti~- vrlo malo ljudi je bilo upoznato sa verskim u~enjem, ve}ina se iz- kog karaktera. Do pravog re{enja balkanske situacije mo`e se ja{njavala kao ateisti, da bi sa raspadom dr`ave odjednom do{lo do}i jedino uvi|anjem svih faktora koji su doveli do sukoba. Ne do ogromnog pove}anja broja vernika, na`alost bez verskog ob- smemo zaboraviti gre{ku napravljenu nakon Drugog svetskog ra- razovanja. Da bi dijalog bio mogu} najpre treba u okviru svoje ta kada zlo~ini nisu javno rasvetljeni, a zlo~inci ka`njeni. Svi zajednice podu~avati vernike njihovoj verskoj tradiciji, uz neiz- problemi koji se ne re{e, kasnije se javljaju u akutnijem vidu. be`no u~enje po{tovanju i toleranciji pripadnika drugih zajedni- Jaz koji je nastao me|u na{im narodima suvi{e je dubok da bi ca. Upoznavanje principa na kojima po~iva tu|a religija, druga- mogao biti prevazi|en u toku jedne generacije. Pomirenje mora ~ije tradicije i obi~aji otklonili bi mnoge predrasude i stereotipe, biti shva}eno kao dugotrajan proces na kom treba strpljivo radi- sklonost ka generalizaciji i podelama na nas i njih. Moje je mi- ti godinama. Nadam se da }emo u procesu evropskih integraci- {ljenje da je du`nost religijskih zajednica da kod svojih vernika ja, uz pomo} ujedinjene Evrope i pravila koje ona donosi, najzad razvijaju uva`avanje i osetljivost za ono druga~ije. uspeti da razre{imo Gordijev ~vor neprekidnih sukoba na Balka- Religijske zajednice su istovremeno i eti~ke zajednice. Bu- nu. du}i da pisani izvori, kako muslimanski, tako i hri{}anski govo- re o nenasilju, kao i da muslimani sem Kurana po{tuju i Bibliju, verujem da u vezi usagla{avanja oko zajedni~kih univerzalnih

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Zbunjeni ~estom bezuspe{no{}u raznih pregovora ~esto postavljamo pitanje da li je paradoks francuske poslovice, da ~o- ve~anstvo {to se vi{e menja sve vi{e je isto, u na{e vreme aktuel- Nikola Baki} niji vi{e nego ikada ranije? Da li je, s druge strane, dana{nja te- olo{ka misao, uslovno re~eno, „skamenjena“ ili samo mi danas nismo kadri da odgovorimo na izazove vremena? Na ova i ova- Me|uljudski odnosi bili su osnovna {kola kva pitanja ~esto ostajemo nemi, ba{ kao i za podru~je Balkana Hri{}anstva. Me|unacionalni odnosi uvek aktuelnim problemom Kainovog sindroma i nemilim doga- treba da postanu hri{}anski univerzitet.1 |ajima s kraja pro{log veka, kojima smo svi mi svedoci. Protekli ratovi nisu, po mi{ljenju Dimitrija Kalezi}a,3 ni verske ni religio- zne prirode, ve} su bili antiverski i antireligiozni, i u njima je, po- …Ateizam jeste humanizam.2 put vulkana samo izbilo na povr{inu sve ono potiskivano godina- ma unazad. Tu je verska i religijska razli~itost poslu`ila, da se ta- @ivimo u vreme potro{a~ke civilizacije i sveop{te globaliza- ko izrazim, samo kao ono na {ta se veoma lako mo`e nakalemi- cije, u vreme ekranizacije i interneta, u atomsko-tehnolo{ko i, po ti, raznorazne ideje i ciljevi. U tom kontekstu se mo`e govoriti o svemu sude}i, apokalipti~ko doba, doba kada prose~an ~ovek, poistove}ivanju vere i nacije na u{trb ove prve. Epilog te pri~e „nominalni vernik“, zauzet postizanjem svoje li~ne sre}e nema nam je svima dobro poznat. vremena za Boga i za bli`nje, a kada re~i kao {to su ekstati~ka i Gledano iz pravoslavne perspektive, horizontala na{eg od- kenoti~ka ljubav, najbolje iskazane na primeru pri~e o Milosti- nosa prema drugim ljudima i vertikala na{eg odnosa prema Bo- vom Samarjaninu, vi{e nisu ~ak ni marginalizovane, ve} predsta- gu moraju biti u dodiru. Otuda je stav Pravoslavne crkve prema vljaju arhaizme. dijalogu u cilju pomirenja uvek pozitivan i uvek otvoren budu}i Doba globalizacije ipak, reklo bi se, uspostavlja i druga~ije da tolerantnost koju dijalog nala`e predstavlja jevan|eljski kriterijume. Ako su, kao {to navedeni citat to najbolje ilustruje, minimum, odnosno most i dugu, put ka jevan|eljskom mak- me|uljudski odnosi bili ono elementarno, osnovno, me|unacio- simumu, ka Bogo~ove~anstvu i ~ini se da bi se najbolje mogao nalni odnosi su ono {to verovatno tek predstoji. U tom smislu je ilustrovati onim polijelejem u crkvi Ru`ici na Kalemegdanu, na- dijalog srednja {kola i prijemni ispit za hri{}anski univerzitet, pravljenim od ostataka municije i ma~eva prona|enim na ovim ako ne i ne{to vi{e u tom obrazovnom programu. prostorima, a posve}enim svim vojnicima postradalim u Prvom Pre svega, mislim da je ovde od klju~nog zna~aja definisa- svetskom ratu. nje re~i dijalog. Dijalog bi se mogao definisati kao otvoreni raz- Kora~ati istrajno na tom uskom putu, koordinirati gravita- govor udvoje, razgovor „tete a tete“, o~i u o~i, preduzet sa ciljem cijom onostranog, i}i u susret Suncu Preobra`enja, jeste taj mi- re{avanja nekog problema. Ovako definisan, dijalog, reklo bi se, nimum, jer je to, zaista, mali korak za ~oveka, a veliki za ~ove- ima za cilj neku vrstu kompromisa, me|utim re~ je o pristajanju ~anstvo. na kompromis po pitanju saradnje i unapre|enja odnosa, a ne po pitanju u~enja. Uop{teno govore}i, njegov cilj je eti~ki a ne Dijalog u tom smislu potrebuje ljubav, ljubav u naj{irem dogmatski. mogu}em zna~enju te re~i i ~esto se u nedostatku te ljubavi nu- de nekakvi surogati jednakosti i humanizma. Me|utim, treba is- 1) Vladika Nikolaj Velimirovi}, Agonija Crkve, vidi: O Evropi, Glas Crkve, Valjevo 2003, str. 129. 3) Dimitrije Kalezi}, Vjerski i gra|anski ratovi, vidi: ZBORNIK Kru{eva~ke filozofsko- 2) Pavle Evdokimov, Luda ljubav Bo`ija, Manastir Hilandar 1993. god, str. 11. knji`evne {kole, Bagdala, Kru{evac 1999, str. 110.

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ta}i da ovde nije re~ o nekoj apstaktnoj ljubavi prema ~ove~an- svevremena poruka upu}ena svim ljudima pre nekih 2000 godi- stvu, budu}i da je takva ljubav ta{to samoljublje, ve} o konkret- na, a koja glasi: Bla`eni mirotvorci, jer }e se sinovi Bo`iji na- noj ljubavi prema ~oveku, ~oveku kao li~nosti. Otuda je, ma ko- zvati (Mm. 5, 9). liko to mo`da grubo zvu~alo, ceo arsenal pojmova kao {to su hu- manizam, filantropija, altruizam i demokratija – samo skup si- * nonima bez zna~enja i zna~aja, ukoliko nema u sebi ljubavi pre- ma Bogu. Prema tome: „ateizam jeste humanizam“. Osnovni cilj ovog rada nije da ubedi ili da nagovori, a jo{ Mir, jedna od naj~e{}e kori{}enijih re~i u Svetom pismu i manje da sistematski i iscrpno obradi temu dijaloga, jer takav u Liturgiji ne trpi nikakvu deplasiranost i licemerje. Ipak na{e zahteva vi{egodi{nji rad grupe autora; pre bi se reklo da je on sa- vreme je puno raznih „mirotvoraca“. Ova paradoksalna ~injenica mo jedno u nizu sredstava za ispunjenje tog cilja i da je njegov prosto nas pora`ava svojom istinito{}u. Me|utim, klju~ za razre- osnovni zadatak mnogo skromniji, a to je da poku{a da izlo`i i {enje ovog problema ne skriva se u krupnim politi~kim potezima objasni osnovne skretnice savremenih dijaloga posmatraju}i ih dana{njice. Apofati~ka teologija i pojam simbola predstavljaju kroz prizmu hri{}anskog (~itaj: pravoslavnog) pogleda koliko je „zlatne klju~eve za svaki dijalog i put da se izbegne prekid izme- autor u tome uspeo ostavlja se u zadatak ~itaocu da prosudi. |u nebeske vertikale i zemaljske horizontale“4, put da se ostvari Ipak je stavljen ne na predlaganje nekih gotovih re{enja, ve} sa- dijalog a da time niko ne bude na gubitku. mo na odre|ena razmi{ljanja. Jedna od naj~e{}ih primedbi i prepreka takvom dijalogu jeste tvrdnja da se dijalogom ~ovek udaljava od svoje vere i da je on samo jedna u nizu utopija na{eg vremena, svojevrsni Deda Mraz za odrasle. Ovakvo stanovi{te je pogre{no u svom korenu; naprotiv, dijalogom se ~ovek u~vr{}uje u li~nom verskom ube|e- nju, ali uz to postaje i otvoreniji za odnose sa drugima. Ovo je na- ro~ito zna~ajno iz razloga {to je, kako odli~no prime}uje profe- sor Vladeta Jeroti}, „afekat straha duboko povezan sa fanati- zmom i netolerantno{}u“5, a posredno i sa agresivno{}u koja ih prati. Dijalog nije ni neko posavremenjeno zidanje Vavilonske kule i nema takvih pretenzija, mnogo bi ispravnije bilo re}i da je on tek jedan savremeniji oblik saradnje, a da opet ne predstavlja nikakvu novinu, jer je takvih poku{aja i susreta bilo zaista puno kroz istoriju. Izme|u utopije i haosa, idealnog i realnog, pitanje ostvari- vanja dijaloga spremno ~eka na na{ odgovor. Postavlja se pitanje koliko smo mi spremni za njega i koliko smo spremni na odri- canje od monologa i od polemike, kao krajnosti i prepreka sva- kom zdravom dijalogu. Do njegovog kona~nog razre{enja ostaje

4) Pavle Evdokimov, navedeno delo, str. 21. 5) O ovom pitanju videti naro~ito sl. ~lanke: „Duhovnost i tolerancija“ i „O verskom fun- damentalizmu danas“; Vladeta Jeroti}, „Vera i nacija“, Ars Libri, Beograd 1999, str. 152

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mo okvalifikovati vrednosno, kao pozitivan ili negativan. Poziti- van ishod krize traganja za identitetom podrazumeva postizanje vi{eg kvaliteta. A tome, nadam se te`imo. Slobodan Vasi} Prema re~ima Maksa Vebera, sfera kulture je popri{te stal- ne borbe izme|u razli~itih vrednosnih opredeljenja, odnosno po- stoji nepomirljiva borba izme|u razli~itih krajnjih mogu}ih sta- Dijalog kao oblik susretanja i izno{enja razli~itih idejnih orijentacija i pogleda na svet u istoriji razvoja ljudskog dru{tva novi{ta prema `ivotu i da se izme|u njih mora birati. To je su- imao je civilizacijsku svrhu, jer su se na taj na~in usagla{avala kob izme|u bogova. Ako je to tako, kakva je uloga dijaloga u dru- razli~ita, a neretko i suprotna mi{ljenja. S obzirom da je jedna {tvenom (kulturnom) `ivotu? Ona ne mo`e biti apsolutno pomir- od osnovnih odlika ljudskog dru{tva razvojnost pomo}u koje su ljiva, ali mo`e uticati na pribli`avanje i razumevanje ovih krajnjih se dru{tvo i dru{tvena svest transformisali, najpre iz indetermi- mogu}ih stanovi{ta prema `ivotu. Ali, da se vratimo za trenutak nizma u stanje determinizma, analogno tome, dijalog kao civili- u pomenuta ratna zbivanja kako bi „uhvatili“ logiku dru{tvenih zacijsko dostignu}e prelazi iz svoje prvobitne forme uobli~ene u odnosa. U ratnim vremenima koje karakteri{e odsustvo sigurno- spontanosti u svoj moderni institucionalni oblik, postaju}i na taj sti, dezorganizacija i stanje anomije, kada su me|uljudski i dru- na~in jedna od osnovnih pretpostavki demokratskih dru{tava, {tveni odnosi neregulisani i potpuno haoti~ni, pojedinac poku{a- jer demokratija u svojoj biti po~iva na usagla{avanju razli~itosti va da prona|e uto~i{te od neprestanog ose}anja straha i izlaz iz i pluralizma politi~kog interesa. stanja konfuzije vlastitog identiteta. U takvim okolnostima najve- }i stepen identifikacije se pronalazi u onim grupnim identitetima Kada se govori o dijalogu neizbe`no se ulazi u raspravu o u kojima je pojedinac najvi{e ukorenjen. To su, pre svega, etni~- identitetu, zbog toga {to on pretpostavlja najmanje dve strane ko- ki i religijski, koje karakteri{e tesna me|upovezanost. Tako Ja je odra`avaju dva stava, i saglasno tome dva identiteta. Kakva je ponovo postaje Mi, i ovoga puta homogeno, jer se identitet odre- priroda identiteta koji preovla|uje na ovim prostorima? Njega |uje na osnovu malog broja karakteristika i osobina pojedinaca karakteri{e preovla|uju}a svest o raznolikosti, gde je Ja stoplje- koji ga sa~injavaju. Ako se vratimo na pribli`avanje krajnjih mo- no u homogeno Mi, a Mi, i Oni svoj odnos pronalaze u jednoj ri- gu}ih stanovi{ta, mo`e se re}i da me|ureligijski dijalog poma`e gidnoj egzistencijalnoj formi, koja svedo~i o tome da je identitet, da se veruju}l u sopstvena ube|enja, ozbiljno upustimo u razma- po svojim osobinama pre svega razmrvljen. Nije ovde re~ o tome tranje drugih ube|enja koja su mo`da potpuno suprotna od na- kako Mi ne priznaje da Drugi postoji, ve} da ne pristaje da ga {ih i da ih razumemo tako {to }emo se u`iveti u situaciju dru- razume kao mogu}nost, da ne priznaje legitimitet njegovog po- gog. I suprotno, ako se dopusti apsolutizacija odre|enog nadin- stojanja. Dakle Mi (p)ostaje zatvoren u samom sebi. Njegov dija- dividualnog (politi~kog) entiteta nad pojedincima koji su uz to log naziva se monolog. O postojanju ovakvog oblika dru{tvene vernici, mo`e do}i do stvaranja opasnog manevarskog prostora svesti svedoci smo bili posmatraju}i aktere istorijskog (politi~- kojim se vr{i instrumentalizacija verom indoktrinisanih ljudi. kog) zbivanja u vezi sa raspadom SFRJ i njenih vi{e nego kata- strofalnih posledica. Sada se mo`e re}i da je to vreme (sve`e) iza U osnovi neprihvatanja i neuva`avanja Drugog naj~e{}e nas, da njegove posledice upra`njavamo u svakodnevnom privat- stoji neka predrasuda koja pojedincima i ~itavim dru{tvenim nom `ivotu, a da se svest, bar kolokvijalno, nalazi u procesu grupama (pripadnicima druge nacije ili verske grupe) pripusuje tranzicije. [to zna~i, nalazimo se usred faze koja bi se mogla na- takva svojstva koja pobu|uju ose}anje straha, prezira ili odboj- zvati krizom identiteta. Usred krize koja nipo{to nema vredno- nosti, a koja uistinu ne predstavljaju njihove su{tinske karakte- snu dimenziju, ne ozna~ava kraj ili katastrofu, nego ozna~ava pe- ristike, i na taj na~in dolazi do formiranja spleta zabluda koje is- riod koji nastaje kada se jedan model interpretacije sveta istro- klju~uju suo~avanje sa onim ~injenicama koje bi mogle i}i u pri- {i, a novi jo{ uvek nije nastao. Tek ishod takvog procesa mo`e- log njihovom osporavanju. A niko nam ne daje za pravo da sma-

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tramo kako se svi na isti na~in moraju odnositi prema pitanjima ko, religije koje imaju tendenciju da pokriju celinu ljudskog `i- religije, politike, morala ili svakodnevnog `ivota. Bitno je izbe}i vljenja tolerantne su prema druga~ijim na~inima verovanja jer ne mogu}u situaciju kojom bi se stavili u poziciju apsolutnog i vr- smatraju da postoji jedan jedini, jednozna~ni put spasenja, od- hovnog boga presuditelja i da svoje stavove i vrednosna oprede- nosno „ne spre~avam te da `ivi{ po svome“ (\uro [u{nji}). ljenja formiramo na osnovu jedinoispravnog eti~kog zahteva. Da zajedni~ke `ivotne te{ko}e ne moraju uvek biti pokaza- Zbog toga je podizanje nivoa svesti o va`nosti kulture dijaloga telj netrpeljivosti i sukoba pokazuje tragedija cunamija koja je pretpostavka tolerancije na podru~jima religije i kulture. doprinela uspostavljanju otvorenog i pozitvnog dijaloga izme|u Dru{tvo koje uva`ava razli~itosti pojedinaca i dru{tvenih indonezijskih muslimana i pripadnika drugih vera. U Meulabo- grupa je otvoreno, pluralisti~ko dru{tvo. Ono je otvoreno jer je hu, gradu koji je najvi{e stradao u cunamiju, u po~etku se jedan spremno za nove susrete i doga|aje, ono ne izbegava rizike i opa- muslimanski pokret protivio deljenju pomo}i od strane nemu- snosti, ve} naprotiv sa njima se suo~ava. Za izgradnju takvog slimana, ali se narod pobunio prihvataju}i pomo} od svih. Ta ~i- dru{tva neophodan je dijalog izme|u samih verskih zajednica, njenica upu}uje na zaklju~ak da dijalog izme|u religijskih za- ali isto tako izme|u verskih zajednica i dru{tva, i izme|u verskih jednica ne sme ostati u kategoriji nerealizovanog zahteva za po- zajednica i dr`ave, imaju}i u vidu zna~aj religije u stvaranju kul- liti~ki projekat, niti sme zadr`ati elitisti~ki prizvuk u kojem }e ture. U tom smislu religija ne mo`e da se koristi sa pozicije vi{eg u~estvovati samo najvi{i crkveni velikodostojnici i predstavnici autoriteta i da se obra}a drugima pozivaju}i se na va`nost tradi- politi~ke elite, njegova je svrha da podstakne procese pomire- cije, ona mora i u svojim internim strukturama da neguje kultu- ru dijaloga, a neophodno je i njeno argumentovano u~e{}e u po- nja, saradnje, me|usobnog uva`avanja i po{tovanja koji treba liti~kom diskursu, iznose}i svoja stanovi{ta o ure|enju i izgrad- da obuhvate gra|ane svih dru{tvenih slojeva. Na kraju se name- nji modernog i demokratskog dru{tva. Isto tako, neophodan je }e pitanje kako prona}i odgovaraju}i mehanizam pomo}u kojeg me|ureligijski dijalog o zajedni~kim elementima i razlikama u }e se podi}i svest o zna~aju dijaloga izme|u religijskih zajedni- odnosu pojedinih crkava i verskih zajednica prema dr`avi i dru- ca, ali isto tako i dijaloga u svim ostalim sferama `ivota, kada {tvu, a tako|e je nephodna diskusija o zajedni~kom sistemu se dru{tvo u ovom momentu nalazi u stanju politi~ke apatije, vrednosti, odnosno o evropskom sistemu vrednosti kao klju~- sve ve}e nezainteresovanosti gra|ana da sudeluju u politi~kom nom integrativnom faktoru. Tu se ima u vidu perspektiva, ali i `ivotu, i iz toga izvedenog stava da se ukupni dru{tveni ambijent uloga crkava i verskih zajednica kao institucija koje podr`avaju sporo ili uop{te ne menja, a da u svemu tome gra|anin (ili u nje- procese integracije i pomirenja. Me|utim, ne sme se izgubiti iz govoj percepciji „obi~an pojedinac“) ne igra nikakvu ulogu jer ne vida da i ateisti imaju svoje stavove koji mogu biti relevantna iz raspola`e sredstvima dru{tvene mo}i. Po~etni korak je zauzima- aspekta vere (da li postoji bog, koje je mesto smrti u `ivotu), ta- nje pozitivnog `ivotnog stava, proaktivno delovanje koje ide u ko da njihovi odgovori na ova pitanja nisu manje zna~ajni nego susret problemima svakodnevnog `ivota i preuzimanje odgovor- {to je versko u~enje zna~ajno za vernika, zbog ~ega su i oni va- nosti za sopstvene postupke. Svakako, malo toga bi se prome- `na karika u procesu dru{tvenog dijaloga. nilo kada bi ovakvi `ivotni stavovi ostali u domenu privatnosti i Pretpostavka svakog dijaloga trebalo bi da bude istinska li~nih interesa. Ali, upravo kada se podigne svest o samom se- tolerancija, kao i izgradnja kulturnog i religijskog pluralizma. To bi, kada na{im li~nim postupcima zavlada etika odgovornosti, podrazumeva da „vera ne sme da bude kruta, ve} ~vrsta. Kruta dolazi do uva`avanja onih Drugih, jer kao {to i Mi moramo da vera ~ini ~oveka fanati~nim, ~vrsta tolerantnim. Ko ne stoji ~vr- se potrudimo i pro|emo odre|eni put da bi razumeli `ivotnu si- sto u veri hvata se obema rukama za krute dogme; ko naprotiv, tuaciju i sami sebe, tako i Oni moraju pro}i isti taj put, na kra- stoji ~vrsto u veri, ima ruke slobodne i pru`a ih drugima sa ko- ju kojeg pru`amo jedni drugima ruku, iako je to na po~etku bi- jima stoji u egzistencijalnoj komunikacji“ (Viktor Frankl). Isto ta- lo nemogu}e, zbog toga smo Mi ljudi.

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Tako }e do}i do podizanja politi~ke svesti na jedan vi{i ni- vo gde me|usobno razumevanje zauzima va`no mesto u hijerar- hiji vrednosnog sistema (bilo pojedinaca ili dru{tvenih grupa), a dijalog izme|u religijskih zajednica jedna od osnovnih pretpo- Mirjana Bo{kovi} stavki pomirenja.

Bog, Alah, Buda… vi{e re~i za istu pomisao, isto zna~enje. Ra|amo se sa pravom na razli~itost, a ipak je jedni drugima ~e- sto oduzimamo. Negiramo ljudski `ivot u njegovoj biti, gazimo po dostojanstvu i dozvoljavamo da se pokidaju ljudske niti koje nas ve`u. [ta je to {to tera ~oveka na mr`nju, [to negde duboko u ljudskoj utrobi miruje kao zaspali vulkan i naglo se budi? Ko- ji su to faktori koji odlu~uju kad }e se vulkan ponovo probuditi? Problem dana{njeg dru{tva je {to je nestalo me|usobnog razu- mevanja, ljudi su zaboravili da slu{aju jedni druge. Ako nismo u stanju da razumemo razli~itost, najmanje {to mo`emo da uradi- mo je da je barem po{tujemo. Nedostatak po{tovanja dovodi do razdora me|u ljudima. Ipak, taj ponor nije nepremostiv. Dovolj- no je sagraditi most od reci, ja~i, dugotrajniji i otporniji od beto- na i `ica. Dovoljno je razgovarati! Treba dokazati da ljudi nisu slu~ajno dobili taj najve}i dar od boga, treba dokazati da znamo da ga koristimo. Religija je vekovima razlog razdiranja me|u ljudima. Ona je bila povod za pokretanje nekih od najve}ih ratova u istoriiji kao {to su Krsta{ki ratovi. U njeno ime se ubijalo, osvajalo, pu- sto{ilo… Ona je ~esto bila opravdanje, izgovor za nano{enje zla, zavesa iza koje su se mnogi krivci krili. Sada, na po~etku 21. ve- ka, situacija u sr`i nije mnogo promenjena. Svet je promenjen, zemlja se neprekidno menja, i ljudi se menjaju, ali na`alost uvek ima onih koji su spremni da zloupotrebe religiju. Koliko puta smo ~uli da je istorija u~iteljica `ivota, a koli- ko smo se zaista u~ili na prethodnim gre{kama? Istorija naro- da na brdovitom Balkanu je toliko bogata gre{kama, da uop{te ne bi trebalo da ih ponovo pravimo! Dovoljno je uzeti za primer nedavno zavr{eni rat u Bosni i njegove stra{ne posledice. Neka to bude jedna velika opomena i nauk budu}im generacijama da se takvi doga|aji vi{e nikada ne ponove. Ne treba le~iti, treba spre~iti! A da bi se to postiglo, najpre je potrebno promeniti svest ljudi. Ljudi, kao i dosta toga u `ivotu, vole da tra}e, vre-

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me, novac,… pa i re~i. Znamo da ih olako uzimamo, ali i daje- U pogre{nim rukama, religija kao sredstvo za upravljanje mo. U tom vrtlogu re~i ~esto se na|u i re~i vre|anja kao znaci masom, mo`e da prouzrokuje velika zla. Na prostorima Balkana nepo{tovanja, lo{eg vaspitanja, politi~kih i drugih podsticajnih to se ~esto de{avalo, ratovi, izdaje, etni~ke netrpeljivosti… Treba okolnosti. Moramo biti svesni da ono {to izgovorimo ima svoju nau~iti da `ivimo sa ljudima drugih veroispovesti, drugih pogle- te`inu i nosi sa sobom odgovornost. Re~i mogu mnogo neprav- da na svet, a ne stvarati konflikte „into the sea“ strukture, sa jed- de da nanesu, ali isto toliko i da donesu dobra. Zato u njima le- nom primarnom te`njom, da razli~itosti nestanu, kao da mogu `i klju~, re{enje problema nastalog usled sve ve}eg me|uljud- da i{~eznu duboko u more. Jedini lek je poku{ati oprostiti, raz- govorom prevazi}i jaz, a u budu}nosti ne dozvoliti da se takve skog otu|enja. U civilizovanom dru{tvu kakvo te`imo da bude- stvari vi{e de{avaju, udru`iti snage u preventivi, zarad kvalitetni- mo, problemi se re{avaju civilizovanim putem, a on je jedin- jeg `ivota nekih slede}ih generacija. Politika treba da radi u ko- stven i jednostavan: razgovor. To je prvi i najva`niji korak jer rist svog naroda, ne ugro`avaju}i osnovna ljudska prava na raz- kod ~asnih ljudi, dela prate re~i. Ponovno uspostavljanje pravih li~itost, ona treba da nadahnjuje i pru`a nadu u bolju sutra{nji- moralnih vrednosti stvorilo bi pogodno tlo za seme razvoja dru- cu, da pru`a primer, pa da sve izjave politi~ara budu kao slede- {tva bez diskriminacije bilo kog oblika. Kao i svaki pravi put, ni }a: „Mi moramo da poka`emo po{tovanje prema onima koji dru- ovaj nije lak, ali ne treba brzo odustajati, ve} imati strpljenja. ga~ije misle od nas, da time poka`emo i snagu na{e politike i Niko od nas ne o~ekuje, niti tra`i da budemo veliki reformato- evropski karakter na{e politike.“ ri, da inspiri{emo hiljade ljudi da misle tolerantnije, pona{aju Samo jedan od primera da je razgovor izme|u razli~itih se tolerantnije. Dovoljno je po~eti od sebe, promeniti ili pobolj- verskih zajednica mogu} je i sastanak avgusta 1997. godine u Sa- {ati poglede na svet, promeniti sebe, a pozitivna energija }e se rajevu, kada su se okupili Mustafa Ceri} na ~elu islamske zajed- poput svetlosti brzo {iriti na okolinu. Tako bi se lan~ano preno- nice, Jakob Finci kao predstavnik jevrejske veroispovesti, kardi- sila eksplozija i demokratskih vrednosti. nal Vinko Pulji} ispred katoli~ke crkve, Du{an Jovanovi}, paro- Jedan od problema je i taj {to se religijska netrpeljivost hijski sve{tenik u Sarajevu i Nikolaj Mrda na ~elu pravoslavne prenosi sa roditelja na decu. Posledice takvog pona{anja rodite- crkve u Bosni. Takvi napori uvek ostavljaju pozitivan utisak. „Ovakvi sastanci su najpozitivniji doga|aji koji su se desili nakon lja, zrelih ljudi, su velike. Tako se krug religijskog razdiranja {i- zavr{etka rata“, rekao je biv{i ameri~ki ambasador u Bosni. ri, najpre u vremenskoj, generacijskoj, a zatim i prostornoj di- menziji. Zna~ajan napredak bio bi postignut kada bi se deca od Ljudski rod je u svom dru{tvenom napredovanju sva{ta ro|enja navikavala na razli~itost kao na prirodnu ljudsku osobi- pre`iveo, pro{ao kroz razne razvojne faze. I ova faza u kojoj se nu, u~ena na negovanje sopstvenog identiteta uz po{tovanje i raz- Srbija na{la, prolazna je. Jedino {to je potrebno za njeno uspe- {no prevazila`enje je dobra volja, pojedina~na koliko i kolektiv- umevanje razli~itosti drugih. na, politi~ka koliko i ljudska, strpljenje i vera u bolju budu}nost. Politika i religija su oduvek svoje konce me{ale, preplita- Mo`da nije lako izvodljivo, mnogo kockica treba da se slo`i ka- le… mirile se i suprotstavljale. Politika neretko zna da bude {ibi- ko bi se dobila dobra slika, ali je sasvim mogu}e! Imajmo snage, ca koja }e da zapali suvo granje, da dolije ulje na vatru. Na dru- hrabrosti, volje i sigurnosti da zakora~imo velikim koracima u goj strani, religija ~esto zna da zaslepi. Ljudi tada delaju iracio- neku lep{u budu}nost bez religijskih predrasuda. nalno, razum gubi bitku, a to najbolje zna da iskoristi politika.

Ni u {ta se tako ~vrsto ne veruje kao u ono {to se najmanje zna. [arl Monteskje

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Kako ostvariti dijalog me|u zava|enima i pripremiti tlo za pomirenje i op{ti napredak? Dijalog se odvija na individulanom planu, me|u ljudima. Tijana Bajovi} To zna~i da svako od nas mora da se s du`nim po{tovanjem od- nosi prema drugom ljudskom bi}u. Nepriznavanje tu|eg izbora vodi ka generalizacijama. Generalizacije su opasne jer nam daju Razmirice. Ratovi i anarhija. Razlike, ~ini nam se – nepre- pogre{nu sliku. Neophodno je da razumemo da slika pripadnika mostive. Tako je naizgled. paravojnih formacija, Srbina po nacionalnosti, koji nemilice ubi- Su{tina je druga~ija. Nere{ivih problema nema. Potrebne ja civile samo zato {to veruju u drugog boga, nije kalup u koji se su promene. Neophodno je izbrisati izraze rat i nepremostive mo`e jednostavno uklopiti svaki Srbin, kao {to ni svi Albanci ni- razlike i uvesti nove re~i i ideje. Uvesti multietni~nost – koja po- su u~estvovali u napadima na Srbe i ne mrze neizostavno sve {to {tuje razlike i vidi ih kao uslov za kulturni napredak. Multietni~- je srpsko. Pro{lost se mora prihvatiti, sa njom se moramo suo- nost – koja prezire rat, jer razume da on unaza|uje civilizaciju. ~iti, pa izmiriti. Bez nje nema osnove za budu}nost. Ali, nekada- Multietni~nost – koja ne veruje u anarhiju, jer zna da nas ose}aj {nji doga|aji ne smeju da budu prepreka ponovnom uspostavlja- za red i odgovornost razdvaja od nerazumnih bi}a. Multietni~- nju valjanih i stabilnih odnosa. Pro{lost se priznaje, ali od nje se nost - koja naposletku prihvata razmirice, ali samo ako su kon- mora i ograditi, ina~e nam ona ne}e dozvoliti da nastavimo da- struktivne i dobronamerne, stvorene kao rezultat uma koji raz- lje. Za{to ne dopustimo da budu}nost ima novi scenario, lep{i i matra pozitivno i negativno. korisniji za sve nas? Teret pro{losti le`i na na{im precima. Oni Ekonomski i kulturni napredak je cilj svim ljudima, bez su odgovorni za ono pro{lo, dobro i lo{e. Isto tako }emo i mi bi- obzira na rasu i veru. Stabilni ekonomski sistemi i kultura koja ti preci generacijama koje }e stasati u narednim decenijama. Za- se neprestano razvija i upisuje svoje tekovine zlatnim slovima u to mi nosimo drugi deo prtljaga pro{losti i du`ni smo da preispi- istoriji `ivota, mogu se ostvariti samo u dru{tvima u kojima su tamo postupke na{ih dedova i o~eva i da ne napravimo iste gre- {ke. Jedino tako mo`emo izgraditi zdravu bazu za budu}e pro- razlike pretvorene u prednosti, u kojima nam upravo one otva- duktivne odnose. raju nove vidike i brane nas od jednostranosti. Ali, na izgradnju slike o drugim narodima u na{oj svesti u Stanovnici balkanskih zemalja imaju tu prednost {to `ive velikoj meri uti~u i savremene tehnologije i mediji. Mediji mora- na strate{ki va`nom podru~ju. {to su okru`eni ogromnim pri- ju da zauzmu objektivan stav prema doga|ajima, ali i da osude rodnim potencijalima i {to imaju priliku da ostvare kontakt sa svaki nemoralan ~in, a pohvale sve {to unapre|uje komunikaci- predstavnicima najrazli~itijih kultura. To treba iskoristiti. ju me|u sli~nima i, naro~ito, razli~itima. Neosu|ivanje stavova Neko mora da napravi prvi korak. Zaustaviti dezintegraci- koji vode ka rasnoj i verskoj netrpeljivosti mo`e da dâ podstrek je i podr`ati integraciju. Integraciju koja podrazumeva poveziva- daljem sprovo|enju takvih ideja. Neosu|ivanje negativnih pojava nje ljudskih bi}a, nezavisno od vere koju ispovedaju i jezika ko- u dru{tvu mo`e da u~ini da po~nemo da gledamo na te pojave jim govore. Ose}anja i ciljevi su nam zajedni~ki. Oni ne bivaju ni kao na ne{to normalno. S druge strane, svaki ~in koji doprinosi muslimanski, ni katoli~ki, ni pravoslavni, ve} jednostavno ljud- razumevanju me|u druga~ijima mora biti pohvaljen od strane ski. Religiozna pripadnost je u ve}ini slu~ajeva uslovljena pore- medija. Tako se gradi i utvr|uje sistem pravih vrednosti, onih klom i tradicijom. Poreklom se treba ponositi, ali i tu|e se mora koje unapre|uju `ivot. Naro~ito treba. izbegavati uop{tena obja- po{tovati. Civilizaciju stvaraju oni narodi koji iz raznolikosti vljivanja neistina ili poluistina o drugim religijama u medijima, odaberu najbolje i razvijaju ga, i to ne samo za pripadnike svoga koja mogu da uvrede ljudsko dostojanstvo. Tako se stvara utisak naroda, svoje vere, ve} za sve ljude sveta. da se pripadnici razli~itih veroispovesti ne vole, a problem je za-

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pravo u samom na~inu informisanja i govoru mr`nje, koji pod- sti~e ljude na reakciju u istom maniru. U~inimo da svi osete da su dobro do{li i po`eljni u svakom delu sveta, bili oni muslima- ni, hri{}ani, budisti ili ateisti! Osmeh, lepa re~ podr{ke i sarad- Milen Kaku}a nja. Ve}ina sporova nastaje iz nemara i nedostatka `elje da se drugi razume. To se mora promeniti. Te{ko je na~initi prvi korak i pru`iti ruku pomirenja. To Uvod mogu samo zaista veliki ljudi. Politika i mediji treba da budu Najve}i broj sociologa i onih koji se bave prou~avanjem otvoreni i usmereni blagonaklono ko susedima. Ud`benici mo- dru{tvenih problema, bez obzira kojem pravcu pripadali, stvara- raju biti u skladu s vremenom i treba da deci jo{ u najranijem li i/ili podr`avali dru{tvene teorije, u jednom su saglasni – dru- detinjstvu uka`u na razlike u mi{ljenjima koje }e neophodno {tvo je permanentno izlo`eno promenama. Istorija dokazuje da po{tovati. Dozvoljeno nam je da ne budemo saglasni, ali ne sme- su dru{tva postajala civilizacijski naprednija {to su bila svesnija mo da osu|ujemo. Mr`nja vodi mr`nji, a tako je malo potrebno (odnosno njihove dru{tvene elite) da su promene potrebne i da da se dva ljudska bi}a razumeju. Ubacivanje sadr`aja vezanih se de{avaju, te da one daju pozitivne rezultate i da su bolje ako se usmeravaju u `eljenom pravcu, nego ako se de{avaju revolu- za sve verske zajednice u nastavne programe, svakako bi bilo od cionarno, iznenada i nekontrolisano. velikog zna~aja. Izleti i ekskurzije se mogu organizovati s ciljem da se upoznaju druge kulture. Mo`da ne bi bilo lo{e da u~enici Savremeno dru{tvo podrazumeva integraciju, povezivanje umesto tipi~nih srpskih sela posete Ra{ku oblast i gradove Ra- i saradnju izme|u ljudi koji dolaze iz sredina koje su, na razli- ~it na~in i stepen, uticale na oblikovanje svesti, shvatanje i na- {ku i Novi Pazar, gde mogu videti kako te~e saradnja izme|u lju- ~in `ivota tih ljudi. [to su dru{tvena ure|enja sli~nija, kao i do- di ~iji bogovi nose razli~ita imena. Pored pravoslavnih srednjo- stignuti nivo civilizacijskog napretka, to je i mogu}nost povezi- vekovnih manastira treba posetiti i d`amije. Va`no je nau~iti de- vanja i integracije ve}a i bezbolnija. Tako|e, problem integraci- cu da se spomenici svih kultura cene, oni }e to nositi u svesti ce- je pripadnika manjeg broja „prido{lica“ u neko dru{tvo, re{avao log `ivota i prene}e na svoju decu. Pripadnici nacionalnih ma- se, naj~e{}e, asimilacijom. No, sada se pitanje integracija, usled njina moraju da imaju pravo na u~enje maternjeg jezika u {ko- dru{tvenih promena na globalnom, svetskom nivou, postavlja u lama. Zemlja u kojoj `ivimo, makar joj i ne pripadali po pore- vezi integracije celih dru{tava u cilju stvaranja tzv. „globalnog klu, sigurno }e nam biti dra`a ako nas ne ograni~ava, ve} nam sela“ koje bi predstavljalo jedno jedinstveno dru{tvo. Ta ideja o daje podstrek. globalizaciji podelila je svet u gotovo svim bitnim dru{tvenim segmentima. Jedan od tih segmenata su i religijske zajednice Jedna od pozitivnih reformi {kolstva jeste uvo|enje vero- koje igraju zna~ajnu (a u nekim dru{tvima i dr`avama presud- nauke kao izbornog predmeta. Na ~asovima veronauke treba nu) ulogu. Odre|ene religijske zajednice proces globalizacije vi- sprovesti komparativno prou~avanje velikih religijskih sistema. de kao put ka uni{tenju njihovih vrednosti i na~ina `ivota. Jo{ Na kraju krajeva, ni bogovi monoteisti~kih religija se ne razliku- uvek ta ideja nije preovladala u najzna~ajnijim religijama, ali ju mnogo. Islam prihvata neke biblijske istine i proroke i tvrdi sve vi{e dobija na zna~aju. da je razlika u njihovom preno{enju i shvatanju, i da su imena Da bi se ovi problemi re{ili i otklonile nedoumice oko bu- razli~ita. Na svetu ima mnogo imena, ali nije ime to {to nas raz- du}nosti odre|enog dru{tva, civlizacije i naroda, potrebno je po- dvaja od drugih. Naprotiv, spaja nas i ka`e – ime za jedinke iste krenuti stalni dijalog izme|u religijskih zajednica, promovisati vrste. Razlike u istorodnosti. Nije te{ko to prihvatiti. Na|ite u tu- zajedni~ke vrednosti i, u meri dru{tvenih potreba i koristi, uva- |em imenu poznata vam slova i pru`ite ruku svom susedu! `avati stavove koje one zajedni~ki formiraju.

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Jedan od konkretnih primera, na kojem se dokazuje zna- saradnja sa verskim liderima. Dru{tvene uloge verskih lidera ~aj me|ureligijskog dijaloga, je i izgradnja novog, postratovskog najvi{e dolaze do izra`aja tamo gde ne postoje dovoljno razvije- dru{tva Bosne i Hercegovine. Naime, u periodu od 1992. do ne javne, dr`avne institucije. Pretpostavka za otpo~injanje dijalo- 1995. godine u BiH je trajao gra|anski rat1 izme|u pripadnika ga izme|u religijskih zajednica je, kao {to se videlo na primeru tri naroda (Bo{njaka, Hrvata i Srba), sva tri razli~ita i po religi- BiH, me|usobno uva`avanie i priznavanje prava na izra`avanje jama koje ispovedaju. Odmah po okon~anju rata, uspostavljen je druga~ijih pogleda na `ivot. Drugi, ne manje zna~ajan, korak je Me|ureligijski savet, kao zajedni~ko, nevladino, telo koje ~ine pronala`enje i isticanje zajedni~kih vrednosti na kojima po~iva- predstavnici ~etiri religijske zajednice (jevrejska, katoli~ka, mu- ju sve religije. ^itaju}i Bibliju, Kuran i Talmud, uverio sam se da slimanska i pravoslavna). Iako rad Saveta nije bio aktivno pra- postoje sna`ne i zna~ajne zajedni~ke vrednosti na kojima po~iva- }en medijskom podr{kom, rezultati njegovog rada su, posmatra- ju sve tri religije3. Isticanje zajedni~kih vrednosti, zna~i i te`nju ju}i sa distance od gotovo 11 godina nakon zavr{etka oru`anog ka razvoju mira i – kako to ~esto verski lideri izgovaraju – „do- sukoba, zna~ajno doprineli pomirenju izme|u naroda. Neki od bre volje medu ljudima“. Nadalje, religijske zajednice bi trebalo prvih koraka koje su predstavnici svih zajednica, zajedni~ki vi{e da rade na tome da, tamo gde su tradicionalno i ve}inski za- preduzeli odnosili su se na puno i iskreno me|usobno uva`ava- stupljene, podsti~u svoje vernike da prihvate i uva`e one koji is- nje, uspostavljanje stalne saradnje izme|u zajednica kroz Savet, poljavaju svoja verovanja na druga~iji na~in od onoga na koji ve- prihvatanje odvojenosti zajednica od dr`ave i prava svih da ispo- }ina to radi, kao ravnopravne gra|ane. Za ovo postoji utemelje- nje u osnovama gotovo svih religija, a posebno u ove tri ve} po- vedaju svoju veru. Zna~aj ove saradnje najvi{e se ispoljio kroz menute. Posebno je va`no da se, od strane dr`ava, me|unarod- stalne aktivnosti unutar svake zajednice ponaosob. Predstavnici nih i nevladinih organizacija, podstaknu verske zajednice na us- religija su javno i kroz svoje unutra{nje aktivnosti, pozivali svo- postavljanje stalnog dijaloga, kako bi se pomoglo re{avanje sada- je vernike da slede primere saradnje koje su sami pokrenuli. Sa- {njih i izbeglo otpo~injanje novih verskih sukoba. To, izme|u radnja me|u zajednicama je zaista uznapredovala, tako da se, ne ostalog, zna~i i razvoj svesti o odgovornosti, zna~aju i uticaju sta- retko, de{ava da sve{tenici pravoslavne i katoli~ke crkve zajedno vova koje imaju verske zajednice. Razvoj svesti o odgovornosti odr`avaju verske slu`be na dane najzna~ajnijih hri{}anskih ver- verskih zajednica dobija na zna~aju i zbog toga {to one imaju skih praznika. Tako|e, postoji i me|usobna finansijska pomo} zna~ajnu ulogu u spre~avanju i re{avanju sukoba koji negativno u izgradnji i obnovi poru{enih verskih objekata. U poslednjih ne- uti~u na `ivote velikog broja ljudi. koliko godina nije registrovan niti jedan ozbiljan, verski motivi- san, incident. Analiziraju}i ovaj primer i dragocena iskustva ko- Osnova za uspostavljanje i trajno razvijanje dijaloga izme- ja nudi, cenim da bi trebalo na sli~an na~in pristupiti i u re{ava- |u verskih zajednica postoji – sadr`ana je u verskim u~enjima i nju drugih sukoba u kojima verske zajednice imaju zna~ajnu temeljima najve}eg broja religija, a to je – zalaganje za mir i rav- nopravnost izme|u ljudi, te podsticanje ljudi da ~ine dobra dela. ulogu. Uzimaju}i u obzir ~injenicu da se glavna svetska ratna `a- ri{ta odvijaju u Iraku i Avganistanu2, te da najve}i broj ljudi koji su optu`eni za terorizam poti~e iz islama i tvrde da u toj religiji pronalaze razloge za svoje delovanje, onda se zna~aj i uticaj reli- gijskih zajednica u tim dru{tvima ne sme potceniti ili izbegavati

1) Jedan broj istori~ara, politi~ara i hroni~ara bosanskohercegova~kog oru`anog suko- 3) Jevreji uva`avaju nekoliko verskih knjiga, me|u kojima je najzna~ajnija Biblija; ba smatra da se ovaj rat mo`e i treba kvalifikovati kao (ili da je posredi bio, uglavnom) hri{}ani, kao i Jevreji, svoje verovanje temelje na Bibliji podeljenoj na Stari i Novi verski sukob. Zavet koji po~inje dolaskom Isusa Hrista Mesije (spasilac ~ove~anstva, po 2) U obe zemlje ve}insko stanovni{tvo ~ine pripadnici muslimanske religije. U ovim hri{}anskom verovanju), dok muslimani veruju u u~enje Kurana koji je Alah (Bog) zemljama religija igra zna~ajnu ulogu u gotovo svim porama dru{tvenog i politi~kog saop{tio poslednjem velikom proroku Muhamedu Pregamberu. Kuran predstavlja `ivota. nastavak i, po muslimanskom verovanju, „ispravku“ i dopunu Biblije.

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U postkonfliktnom dru{tvu kao {to je na{e, gde je jedan od va`nijih uzroka tog konflikta predstavljala verska netrpeljivost zasnovana na neznanju, od velikog zna~aja je da se u vremenu Aleksandar Andreji} koje sledi to promeni. U sistem obrazovanja u Srbiji u{ao je no- vi predmet nazvan veronauka, koji mo`e da predstavlja najbolji na~in za me|ureligijsku saradnju, ako mu se dobro pristupi. Svako dru{tvo, jo{ od najdavnijih vremena, razvilo je svo- U obrazovnim sistemima velikog broja evropskih zemalja ju specifi~nu kulturu. Na razvitak svake kulture uticali su brojni postoji predmet koji se bavi prou~avanjem religija. Deca se, kroz faktori, od vremena i epohe u kojima su nastajali, do specifi~nih taj predmet, upoznaju sa najzna~ajnijim svetskim religijama, ali dru{tvenih fenomena na kojima su se razvijali. Jedna od svaka- i sa etikom, moralom i filozofskim idejama proisteklim iz religi- ko najzna~ajnijih dru{tvenih tvorevina je i religija, koja ima veli- ja. Na taj na~in u~e o njihovim razlikama i sli~nostima, i {to je ku ulogu u izgradnji i oblikovanju morala jedne zajednice, kao najva`nije, dobijaju sveobuhvatno religijsko saznanje koje }e osnove na kojoj se gradi sistem dru{tvenih vrednosti. usloviti toleranciju u multikulturnom dru{tvu kao jedinu mogu- Poznato je da religijske ideje kod ljudi imaju veliki uticaj na }u ideju. razvoj moralnih, dru{tvenih, kulturnih i mnogih drugih vrednosti Predmet veronauka u Srbiji je jako lo{e realizovan. Umesto koje odre|uju i daju identitet ljudima kao pojedincima ili grupi. da se deca koja su odrasla u konfliktnom dru{tvu u~e toleranci- Iako ve}ina religija zastupa veliki broj op{tih na~ela bliskih ji kroz upoznavanje drugih religija, ona se dele u grupe po ver- skoj pripadnosti i u~e o vrednostima samo svoje religije, {to ja ljudima, kao {to su ljubav u {irem smislu (prema porodici, pri- smatram da je jako pogre{no. jateljima, ljudima uop{te), moralnosti, pravdi, jednakosti, po{te- nju, itd. u vremenima u kojima su nastajale i dru{tvima kojima Ja vidim taj predmet kao najva`niji i najdelotvorniji na~in su se prilago|avale, razli~ito su tuma~ena. Svaka od kultura ko- za uspostavljanje novih dru{tvenih vrednosti. Treba promeniti ja se pojavila u Evropi tokom vremena, u dodiru sa nekom dru- osnovni princip podele po veroispovesti me|u decom i napraviti gom, ostavila je poseban trag uo~ljiv do dana{njih dana. sadr`inski jedinstven predmet, koji }e sva deca poha|ati. Pri sa- moj izradi sadr`aja, otvara se mogu}nost da sve religijske zajed- Evropsko moderno dru{tvo, u kojem danas `ivimo, pred- nice u~estvuju u tom procesu, {to bi predmet obogatilo i u~inilo stavlja kulturni mozaik jedinstven u svetu. Balkansko poluostr- ga objektivnim. U predavanju bi trebalo da se smenjuju verou~i- vo je tako|e me{avina raznih naroda, njihovih kultura i religija i telji iz svih religijskih zajednica, a tako|e bitan mo`e biti njihov deo je evropskog kulturnog prostora. uticaj u uklju~ivanju u radionice sa decom, gde bi deca aktivno Moj cilj u ovom radu je da predstavim ideje za uspostavlja- pristupila nastavi. Tema svake radionice bi mogla biti neki osnov- nje multikulturnog dru{tva u Srbiji kroz razli~ite forme obrazo- ni moralnu princip (ljubav, pravda, po{tenje), koja bi deca zajed- vanja i edukacije: no sa verou~iteljima obra|ivala iz razli~itih religijskih uglova. To bi posebno dalo novi pogled deci na razli~ite religijske do`ivljaje • me|usobno upoznavanje religijskih aspekata koje su ovih principa i njihove primene u dru{tvu. Jako bitan segment nastave mo`e biti i povezivanje kulture sa religijom, gde bi verou- uslovile kulturnu raznolikost na ovim prostorima; ~itelji deci ~itali razne tekstove o obi~ajima i verovanjima. • bli`e upoznavanje sa kulturnim sli~nostima i razlikama Uveren sam da se mo`e prona}i jo{ mnogo na~ina za pri- kroz osvrt na evropski kulturni prostor u kome se nalaze; menu ovog predmeta, kojim se nova generacija dece, koja }e sa- • razvitak tolerancije i me|usobnog uva`avanja na temelju ~injavati dru{tvo, biti vaspitana u novom duhu modernog dru- modernog i multikulturnog evropskog dru{tva. {tva koja }e im dati dovoljno saznanja da uva`e i prihvate me|u-

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sobne razlike koje mogu da jedino doprinesu razvitku kulture jednog dru{tva kroz njenu raznolikost. Za razvijanje ideje multikulturnog dru{tva kod odrasle po- pulacije mislim da posebnu pa`nju treba posvetiti upoznavanju Vladislav Radak sa kulturnim i religijskim nasle|em Evrope kroz kulture aktiv- nosti. Na taj na~in, mo`e se saznati kako su se dodiri razli~itih religija i njihovih kultura na evropskom tlu asimilovale u jedin- Osamdesetih i devedesetih godina pro{log veka svet je pro- stveni kulturni prostor, uprkos svojim razlikama. {ao kroz korenite promene koje su potisnule ve}inu dotada{njih politi~ih shvatanja, da bi utrle put novom poretku demokratiji. Kroz op{teobrazovne predmete na fakultetima mo`e biti U to vrerne, vreme pada berlinskog zida, raspada Sovjetskog Sa- posebno koristan osvrt na filozofske ideje koje su se razvile kroz veza i formiranja drugih dr`ava, zemlje Evrope i sveta se okre}u istoriju evropske civilizacije i njihov odnos sa religijom. Tako|e, ka novom unutra{njem ure|enju istovremeno sna`no podsti~u}i bli`e upoznavanje sa umetno{}u koja je nastala na ovim i evrop- razvoj spoljnje politike, shvataju}i to kao izuzetno bitan i neza- skim prostorima mo`e znatno doprineti razumevanju religijskih menjiv ~inilac modernog poretka. uticaja na kojima je nastala. Tada je nova, izdiferencirana sila SAD dobila pravu protiv- Prikazivanjem dokumentarnih filmova, na fakultetima i u omladinskim kulturnim centrima o isprepletenosti religijskih uti- te`u – Evropsku uniju. Podsti~u}i ekonomsko, politi~ko i pri- caja na ovim prostorima, dobar je na~in da se dopre do svesti ve- vredno jedinstvo cilj zemalja ~lanica Evropske unije jeste da se likog broja mladih ljudi koji tra`e odgovore. Jedan od najboljih stvori globalno tr`i{te gde }e se ekonomija ubrzano razvijati i gde na~ina prihvatanja razli~itih kultura je preko muzike na festivali- }e se privreda manjih i lo{ije razvijenih zemalja izjedna~avati sa ma, gde bi se i muzika i ljudi razli~itih kultura me{ali. Svaki me- onim bolje razvijenim. |ukulturni kontakt mo`e biti od velikog zna~aja, zato treba podr- U tom trenutku, trenutku najve}e istorijske prekratnice, ta- `ati izlo`be u galerijama i muzejima i putovanja studenata u raz- da{nja Jugoslavija umesto tranzicije i okretanja ka novoj; evrop- li~ite krajeve Evrope gde bi se direktno susretali sa drugom kul- skoj budu}nosti bira unutra{nje konflikte na nacionalnoj i ver- turom putem arhitekture, jezika, obi~aja, na~ina `ivota ljudi… skoj osnovi kako bi se na{la u za~aranom krugu najve}e ratne Jako bitan uticaj na edukaciju van {kolske populacije i raz- oluje koja je mogla da zadesi ove prostore u tom trenutku. Vlada- vitak tolerantnijeg dru{tva mo`e se posti}i kroz rad brojnih ne- vina Slobodana Milo{evi}a donosi razaranja, nema{tinu, unose}i vladinih organizacija, dru{tvenih pokreta i gra|anskih inicijati- u svaki dom ekstremni nacionalzam i versku netoleranciju. va, koji, kroz razne seminare, tribine, javne nastupe i druge so- Jugoslavija gubi kredibilitet u o~ima vode}ih sila, gubi za- cijalne aktivnosti, promovi{u}i multikulturno dru{tvo, mogu u vidan status spone izme|u istoka i zapada, gubi status saobra- bitnoj meri da doprinesu pro{irenju svesti kod ljudi koji su i di- }ajnog i trgovinskog centra i dobija status izolovane zone, nulte rektno odgovorni za kreiranje dru{tvenih odnosa. ta~ke. Na kraju se izdvaja zaklju~ak da u procesu pomirenja u Danas su godine izolacije pro{lost. Neminovna smena poli- postkonfliktnim dru{tvima edukacija i obrazovanje imaju najzna- ti~kog re`ima koja je usledila 5. oktobra donela je demokratiju, ~ajniji uticaj u utvr|ivanju samog uzroka sukoba i otvaranju pu- ~itavu deceniju posle svih drugih zemalja. Ipak da Srbija nije ras- ta budu}nosti ka modernom, multikulturnom dru{tvu uz me|u- krstila sa svojom pro{lo{}u pokazuju stravi~ni doga|aji kao {to sobno upoznavanje razlika i njihovo razumevanje i po{tovanje. Mislim da je klju~ uspostavljanja religijskog dijaloga u dru{tvu u je smrt premijera Zorana \in|i}a i martovski neredi na Kosovu. samom pojedincu, koji kroz kulturne uticaje, mo`e sam da uspo- Da li Srbija mo`e bez osvrtanja da nastavi kroz bolan put stavi ravnote`u izme|u tradicionalne religije i modernog dru{tva. tranzicije? Tvrdim da ne mo`e. Ne mo`e se nastaviti dalje sve

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dok se ne pogleda u o~i zlo~inima koji su po~injeni. Srbija nema dr`ane direktno od vlade i Ministarstva kulture. U to svakako budunost ukoliko se ne uspostave pravi, demokratski i iskreni spadaju smotre etno-ansambala, tradicionalnih pozori{ta, usta- spoljno-politi~ki odnosi sa susednim zemljama. Srbija se nalazi novljavanje knji`evnih nagrada koje doprinose odre|enoj kulturi. na multinacionalnoj i multietni~koj teritoriji {to je obavezuje da Sve ovo navedeno moralo bi da bude u sklopu slede}e bit- kreira svoju politiku prema novim na~elima. Ona ne mo`e imati pravi put sve dok postoji makar iskra nacionalizma, mr`nje i ne- ne stavke. tolerancije. Decentralizacija U nastavku bih izlo`io teze za koje ja smatram da moraju biti klju~ne u kreiranju unutra{nje i spoljnje politike, a koje za Decentralizacija je jasan, svuda prisutan demokratski pro- cilj imaju stavljanje u prvi plan dijalog izme|u religijskih zajed- ces. Svakako da je jedan od osnovnih ~inilaca dijaloga me|u re- nica kao na~in za kreiranje novog, zdravorazumskog i prosperi- ligijskim zajednicama. Decentralizacija ne zna~i otcepljenje, niti tetnog poretka. ugro`avanje centralne vlasti i manjina na tom podru~iju, ve} ba{ koristi kao protivte`a tome. Analiza verskog konflikta Decentralizacija je u su{tini dijalog. Predstavnici centralne Da bi dijalog me|u religiskim zajednicama uop{te bio mo- vlasti i druga strana moraju da na|u pravi put i re{enje koje }e gu} pre svega bi obe strane morale da za|u dublje u problemati- da ispo{tuje slobode svake manjine, ljudsko dostojanstvo, rav- ku i potra`e same korene verskih nesuglasica. Jasno je da su ne- nopravnost i socijalnu pravdu. Da bi u okviru jedne zemlje po- ki razlozi koji su doveli do konflikta odmah na po~etku jasni. Re- stojao sklad me|u religijskim zajednicama, jedna strana mora ligija nije ta koja je dovela do po~etka sukoba, ve} je ona kori{}e- da prihvati i prizna tu|u veru i ube|enja. Decentralisti~ki proces na kao izgovor i podstrek. Pojmom religije su se slu`ili mnogi, ia- mora biti postepen i kontrolisan, kako ne bi do{lo do ugro`ava- ko se u njoj nisu prona{li, kako bi dobili izgovor za besmisleno nja ni~ijih prava. razaranje. Analiza verskih na~ela pomo}i }e razumevanju jedne stra- Novi pristup spoljnoj politici ne verske ispovesti druge. Svetska demokratija mora da dozvoli ravnopravnost svake vere ukoliko ona ne naru{ava slobodu i rav- Na~in formulacije spoljnje politike neraskidivo je povezan nopravnost drugih. Treba jasno razumeti i prihvatiti na~ela dru- sa dr`avnim interesima kao i sa slikom kojom dr`ava prezentu- ge vere i kao takva ih po{tovati. je sebe. Privredna kolaboracija i razmena mogu samo doprineti pobolj{anju me|ukulturalnih i me|uverskih odnosa. Srbija po- Multietni~nost i multikulturalnost sle decenije izolovanosti u regionu i svetu kona~no ima sve kva- litete za formulisanje bolje spoljnje politike. Pravi spoljno-politi~- Istorija na{ih prostora jasno govori u prilog navedene stav- ke. Na{a zemlja, kao i sve ostale zemlje u regionu, nije jednona- ki odnosi sa zemljama u regionu doprine}e boljoj komunikaciji cionalna. Zastupljene su brojne manjine i kulture. Svaka manji- sa manjinama u na{oj zemlji. Naravno, u slu~aju otvorene i do- na sa sobom nosi neke svojstvene odlike, a sa njima jezik, veru bro formulisane spoljne politike i ne treba ni govoriti o privred- obi~aje. Da bi se uspostavio pravi dijalog izme|u dve suprotsta- nom prosperitetu. vljene strane, jedan od na~ina je da se to u~ini preko kulture, ko- ja je univerzalni, a opet svakoj etni~koj celini svojstven jezik. Edukacija Da bi se uspostavio jasan kontakt kulturne razmene mora- Analiziraju}i probleme jedne nacije ili regiona, malo ko raz- ju se ustanoviti razli~iti kulturni doga|aji, koje bi morale biti po- mi{lja o tome gde se ta~no krije koren i za~etak tog problema.

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Edukacija je sjajan na~in da se spre~i {irenje netoleranci- je. Upoznavanje dece i mladih ljudi sa svojom i drugim verama pravi je po~etak koji }e se kasnije razviti u dijalog suprotstavlje- nih strana. Za~etak dijaloga bi trebalo da bude ostvaren jo{ u Milica Stankovi} mladom dobu, kako bi kasnije te generacije, koje }e biti lideri novog dru{tva, bile oslobo|ene svake netolerancije i spremne na otvorenost i saradnju sa svakom verskom zajednicom i etni~kom celinom. Uvod Svakodnevno se susre}emo sa velikim brojem problema, Uticaj same crkve kako na nivou na{e dr`ave, tako i u svetu. Jedan od najve}ih Uticaj crkve na dijalog me|u religijskim zajednicama je problema koji se mora re{iti u najskorije vreme, je upravo pro- svakako jedan od najva`nijih postupaka koji bi unapredio dija- blem neslaganja izme|u ljudi iz razli~itih religijskih zajednica. U log. Religijske zajednice treba da uti~u na svoje vernike, u cilju ovom slu~aju, razmotri}emo problem neslaganja izme|u hri{}a- {irenja tolerancije, a isto tako stupanje dve crkve u dijalog je pra- na i muslimana. Usled nedostatka duhovne reforme, ljudi poi- vi na~in za {irenje svesti protiv diskriminacije. stove}uju borbu za svoja li~na prava sa borbom za verska i reli- gijska ube|enja. Najve}i problem je u tome {to mali broj vernika Zaklju~ak kao autoritet po{tuje Boga, ve} se svaki pojedinac name}e kao autoritet u dru{tvu. Religija bi trebalo da bude spona koja pove- [irenje svesti o prihvatanju drugih religijskih zajdnica i ve- zuje sve narode, a ne prepreka pri ostvarivanju bli`ih kontakata ra je te`ak i dugotrajan proces, posebno na ovim prostorima. Da i saradnje. U dijalogu izme|u dve religije mora do}i do suo~ava- bi do{lo do dijaloga potrebno je udru`eno delovanje i volja obe nja nepravde i tla~enja i njihovog krajnjeg iskorenjivanja. strane, crkve, vlade, a pogotovo samih gra|ana. Dijalog je jedini pravi put ka pomirenju i prosperitetu obe Analiti~ki deo strane. Moja zemlja je na dobrom putu da ostvari pravu komu- Da bi do{lo do dijaloga izme|u religijskih zajednica i njiho- nikaciju i ja verujem u nju. Verujem da smo prvo pogledali sebi vih predstavnika, mora se analizirati problem razmirica i neslo- u o~i i svoju pro{lost, da smo nau~ili na sopstvenim gre{kama i ge izme|u istih. Presudnu ulogu u tom dijalogu imaju crkva i nje- da ne}emo dozvoliti da se ponove. Verujem da }e Beograd biti ni velikodostojnici. ucrtan na mapama sveta kao saobra}ajnica slobodna i bezbedna za sve nacije i vere. Crkva, kao versko obele`je, sve vi{e postaje sinonim za in- strument, kojim ljudi na vrhovnim pozicijama upravljaju i sa- Verujem. mim tim manipuli{u narodom. Ljudi ubijaju jedni druge radi svoje religije i crkve, ne razmi{ljaju}i o tome {ta ta religija u stva- ri propoveda. Crkve, u dana{nje vreme, sve ~e{}e imaju samo jednu svrhu postojanja, a to je pru`anje utehe i izle~enja. Crkve- ni velikodostojnici se moraju uklju~iti u dijaloge izme|u verskih zajednica i pomo}i u re{avanju problema. Muslimani su jako je- dinstveni u o~uvanju svoje vere i zajedni~kim snagama se bore za o~uvanje svojih svetinja. Hri{}ani su se, pak, vi{e priklonili Evropi i slobodnijim shvatanjima svega {to nas okru`uje, {to je dovelo do pojave nesloge i razdora unutar same hri{}anske cr-

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kve. Me|utim, ni muslimansko, ni hri{}ansko u~enje ne odbacu- go {to bi on imao pravo da u}utka sve ostale.“ Dakle, pojedina~- ju osnovna ljudska prava na religioznu slobodu. Iako se ove dve no mi{ljenje ne mo`e biti superiorno u odnosu na mi{ljenje ~i- religije umnogome razlikuju, mo`e se na}i kompromis koji bi bio tavog naroda. U dijalogu izme|u religijskih zajednica ne bi tre- prihvatljiv i za jednu i za drugu stranu. Ukoliko svaki pojedinac balo da u~estvuju samo predstavnici, ve} narod u celini. Najve- (koje god da je religije i vere) uspe da re{i svoje li~ne probleme, }i problem koji moramo re{iti u procesu regulacije dru{tvenih suo~i se sa stvarno{}u i realnim stanjem u svetu, mo`emo razgo- sporova je nepo{tovanje tu|eg mi{ljenja. Kao razre{enje ovog varati o re{avanju problema na nivou zajednica. U ovom dijalo- problema mora se fiksirati „objektivna istina“ koja podrazume- gu, predstavnici i jedne i druge strane se moraju zalo`iti, ne sa- va usagla{avanje razli~itih stavova. mo za po{tovanje svetinja i crkava, ve} i za po{tovanje ljudskih Iako je u pro{losti bilo mnogo nepravde i nesloge, ratova i prava. Svaki ~ovek ima pravo na egzistenciju, na svoje versko i razmirica, moramo ostaviti sve to za sobom i vo|eni demokrat- religijsko opredeljenje, na iskazivanje sopstvenog mi{ljenja i svo- skim ube|enjima, krenuti ka re{avanju teku}ih pitanja, me|u jih stavova. To je prednost demokratskog dru{tva u kome danas kojima je upravo najhitnije – pitanje dijaloga izme|u religijskih `ivimo i koje nas mo`e dovesti do dijaloga i re{enja problema zajednica. mirnim putem. U martu 2001. godine Zajednica dru{tvene odbrane (Bund fur Soziale Verteidigung) dala je izjavu povodom trenutnog stanja na Balkanu: „Mi verujemo da je izazov mirovnog pokreta sada predstavljen kao politi~ki aktivan i ratoboran pacifizam. Politi~- ki, u smislu razvoja ideje svestranog gra|anskog rada kao reak- cija dru{tvenog i internacionalnog konflikta koji je prirodno je- dinstveni kriticizam vojno bazirane dr`avne politike. To je bor- ba, u tom smislu, da onaj ko `eli, mora pripremiti put za mir.“ Na politi~koj sceni Srbije, svaki pojedinac ima sopstvenu sliku i vi|enje sveta. Oni svoja mi{ljenja i stavove forsiraju preko medi- ja i obrazovnog sistema. U tom njihovom vi|enju sveta, sve je is- politizirano i podeljeno, drugi mogu biti samo za ili protiv njiho- vih opredeljenja. Zbog toga oni u svakom ~oveku vide potencijal- nog neprijatelja, koji bi mogao izvr{iti atak na njihova ube|enja. Mi, kao demokratsko dru{tvo, moramo se suo~iti sa novonasta- lom situacijom na politi~koj sceni i izboriti se protiv svega {to bi eventualno moglo usporiti na{ put ka Evropi. Moramo kriti~ki sagledati realnost kako bi se odbacili {tetni uticaji pro{losti i kako bi se dru{tvo preusmerilo ka pro- gresu. Normalan, demokratski `ivot zahteva me|uljudske dogo- vore i dijaloge. Svaki ~ovek ima pravo da iska`e sopstveno mi- {ljenje po pitanju dr`avnih, dru{tvenih i religijskih problema. Citiram D`. S. Mila: „Ako bi svi pripadnici jedne dru{tvene za- jednice mislili i govorili jedno, a samo jedan suprotno njima, svi ti istomi{ljenici ne bi imali vi{e prava da ga nasilno u}utkaju ne-

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