Trafficking in People in Serbia (sr)

Vesna NikoliÊ - RistanoviÊ Sanja ∆opiÊ Sanja MilivojeviÊ Biljana Simeunovic - PatiÊ Biljana MihiÊ

TRAFFICKING PEOPLE S E R B I A

TRAFFICKING PEOPLE VICTIMOLOGY SOCIETY OF SERBIA ORGANIZATION FOR SECURITY AND CO-OPERATION IN EUROPE S E R B I A  Vesna Nikoliã-Ristanoviã Sanja Ãopiã Sanja Milivojeviã Biljana Simeunoviã-Patiã Biljana Mihiã

TRAFFICKING IN PEOPLE IN SERBIA

Victimology Society in Serbia (VDS) Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Belgrade, 2004 Vesna Nikoliã-Ristanoviã Sanja Ãopiã Sanja Milivojeviã Biljana Simeunoviã-Patiã Biljana Mihiã TRAFFICKING IN PEOPLE IN SERBIA

Publisher OSCE Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe Mission to Serbia and Montenegro Åakorska 1, 11000 Belgrade Democratisation Department

ISBN 86-85207-00-2

Translation Agency Eurologos

Design Stojkov, Novi Sad

Pre-press and Printing Stojkov, Novi Sad

Print run 300  The OSCE Mission to Serbia and Montenegro has supported the publication of this survey.

The opinions and views expressed in this survey belong to the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the OSCE.  CONTENTS

I Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

II Trafficking in people and the Legislation in Serbia . . . . . . . 12 II 1. The Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia and Basic Criminal Code . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 II 2. The Criminal Procedure Code . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 II 3. The Law on the Organisation and Jurisdiction of the Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organized Crime . . . . . . . 20 II 4. The Law on Misdemeanour and the Law on Movement and Residence of Foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 II 5. Assessment of Legal Provisions of Relevance for Criminal Prosecution and Protection of Victims of Trafficking in People in Serbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

III An Overview of Previous Research and Other Available Data on Trafficking in People for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation and Exploitation of Labour in Serbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 III 1. Trafficking in Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 III 1.1. Official Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 III 1.2. Data of the International Organizations . . . . . . . . . . 28 III 1.3. Data of the NGOs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 III 1.4. Results of the Previous Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 III 2. Trafficking in Children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 III 2.1. Data on Trafficking in Children . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 III 3. Trafficking in Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 III 3.1. Data on Trafficking in Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 III 4. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

IV Definition and Delineation of Main Terms . . . . . . . . . . . 42

V Scope, Purpose, Method and Sample of Research . . . . . . . . 46 V 1. Scope and Purpose of the Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 V 2. Method and Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47

VI Trafficking in Women in Serbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 VI 1. Extent and Structure of Trafficking in Women . . . . . . . . . 55 VI 1.1. Extent and Geographic Prevalance of Trafficking in Women in Serbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

5  VI 1.2. Who are the Victims of Trafficking in Women in Serbia? . . . 57 VI 1.3. Trafficking in, from, and through Serbia . . . . . . . . . . 60 VI 2. Characteristics of Trafficking in Women . . . . . . . . . . . 63 VI 2.1. Routes of Trafficking in Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 VI 2.2. Recruitment of Women — Victims of Trafficking . . . . . . . 71 VI 2.3. Transportation/Transfer of Women — Victims of Trafficking . . 78 VI 2.4. Forms of Victimization to which Women — Victims of Trafficking are Exposed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 VI 3. Indirect Indicators (Markers) of Trafficking in Women . . . . . 90 VI 3.1. Sex Industry and Prostitution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 VI 3.2. Begging and Vagrancy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 VI 3.3. Illegal Work and Forced Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 VI 4. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108

VII Trafficking in Children in Serbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 VII 1. Direct Indicators of the Extent, Prevalence, and Characteristics of Trafficking in Children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 VII 1.1. Trafficking in Children for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation . 112 VII 1.2. Trafficking in Children for the Purpose of Begging . . . . . . 118 VII 1.3. Trafficking in Children for the Purpose of Marrage . . . . . 120 VII 2. Indirect Indicators of Trafficking in Children . . . . . . . . . 121 VII 2.1. Sexual Exploitation of Children . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 VII 2.2. Begging and Vagrancy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 VII 2.3. Illegal and Forced Work by Children . . . . . . . . . . . 129 VII 2.4. Abductions, Disappearance, and Smuggling of Children . . . . 131 VII 2.5. Forcing of Children to engage in criminal activities . . . . . 132 VII 3. “Children at Risk" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 VII 4. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135

VIII Trafficking in Men in Serbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 VIII 1. Direct Indicators and Characteristics of Trafficking in Men . . . 138 VIII 1.1. Direct Indicators of the Prevalence, and Origin of Victims of Trafficking in Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 VIII 1.2. Routes and Organization of Trafficking in Men . . . . . . 139 VIII 2. Trafficking in Men: Indirect Indicators (Markers) . . . . . . . 145 VIII 2.1. Distribution and Criminal Characteristics of Male Migrant Smuggling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 VIII 2.2. Illegal Work and Begging — its Prevalence and Connections with Trafficking in Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 VIII 3. Conclusive and Overview: Serbia on the Road of Illegal Migrations and Trafficking in Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160

IX Individuals and Criminal Groups Involved in Trafficking in People 165 IX 1. Individuals Involved in the Chain of Trafficking in People . . . 165 IX 2. Organization of Criminal Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169

6 IX 3. Connection between Trafficking in People with Other Forms of Organized Crime . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 IX 4. Connections between Trafficking in People and Legal Actors. . . 174 IX 5. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177

X Method of Functioning and Assessment of Mechanisms of Operation of Governmental, Non-governmental and International Organizations in relation to Trafficking in People . . . . . . . . . 179 X 1. Mechanisms of Operation of the State Organs . . . . . . . . . 179 X 1.1. The Police Operation in Discovering and Collecting Evidence on Trafficking in People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 X 1.2. Mechanisms of Operation of Other Organs of the State, Particularly the State Prosecutor's Office and Courts . . . . . . 185 X 1.3. Attitude of the Organs of the State towards Prostitution, Begging, Vagrancy, and Illegal Labour . . . . . . . . . . . 190 X 2. NGOs and International Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . 194 X 2.1. Mechanisms of Operations of Organizations Dealing with the Issue of Trafficking in People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194 X 2.2. Assessment of the Work of NGOs and International Organizations 198 X 3. Cooperation between the Organs of the State, NGOs, and International Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202 X 4. Examples of Good and Bad Practices of the Organs of the State, NGOs, and International Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . 204

XI Awareness about the Issue of Trafficking in People and Measures to be Taken . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 XI 1. Awareness of the Problems Related to the Trafficking in People and the New Legislation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 XI 1.1. Attendance at Seminars and Other Forms of Education on the Trafficking in People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 XI 1.2. Familiarity with the New Legislation . . . . . . . . . . . 213 XI 1.3. Definitions and Capability of Delineating Basic Terms . . . . . 215 XI 1.4. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 XI 2. Measures to be Taken as seen by Respondents . . . . . . . . 220 XI 2.1. Measures for Strengthening the Efficiency of the Criminal Law Repression against Trafficking in People . . . . . . . . . . . 221 XI 2.2. Preventive Measures against Trafficking in Peoplein Serbia . . . 226 XI 2.3. Measures of Protection and Assistance to Victims of Trafficking in People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 XI 2.4. Proposed Changes of Legislation for More Efficient Suppressing of Trafficking in People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230 XI 2.5. Final Overview of Proposed Measures for Improved Combating the Problem of Trafficking in People in Serbia . . . . . . . . 233

XII Conclusions and Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236

7 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243

Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 Questionnaire for Professionals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 Questionnaire for Victims/Potential Victims . . . . . . . . . . . . 258 Protocol of Observation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263

8  I Introduction

Presented in this study are the results of the research of trafficking in people as the first research aimed at gaining a more detailed and more comprehensive knowledge about the extent and characteristics of this phenomenon in Serbia. Although the social visibility and social re- sponse to the problem of trafficking in people in Serbia has improved in recent years, this problem was addressed solely on the basis of a de- ficient and sporadic knowledge about trafficking in women for the pur- pose of sexual exploitation, without a clear systemic approach to both disclosure and prosecution of perpetrators and prevention, protection, and reintegration of victims. It was impossible from previously conducted research (in the coun- try and abroad) and other available information to get a complete pictu- re of the extent, structure and characteristics of trafficking in people in Serbia, on one hand, or of the effectiveness of the available mechanisms for its suppression and prevention, on the other. Also, although traffick- ing in women for purposes of sexual exploitation, according to all avail- able information, is the most common form of trafficking in people, it would be unreasonable to overlook its other, equally harmful forms, such as trafficking in children and various forms of trafficking for the purpose of exploitation of labour. Also, the problem of internal traffick- ing in women and its connection with trans-national trafficking has been completely neglected, as well as the fact that the issue of traffick- ing in people is intertwined with other social issues such as prostitu- tion, illegal labour, begging, vagrancy, and illegal migration in general. Research of trafficking in people in Serbia, conducted for OSCE by the female research team of the Victimology Society of Serbia, is the kind of research experiment which required background knowledge, creativity, inventiveness, patience, and persistence from all its partici- pants, as well as a specific kind of courage. Without enthusiasm, com- petence, skills, and courage of the researchers, as well as the willingness of the surveyed people to talk with them, it would be difficult to gather so substantial research material as was obtained by this research. The research material was far beyond most optimistic expectations we har- boured in the beginning of the research. Even though it is the first rese- arch in this field and therefore was only explorative, not aspiring to be

9 representative, as well as featured by clear limitations, this study conta- ins a lot of information about manifestations of trafficking in people in Serbia and constitutes a treasury of ideas that might be valuable for de- vising the strategies for its suppression and prevention. To this effect, the obtained results are a good starting point, both for further investi- gation of trafficking in people in Serbia, and for creating “evidence-ba- sed" public policy.1 We hope that the recommendations in the conclu- sion of this study will serve as a valuable roadmap for viable changes, particularly towards the development of a proactive and human rights based systemic approach to the suppression of trafficking in people in Serbia. Moreover, it should be noted that the experience acquired in the course of this research may be valuable, in terms of methodology, to the researchers who may undertake similar research in future, in this region or anywhere else in the world. As Prof. Liz Kelly remarked, “trafficking — like other sensitive issues — demands creativity by rese- archers and a preparedness to acknowledge the limits of the data it has been possible to collect. Future developments in methodology will de- pend in part on researchers thinking seriously about these issues, ex- perimenting with methods and approaches explicitly designed to coun- teract barriers to disclosure and discovery."2 This study on trafficking in people in Serbia is divided under ele- ven chapters. In addition to the immediate results of the research and for the purpose of providing better understanding of the overall situa- tion of trafficking in people in Serbia, the overview of the relevant legi- slature is also included, as well as the overview of the results of previo- us research, the available official data, and the data of international and local NGOs. The study is the outcome of the teamwork and contribution of in- dividual authors is as follows: Ms. Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, PhD, coordinated the research, ar- ranged the study and was responsible for the part addressing the rese- arch subject, goal and methods, the mechanisms in which governmen- tal and non-governmental organizations operate, awareness of the traf- ficking in people issue, as well as for the conclusions and recommenda- tions. Ms. Sanja Copic, M.A., coordinated the data collecting and dealt with the parts relating to the Serbian legislature, the characteristics of trafficking in women, and its perpetrators. 1 Davis at al., 2000, cited according to Kelly, L. (2002) Journeys of Jeopardy: A Review of Rese- arch on Trafficking in Women and Children in Europe. Child and Women Abuse Studies Unit, Univer- sity of North London, U.K.: p. 7. 2 Kelly, L, p. 13.

10  Ms. Biljana Simeunovic-Patic, M.A., dealt with the parts of the study that concern trafficking in men and consideration of the measu- res to be undertaken. Ms. Sanja Milivojevic, M.A., was in charge of the part pertaining to the direct and indirect indicators of the extent and prevalence of traffic- king in women. Ms. Biljana Mihiã dealt with the part of the study addressing traf- ficking in children. Ms. Jasmina Nikolic and Ms. Natasa Veselinovic assisted in data processing. Thirteen researches were involved in the data collection. They have interviewed 123 experts in various fields of expertise and five victims; they also had a number of informal conversations. We would like to thank the researchers for working so hard and making excellent inter- views, and respondents for devoting their time and their willingness to talk with the researchers, as well as for the material they made accessi- ble to us. We are particularly grateful to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, particularly to Messrs. Dusan Zlokas and Mi- tar Djuraskovic from the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, who helped us obtain valuable information and allowed interviews with members of the police. Also, we would li- ke to express our special gratitude to Mr. Dragan Zivkovic from the Shelter for Foreigners who made it possible for our researchers to con- duct interviews with the persons accommodated in the Shelter. And last but not least, we would like to thank the member of the OSCE Mis- sion in Serbia and Montenegro, the Belgrade Office, who are in charge of the trafficking in people issue; without their understanding, assistan- ce and support, it would have been impossible to conduct this research. We owe special appreciation to Ms. Mona Dii who at the time this rese- arch was conducted was the advisor for the trafficking in people issue with the OSCE Mission.

11  II Trafficking in People and the Legislation in Serbia3

On the international scene, the problem of trafficking in people was especially drawing attention in the 1990s. This intensified the ef- forts of the international community on devising suitable mechanisms to combat this socially dangerous occurrence, as proven by numerous activities of international bodies and other organizations4 and by pass- ing a number of documents pertaining to this subject (recommendati- ons, resolutions, conventions, protocols, declarations).5 All this was me- ant to encourage further action on the part of the states, their authoriti- es and institutions, NGOs, groups, movements, private sector, and the international community itself, in the area of prevention, prosecution of the perpetrators, and providing suitable assistance and support for the victims of trafficking. However, one of the key requirements and pre- requisites for developing suitable policy and plan for combating traffick- ing in people is ensuring that the legislation complies with international standards. The Decree of the President of FR Yugoslavia in 2001 promulgated the Law on Ratification of the UN Convention Against the Trans-natio- nal Organized Crime and Supplementary Protocols,6 by which FRY committed to implement appropriate legal changes so as to ensure com- pliance of national legislation with the international standards envis- aged by this Convention, and the supplementary Protocol on Preven- tion, Suppression and Punishing People Trafficking, particularly in Wo- men and Children. Due to the fact that Serbia has no separate law for combating traf- ficking in people, the relevant provisions for the suppression of this so- cially dangerous phenomenon are contained in other laws, such as Cri- minal Code of the Republic of Serbia, Criminal Procedure Code, Law 3 This part is actually an amended version of the paper: Copic, S. (2003) “People Trafficking in the Light of International Documents, Contemporary National Solutions and Current Legisla- tion", in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Copic, S. and Mihic, B. People Trafficking: Term, Characteristics, and Regulatory Framework, Institute of Criminological and Sociological Research, unpublished. 4 United Nations, European Union, Council of Europe, Organization for European Security and Cooperation, Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, etc. 5 See more in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Mrvic-Petrovic, N. Skaldic, M., Copic, S. (2002) New Model of Legislation on Trafficking in People, Belgrade: Victimology Society of Serbia (unpublished). 6 Published in the Official Gazette of the FRY, International Agreements, No. 6/2001.

12 on Organization and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in Sup- pression of Organized Crime, Law on Movement and Residence of For- eigners, Law on Misdemeanour. With this in mind, further in the text follows an overview of the provisions for criminal prosecution of the perpetrators and protection of the victims of trafficking.

II 1. Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia and Basic Criminal Code

The Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia7 and Basic Criminal Code8 contain provisions of relevance for the criminal prosecution and punishment of the perpetrators of trafficking in people. Thus, the Crim- inal Code of the Republic of Serbia contains incrimination of trafficking in people (Article 111b), which defines the essence of this criminal of- fence and the penalties, and the Basic Criminal Code contains the pro- visions concerning the option to order the confiscation of property as a secondary punishment under stipulated conditions. Before the middle of April 2003, in the territory of Serbia it was possible to prosecute the perpetrators of trafficking in people only on the grounds of offences that contained elements of trafficking in peo- ple: conception of establishing of slavery and transport people in slav- ery,9 illicit crossing of state borders,10 intermediation in the exercise of 7 Official Bulletin of SRS, Nos. 26/77; 28/77; 43/77; 20/79; 24/84; 39/86; 51/87; 6/89; 42/89; 21/90, Official Bulletin of RS, Nos. 16/90; 26/91; 75/91; 9/92; 49/92; 51/92; 23/93; 67/93; 47/94; 17/95; 44/98; 10/02; 11/02 and 80/02, 39/03. 8 Official Gazette of SFRY, Nos. 44/76, 36/77, 34/84, 74/87, 57/89, 3/90, 38/90, 45/90, 54/90 Offi- cial Gazette of FRY, Nos. 35/92, 16/93, 31/93, 37/93, 24/94, 61/01, Official Bulletin of RS, No. 39/03. 9 Article 155 of the Criminal Code of FRY, or the Basic Criminal Code (according to the amendments from April 2003 based on which, inter alia, the penalty for this criminal offence is ma- de more severe) — Conception of Enslavement and Transport of People in Slavery (1) A person contravening the international law by enslaving another person or keeping a person enslaved, buying, selling, handing over to the other person or acting as intermediary in purchase, selling, or handing over of such person or instigating another person to sell his liberty or liberty of the other person who is his dependant or protégé, shall be sentenced to imprisonment of minimum three years (formerly: from one to ten years). (2) A person transporting persons who are enslaved or placed in a similar status from one country to other country, shall be sentenced to imprisonment of one to ten years (formerly: six months to five years). (3) A person committing the offence referred to in paragraphs 1 and 2 of this Article towards minors, shall be sentenced by imprisonment of minimum five years. 10 Article 249 of the Criminal Code of FRY, now Basic Criminal Code — Illicit Crossing of the State Border (1) Any person crossing or attempting to cross the FRY border in an organized group, carry- ing weapons or employing violence, without a stipulated permit, shall be sentenced by imprison- ment of maximum one year. (2) A person involved in prohibited transfer of other persons across the FRY border or a per- son who facilitates other person's prohibited border crossing, in return for a material gain, shall be sentenced by imprisonment of six months to five years.

13 prostitution.11 In addition to these criminal offences, the implication of a number of other incriminations was possible, such as abduction, unlaw- ful deprivation of liberty, homicide, grievous bodily injuries, rape, im- pairment of security, threatening, coercion, etc., but they all proved to be insufficient since all those offences are only fragmentary incriminati- ons, the applying of which is not an adequate measure for the prosecu- tion of trafficking in people which in itself is a type of crime comprising of several criminal offences. However, even those provisions which co- uld be used in cases of trafficking as mentioned above were hardly ever implemented in practice and, therefore, the dark figure of crime was quite significant in this field. This is exactly why great effort was made in recent years in advo- cating for appropriate changes of criminal laws, in the sense, inter alia, of introducing a separate incrimination.12 These efforts bore fruit when on 11 April 2003 the amendment to the Proposal of the Law on Amend- ments of the Criminal Code of RS was adopted and thus the criminal offence of trafficking in people was included in the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia (Article 111b)13 reading as follows:

(1) Whoever by use of force or threat, bringing and keeping in er- ror, abusing of power, confidence, dependence or difficult conditions: 11 Article 251 of the Criminal Code of RS — Intermediation in the exercise of Prostitution (1) A person inducing, enticing, soliciting, recruiting, or luring women or girls to prostitu- tion, or in any way whatsoever involved in handing over a woman or a girl to other person for the purpose of prostitution perpetration, shall be sentenced to imprisonment of three months to fi- ve years. (2) If the offence referred to in paragraph 1 of this Article is committed against a minor or by the use of violence, threat or deception, the perpetrator shall be sentenced by imprisonment of one to ten years. 12 With regard to this, we should mention the activities of the Victimology Society of Serbia which has prepared, within the framework of the New Model On Legal Solutions for Trafficking in People, a proposal of amendments to the relevant federal and republic regulations with the aim to secure punishment of perpetrators of trafficking in people and protection of the victims (Crimi- nal Code of RS, Law on Criminal Procedure, Law on Offences, Law on Movement and Residence of Foreigners), whose part is the proposal of a new criminal act in the form similar to that adopted as the part of the Law on Amendments to the Criminal Code of RS. See more about this in: Niko- lic-Ristanovic, V., Mrvic-Petrovic, N., Skulic, M., Copic, S. (2002) New Model of Legislation on Traffick- ing in People, Belgrade: Victimology Society of Serbia (unpublished). 13 It should be pointed out that the criminal act of trafficking in people was first introduced into the Montenegrin Criminal Code (Article 201a), with the Law on Amendments and Additions to the Montenegrin Criminal Code in June 2002. According to this provision, trafficking in people is the collecting, transportation, transfer and acceptance of persons, with the use of force, threat, deceit or other means for the purpose of labour and sex exploitation of the victim. Also, transporta- tion of the victims of trafficking from one country to other, organizing perpetration of this criminal offence, as well as using and providing sex services of the victims of trafficking is liable to sentenc- ing. Aggravating circumstances are as follows: if the victim is a minor (a person between 14 and 18 years of age) or a child (below 14), perpetration of serious bodily harm, or death. An interesting provision in this Law, aimed at breaking the chain of trafficking, in people is punishment for every illegal act pertaining to the personal documents of a trafficking victim, e.g. sentencing for destruc- tion and withholding of an ID, passport or other identification document of a victim.

14 recruits, transports, transfers, delivers, buys, mediates in delivery or sell- ing, harbours or holds another person for the purpose of obtaining any benefit, exploitation of his/her labour, committing crimes, prostitution or beggary, using for pornography, for taking organs or parts of his/her body for transplantation and for the forceful use in armed conflicts, shall be punished by imprisonment from 1 to 10 years. (2) If the offence defined in paragraph 1 of this article has been committed towards more victims, by abduction, while carrying out offi- cial duties, within the criminal organisation, in the particular cruel and humiliating way, or it resulted in grievous bodily injury, the perpetrator shall be punished by imprisonment for not less then 3 years. (3) If the offence defined in paragraph 1 of this article h as been committed towards a juvenile, or the death of an injured party has been caused, the perpetrator shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than 5 years. (4) For the offence defined in paragraph 1 of this Article that has been committed towards the person under 14, the perpetrator shall be punished by the imprisonment that is foreseen for such a crime, even if no force, threat or any other method of enforcement has been used.

The prescribed incrimination contains all elements of the criminal offence of trafficking in people as envisaged by international standards, whereas application of general provisions of the Basic Criminal Code provides punishment for the attempt and complicity in crime. In addition to defining a separate criminal offence of trafficking in people, of relevance are amendments to the Criminal Code of FRY (the name of this law was changed into the Basic Criminal Code) related to the reintroduction of property confiscation as a specific form of punish- ment. Confiscation of property may be pronounced solely as a second- ary punishment, and it involves seizure of property from the convicted person without compensation, within the law prescribe limits. This pu- nishment may be pronounced when the perpetrator of a criminal offen- ce with the element of organized crime (including trafficking in people) has been punished by imprisonment of at least four years.

II 2. The Criminal Procedure Code

The Criminal Procedure Code (hereinafter: the Code)14 contains a number of provisions that may be of relevance for the discovery and substantiation of the criminal offence of trafficking in people, on one hand, and protection of the injured, or witnesses, on the other. 14 Official Gazette of FRY 70/2001, 68/2002.

15  In the presence of reasonable doubt that persons have committed, alone or with others, criminal offences with the element of organized crime,15 among which trafficking in people is explicitly indicated, the in- vestigative judge may, upon written and elaborated proposal of the sta- te prosecutor, order surveillance or recording of telephone and other conversations or communications via other technical devices, and opti- cal recording of such persons (Article 232 of the Code). These measures may be imposed by the investigative judge by way of an elaborated or- der, and may last maximum three months, with a possibility to be ex- tended for further three months in the presence of essential reasons. The Police are responsible for enforcement of these measures. Among the provisions of relevance for the discovery and substanti- ation may be included also the provisions contained in the section na- med Specific Provisions on the Procedure for Criminal Offences of Organized Crime, entered in amendments to the Code in December 2002. This chapter contains specific rules for criminal prosecution of perpetrators of the criminal offence of organized crime, for the procedure of seizing the articles and material gain, and procedure of international coopera- tion in the discovery and criminal prosecution of the perpetrators of the criminal offence of organized crime.16 First of all, it is foreseen that the institution of protected witness be established. Upon proposal by the state prosecutor, a member of the criminal organisation, against whom criminal charges were filed or cri- minal procedure is conducted for an offence of organized crime, may be heard as a witness, provided there are mitigating circumstances ba- sed on which he may be acquitted from punishment or the punishment may be mitigated in accordance with the Criminal Code, or if the signif- icance of his testimony for discovery, substantiation, or prevention of other criminal offences of criminal organisation prevails over injurious 15 Application of this provision is also possible in presence of reasonable doubt that some ot- her criminal offence has been committed, against constitutional arrangement or safety of the FRY or against humanity or international law. 16 Provisions under this heading of the Law are applied in the presence of reasonable doubt that the committed criminal act is a result of criminal action of more than two persons with the aim of committing serious criminal offences for the purpose of gaining benefit or power. In addi- tion, for implementation of these provisions it is necessary to simultaneously meet at least three of the following requirements: that each member of the criminal organization had previously deter- mined task or a role; that activity of criminal organization was planned for a long or an indefinite term; that activity of organization is based on application of the rules on internal control and disci- pline of its members; that activity of the organized group is planned and performed in internatio- nal proportions; that in performance of the activity, violence or intimidation are employed or that there is willingness to employ them; that in performance of the activity, economic or business structures are employed; that money laundering or illegally obtained profit are employed; that the organization or its part can influence political authorities, media, executive or judiciary authorities or other social or economic factors. Bearing all this in mind, our opinion is that trafficking in peo- ple is a form of organized crime and that provisions under this heading of the Law should apply in case of trafficking in people.

16 consequences of the criminal offence he has committed (Article 504d of the Code). The State prosecutor may file this proposal before the end of main hearing. A person cannot be a protected witness if there is reason- able suspicion that he/she is the organizer of criminal group. Protected witness testifying before court in accordance with the obligations envis- aged by this Code, cannot be prosecuted for the criminal offence of or- ganized crime for which the proceedings are being conducted. In this case the prosecutor shall withdraw criminal prosecution of protected witness at the latest before main hearing conducted against other mem- bers of the criminal organisation, and the court shall pronounce the conviction upon which charge against the protected witness will be re- jected (Article 504z of the Code). In the course of hearing the protected witness, public shall be excluded, unless the court council, upon propo- sal of the state prosecutor and with agreement of the protected witness, decides otherwise. The existence of the institution of protected witness may be of gre- at significance for the substantiation of the criminal offence of traffick- ing in people in view of the fact that the persons involved in the traffic- king chain are often able to supply much more information about other participants and about the criminal organisation itself, than it is the case with the victims who sometimes know hardly anything about the per- sons who are buying, transporting, selling and exploiting them. Addi- tionally, victims are usually scared when giving testimony and it is questionable to what degree, without other forms of security, they can give a truthful testimony. Implementation of this institution would at the same time lead to reducing secondary victimisation of victims of trafficking, and criminal procedure could be conducted also in cases when victims are not accessible to judiciary authorities. Trafficking in people, as a form of organized crime, is a criminal of- fence with a clearly manifested lucrative character (although gaining of benefit is not mandatory requirement for existence of this criminal of- fence), and consequently cash flows monitoring or other benefits gained through its commitment may serve for discovery and substantiation of this criminal offence. In connection with this, of interest is also a provi- sion which envisages that state prosecutor may demand that competent state authority, a banking or other financial organisation, carry out in- spection of certain persons' business activities and deliver documenta- tion and data that may serve as evidence for the criminal offence or property obtained through criminal offence, and notifications concern- ing suspicious financial transactions in the sense of the Convention on Laundering, Search, Seizure and Confiscation of the Proceeds from Crime. In addition, separate provisions foresee a possibility to apply some other measures with the aim of discovering, substantiating, or prevent-

17 ing the criminal offence of organized crime (if that could not be done in some other manner or would involve great difficulties), specifically: providing simulated business services, conclusion of simulated legal transactions and hiring undercover investigators. These measures shall be implemented by the internal affairs authorities which shall deliver reports to the investigative judge or state prosecutor, enclosing all other documentation of photographic, video, audio, or electronic recordings and other evidence that are collected. An undercover investigator may be heard as a witness in the course of the process, but his identity must be protected. The next provision under this chapter could be of relevance for us- ing the statements and notifications gathered by the state prosecutor in the pre-trial proceedings as evidence in criminal procedure, although the sentence cannot be based exclusively on them. This provision may also be of relevance in cases of trafficking in people since it could pre- vent secondary victimisation of victims caused by their appearance at the main hearing, if in that particular case there exist other evidences in addition to their testimonies in capacity of witnesses. And now we co- me to another group of provisions which are of relevance for protection of victims, namely the witnesses in criminal procedure. With regard to protection of the injured, or a witness in criminal procedure, several provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code are of rel- evance.17 First of all, this includes Article 102 paragraph 4 which forese- es that, when hearing a minor, one should act with precaution so that hearing would not have adverse effects to the psychological condition of the minor. If appropriate, hearing of the minor may be facilitated by a pedagogue or other professional. The goal of such provision is to pre- vent secondary victimisation, but its application should be extended to other vulnerable witness categories, which should also include victims of trafficking in people. And after that, Article 292 stipulates that, from the opening of the court session until end of the main hearing, the council may at any ti- me, ex officio or upon proposal of the parties, but always after they were heard, exclude the public, for the whole duration of the main hearing or during any of its parts, if that is necessary to protect personal or fam- ily life of the indicted or the injured. Moreover, Article 261 stipulates that, because of the same reason (among other reasons provided by the Code), an official person undertaking investigations may order a person he is hearing or a person attending the investigation or a person re- viewing investigation documents, to keep secret certain facts or data 17 See more about this in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Mrvic-Petrovic, N., Skulic, M., Copic, S. (2002) op. cit. p. 19—20.

18 they obtained on such occasions, pointing out to them that disclosure of a secret is a criminal offence. A significant novelty in the Code is a provision on the protection of witnesses and the injured, which stipulates that the court is under obligation to protect witnesses or the injured from insults, threats, and any other kind of the assault (Article 109 paragraph 1), and the court shall warn or fine any participant in the procedure or other person who, in front of court, insults a witness or the injured, threatens them or impairs their safety. In case of violence or serious threat, the court is under obligation to notify about it the state prosecutor so as to enable him to undertake criminal prosecution (Article 109 paragraph 2). More- over, foreseen is a possibility of police protection of witness or the inju- red. Namely, upon the proposal of the investigative judge or the presi- dent of the council, the president of the court or the state prosecutor may request that internal affairs authorities undertake special measures of physical protection of witnesses or the injured persons. These measu- res are not specified in the Code and their concretisation is possible in a much more efficient manner, through introduction of concrete forms of protection in the rules of the internal affairs service, namely other inter- nal acts of this kind, whereas the practice shall point out possible forms of real protection.18 Specific provision on the procedure in case of criminal offences of organized crime stipulates that state prosecutor may order that a speci- fic witness, protected witness and members of his family are ensured special protection, whereas these protective measures are not specified in the Criminal Procedure Code. With all this in mind, we take notice of the intention of the law- makers to keep pace with modern trends, which is, to some extent, ex- pressed in the new Law, particularly in view of a possibility to imple- ment new actions and techniques for discovery and substantiation of the criminal offence of organized crime. On the other hand, evident is also the attempt to provide better protection to the injured and wit- nesses, although it is still unknown to what extent are the correspond- ing provisions implemented in practice. However, even if this is true, it can be said that a clear conception of victims and witnesses protection is still not in place, and this is an obstacle for having efficient and suc- cessful criminal procedure, particularly when especially vulnerable cate- gories of victims are concerned, such as children, victims of trafficking in people, sexual and domestic violence.

18 Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Mrvic-Petrovic, N., Skulic, M., Copic, S. (2002) op. cit. p. 19.

19  II 3. The Law on Organisation and Jurisdiction of the Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organised Crime

The Law on Organization and Jurisdiction of Government Authori- ties in Suppression of Organized Crime19 governs establishment, juris- diction, and competences of special government units for efficient de- tecting and prosecuting of the perpetrators of criminal offences stipula- ted in this Law. For the procedure in specific cases, competences are envisaged of a special unit for suppression of organized crime, namely the Special Pro- secutor's Office within the District Public Prosecutor's Office in Belgra- de. Special Prosecutor's Office is managed by a Public Prosecutor who is, under his written consent, appointed by the Republic Public Prose- cutor to a term of office of two years. This Law foresees formation of a Special Service for suppression of organized crime as part of the Minis- try of Internal Affairs, which shall act upon requests of the Special Pros- ecutor, in accordance with law. Upon the request of the Special Prose- cutor or this Special Service as part of the Ministry of Interior of the Re- public of Serbia, all government bodies and services shall without delay enable use of any technical device at their disposal. Likewise, they shall ensure timely response of each of their members or employees, includ- ing superiors of the bodies or agencies, to give information or for ques- tioning as suspect or witness. Furthermore, they shall without delay hand over to the Service every document or other evidence in their possession, or otherwise deliver information that may assist in uncover- ing criminal offences envisaged in this Law (Article 11). In view of the real jurisdiction of the court, it is envisaged that in criminal cases specified in this Law, the first-instance jurisdiction will be with the District Court in Belgrade, within which a Special Department has been established, while the Appellate Court in Belgrade shall have second instance jurisdiction. The President of the District Court shall appoint the President and Judges of this Special Department from among the judges of that court or judges of other courts, with their written consent, for a term of two years. Situation is the same with re- gard to the Appellate Court, within which a Special Department for processing such criminal cases shall be formed. This Law also foresees formation of a Special Detention Unit in the Belgrade District Prison, organisation and work of which, and treatment of detainees shall be specified by the Minister of Justice in accordance with the Criminal Procedure Code and Law on Execution of Criminal Sanctions. 19 Official Bulletin of RS No. 42/02, 27/03, 39/03, 67/03.

20  Organized crime, for the purposes of this Law, shall be considered to be criminal offences committed by an organized criminal group, or other organized group or its members for which a sentence of impris- onment of four years or a more severe sentence is envisaged. Organi- zed criminal group shall be considered to be a group of three or more persons, existing for a period of time and acting in concert with the aim of committing one or more criminal offences for which a sentence of imprisonment of four years or more severe sentence has been envisa- ged, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other mate- rial benefit. Other organized group shall be considered to be a group which was not formed with the aim to directly commit criminal offen- ces, nor having such developed organizational structure, defined roles and long-term commitment of its members, but which is in function of the organized crime. If compared to the definition contained within the framework of specific provisions of the Law, of the procedure for criminal offences of organized crime, it is evident that the definition of organized crime, namely criminal offences with the element of organized crime, is more detailed in the Law, since, in addition to the requirements that are also contained in the Law on Organization and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in Suppression of Organized Crime and which relate to or- ganized committal of criminal offences (in consideration of the envisa- ged sentence) for the purpose of gaining a benefit, cumulative fulfil- ment of at least three out of several requirements envisaged by Law is also envisaged. However, these requirements are rather widely defined and, essentially, both definitions are wide enough to encompass all forms of organized crime, trafficking in people inter alia. This is of spe- cial significance having in mind that in such case provisions of these laws, of relevance for disclosure and substantiation of criminal offence, protection of the injured and witnesses, and international judicial assis- tance, may be applied in cases of trafficking in people as well. When trafficking in people is concerned, from the perspective of the Law on Organization and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in Suppression of Organized Crime, provisions pertaining to protection of witnesses and international judicial assistance are of particular rele- vance. This Law foresees a possibility of custody or preventive detention of a person capable of giving information or supplying evidence of or- ganized crime, duration of which may not exceed 24 hours. Further in the text follow provisions on evidence proposing, right on documents reviewing, and keeping records, in writing, but also as audio recording a transcript of which should be made within 72 hours and constitute integral part of written records. There has also been en-

21 visaged a term within which expert witnesses are to give an expert opi- nion disrespect of which triggers a certain sentence, and this, together with provisions on duration of detention and related obligation of the court to pronounce first-instance, or second-instance, verdict was envis- aged with the aim of ensuring prompt finalization of the procedure. One of most important provisions relates to the witness or the in- jured and provides that, if such persons are not able to attend the main hearing, they can testify by way of videoconference line. In the same way a hearing may be held of a witness or injured person by way of International Judicial Assistance. This provision is of great significance also when it comes to cases of trafficking in people, since in this way further traumatising of the injured or witness, as caused by appearing at the court examination or being in the same room with the accused, is avoided. At the same time, secondary victimisation is reduced and con- ditions are created for giving a truthful testimony. Finally, upon the elaborated proposal of interested person, the co- urt may pass a decision on protection of personal data of the witness or injured, which is also in line with the standards envisaged by the inter- national community.

II 4. The Law on Misdemeanour and the Law on Movement and Residence of Foreigners

Provisions of the Law on Offences which contravene federal regu- lations20 and the Law on Misdemeanour of Serbia,21 namely of Monte- negro22 govern, inter alia, the system of sanctions for minor offences, and procedure, status, and competences of the authorities which pro- duce decisions regarding minor offences. Other laws contain the norms which define what concrete actions constitute an offence (for example, Laws on offences against public peace and order as enacted both in Ser- bia and Montenegro). In the system of sentences for minor offences of particular signifi- cance is deportation from the territory of Serbia and Montenegro. Man- datory pronunciation of the protective measure of deportation of foreig- ners from the territory of our country is provided only for the offence f from the Article 106 paragraph 1 item 1 of the Law on Movement and 20 Official Gazette of SFRY Nos. 4/77, 36/77, 20/82, 14/85, 10/86, 74/87, 57/89, 3/90, 35/91, Offi- cial Gazette of FRY Nos. 27/92, 50/93, 24/94, 28/96, 64/01. 21 Official Bulletin of SRS No. 44/89, Official Bulletin of RS Nos. 21/90, 11/92, 6/93, 20/93, 53/93, 67/93, 28/94, 16/97, 37/97, 36/98, 44/98, Official Gazette of FRY No. 62/02, Official Bulletin of RS No. 65/01. 22 Official Bulleting of RM Nos. 25/94, 29/94, 38/94, 48/99.

22 Residence of Foreigners23 (if a foreigner enters Serbia and Montenegro and is forbidden to do that according to provisions of Article 25 of this Law — in presence of reasons for non-issuance of visa or tourist per- mit). In all other cases in which sentencing of foreigners is envisaged, it is a matter of a fine along which the optional measure of deportation (the magistrate judge or competent internal affairs authority are autho- rised to estimate if legal requirements for considering a foreigner to be undesirable are met). Federal offence legislation and the Law on Movement and Resi- dence of Foreigners should be changed, namely amended, so as to facil- itate protection of victims of trafficking in humans. Namely, according to present regulations, regardless whether a foreigner is a victim of traf- ficking or intends to, at a later date, request political asylum, he cannot evade his liability for offence if having violated provisions of the Law on Movement and Residence of Foreigners in view of his illegal entry of the country.

II 5. Assessment of Legal Provisions of Relevance for Criminal Prosecution and Protection of Victims of Trafficking in People in Serbia

Foreseeing criminal liability for trafficking in people is a main pre- requisite of criminal prosecution of the perpetrators of this form of or- ganized crime. Having this in mind, by introducing a separate criminal offence in the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia, a significant step was made towards harmonization of national legislation with inter- national legal standards, primarily those set forth by the Protocol on Prevention, Suppression, and Sentencing of People Trafficking, Particu- larly in Women and Children, from 2000. Moreover, the alterations and amendments to the Criminal Proce- dure Code reveal the intention of the lawmakers to keep pace with mo- dern solutions for combating organized crime. This was particularly brought to light by envisaging a number of new institutions (protected witness, for example), and the measures (recording a person, providing simulated business services, conclusion of simulated legal transactions, hiring undercover investigators, tracking of money flows, etc) aimed at disclosure, substantiation or prevention of criminal offences of organi- zed crime. A good solution is also the one that foresees the formation of spe- cial units within the state authorities in charge of proceedings in cases 23 Official Gazette of SFRY Nos. 56/80, 53/85, 30/89, 26/90, 53/91, Official Gazette of FRY Nos. 24/94, 28/96, 68/02.

23 of organized crime, since will result with persons working in these units having greater expertise which may contribute to a more efficient and successful procedure, but also to greater sensitivity regarding the treatment of the victim and witnesses, which is of particular significan- ce when victims of trafficking are concerned. However, it is of utmost importance to note that all these provisi- ons may be applied in cases of trafficking in people only provided that trafficking in people is, by competent authorities, really considered to be a form of organized crime. To effectively combat trafficking in people, namely to implement criminal prosecution of perpetrators of criminal offences, it is necessary to foresee suitable protection of the victim and witnesses before, during and after the criminal proceedings. As it is apparent from what was said above, some possibilities to protect the injured or a witness are in place; however, what is still missing is a clear concept of protection of these persons, particularly with regard to specially sensitive categories considering the age, psycho-physical characteristics, and type and serio- usness of the criminal offence. With regard to this, we should insist on further changes and amendments of relevant laws in the sense of pro- tecting the victims of secondary victimisation during criminal procedure (suitable rules connected with hearing, use of technical devices for tran- smission of image and sound, etc.), but also independently from it, through delaying the deportation, issuance of temporary residence per- mits for victims of trafficking in people, and providing suitable assistan- ce and support to such persons.

24  III An Overview of Previous Research and Other Available Data on Trafficking in People for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation and Exploitation of Labour in Serbia

Regardless whether considered and/or analysed from the criminal, victimological, legal, psychological, moral, migrational, or some other aspect, trafficking in people is a serious and complex social issue. It is difficult to determine the extent and characteristics of traffick- ing in humans for several reasons. First, only a very small number of victims turn to the police or some organisation assisting the victims. Be- sides, most of the governmental and non-governmental organizations give different figures about this phenomenon, which is a product of the absence of a combined system for monitoring and analysing. For exam- ple, according to the United Nations Report, it is estimated that every year 700,000 women and children from all over the world become vic- tims of trafficking in people, whereas according to the results of a Swedish non-governmental agency called Kvinna till Kvinna, it is esti- mated that every year about 500,000 women from all over the world are trafficked into Western Europe. The International Organization for Mi- grations (IOM) recorded in its survey for 1997 that in that year 175,000 women were trafficked from Central and Eastern Europe and the coun- tries of former Soviet Union. More recent IOM reports reveal that every year 120,000 women are trafficked into the EU countries, mostly thro- ugh the Balkans.24 Latest reports for South-eastern Europe (UNICEF — 2002) point out that as much as 90 percent of women — foreign citizens involved in sex industry in the Balkans are victims of trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation.25 This section shall include a review of the data on trafficking in pe- ople in Serbia as available to the government authorities, NGOs and in- ternational organizations, as well as a review of the results of previous research. This data, collected in the course of research, might be consid- ered to be level of the available information about trafficking in people in Serbia which we took as a starting point in analysis of the collected data. 24 Limanowska, B. (2002) Trafficking in People in Southeastern Europe, UNICEF, UNOHCHR, OSCE-ODIHR, p. 4. 25 Kelly, L. (2002) Journeys of Jeopardy: A Review of Research on Trafficking in Women and Chil- dren in Europe, Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit, University of North London, U.K., p. 19.

25  III 1. Trafficking in Women

Most of the data available in the world and in our country relate to trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation. This is nat- ural since this form of trafficking is most common and most obvious. As regards Serbia (without Kosovo), it was first a country of desti- nation but, due to a prolonged period of adverse economic situation, it became a country of transit through which the channels from Moldova, the Ukraine, Russia, Romania and Bulgaria head towards Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and further towards the countries of Western Europe. Belgrade became one of the most important transit centres for this area. Trafficked women and girls from Eastern Europe are being held in private houses where, while waiting for departure to the coun- tries of destination, mostly Italy and other Western countries, they are often forced to work as prostitutes.

III 1.1. Official data

Direct indicators about trafficking in women are very scarce. According to the report of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, 1260 women from Eastern Europe (Romania, Bulgaria, Moldova, the Ukraine) were discovered in Serbia either cross- ing or attempting to cross the state border illicitly; and about 2000 legal actions were taken and residence permits refused to the women — citi- zens of these countries who were caught working in different catering facilities. During the year 2001, 1018 sanctions were pronounced and resi- dence permits were refused to the female citizens of Eastern Europe co- untries, mostly from Romania, Moldova, the Ukraine, Byelorussia and Russia. During the year 2002, while checking the catering facilities that employed citizens of Eastern Europe countries, 423 women of foreign nationality were found. From the mentioned total number of women of foreign nationality, after completion of detailed interviews and checks, it was established for 60 of them that they were the victims of traffick- ing in people for the purpose of sexual exploitation; 32 of them were from Romania, 13 were citizens of Moldova, 10 from the Ukraine, 4 citi- zens of Russia and one from Bulgaria.26 When it comes to criminal reports filed against the perpetrators, during 2000, 41 criminal reports were filed against the persons who to- 26 Report of the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, the Ministry for Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, of 1 April 2003.

26 ok part in illegal transfer of women, and also against the owners of the catering facilities. The number of actions taken against the subjects that take part in illegal transferring, bringing, engaging or reselling of wo- men of foreign nationality, has increased during the year 2001 and as a result 72 legal charges have been filed against the owners of the cater- ing facilities and the persons who took part in illegal transferring (in most cases they were the citizens of Serbia and Montenegro). During 2002, 31 criminal reports were filed against 47 persons (owners of cater- ing facilities and other persons) for perpetration of 62 criminal offences associated with trafficking in women, the most frequent being for inter- mediation in the exercise prostitution (24), for unlawful deprivation of liberty (11), forgery of documents (5) and also for the perpetration of the criminal offence of kidnapping. For the criminal offence of establis- hing slavery and transport of people in slavery, as referred to in Article 155 of the FRY Criminal Code, three criminal charges were filed. In the first three months of 2003, 81 women of foreign national- ity were found during check-ups of catering facilities that employed women from Eastern European countries. It was established that, out of the total number of these women, there were 21 victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation, 8 of them being citizens of Moldova, 7 citizens of Romania and 6 citizens of the Ukraine. In that period, six criminal charges were filed against 18 persons for perpetration of 46 criminal of- fences, out of which most common were those due to intermediation in the exercise of prostitution (13), forgery of documents (10), and for un- lawful deprivation of liberty. For establishing slavery and transport of people in slavery, 7 criminal charges were filed.27 Also, during the “Sa- bre" campaign, 30 people were arrested for criminal offences connected with trafficking in people.28 According to the report of the Ministry of Internal affairs, the Poli- ce of Belgrade, Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Admin- istrative Affairs, during 2003 in Belgrade area about 50 were identified as organizers of trafficking and their accomplices and accessories as well as 23 victims from which 15 were victims of trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation (12 from Moldova, one from Romania, and two from the Ukraine) and two women from China who were victims of trafficking for the purpose of exploitation of labour. Also, 15 women of foreign nationality suspected of being victims of trafficking in people and who were transferred over the territory of Serbia and Montenegro and sold to persons in Italy and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Criminal 27 Report of the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, the Ministry for Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, of 1 April 2003? 28 “Trade in Destitution is a Profitable Business", Politika, 15 October 2003.

27 charges have been filed against 17 persons for about 40 criminal offen- ces associated with trafficking in people.29 In addition to the direct indicators about this form of crime, when assessing its extent and prevalence it is necessary to take into account indirect indicators that suggest that trafficking in people (in this case trafficking in women) really takes place in Serbia although it is often very well hidden behind other criminal offences and social-pathological phenomena (prostitution, begging, illegal labour, illegal migrations etc.) The following indirect indicators are also suggestive of the extent of trafficking in women. In the first five months of 2003 in the territory of Belgrade 89 prostitutes were brought in and registered. All of them were sentenced for the offences referred to in Article 14 of the Law on Public Peace and Order related to engagement in prostitution. Employ- ees of the Belgrade Police discovered and closed down 14 agencies for business escort and against all the owners legal charges were filed for the criminal offence of intermediation in the exercise of prostitution as referred to in Article 251 of the FRY Criminal Code).30 In the area of Novi Sad, 36 girls were caught in 2001 who worked as dancers and one criminal report was filed against three persons, be- cause they were all involved in the same facility, and the procedure is still in process. 25 Ukrainian, 6 Moldovian, 4 Romanian and one Bulgar- ian girl were involved here. In the course of 2002, while inspecting the facilities that employed women of foreign nationality, 23 girls were fo- und who were employed as dancers (10 Romanian, 5 Moldovian, 6 Ukrainian, and 2 Russian girls) in the same bar, and one of them mana- ged to escape based on a notification. Criminal charges were filed aga- inst two persons for intermediation in the exercise of prostitution. In the first six months of 2003, four foreign girls were found working in the bars in which they worked out of their free will.31

III 1.2. Data of the International Organizations

The International Organization for Migrations (IOM) Report, based on interviews with 100 women victims of trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation who were provided assistance in the IOM office in Belgrade in the period between 1 January 2002 and 31 March 2003, con- tains extensive data about trafficking in women in Serbia. 29 Report of the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, the Ministry for Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, of 18 June 2003. 30 Report of the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, the Ministry for Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, of 18 June 2003. 31 Data of the Section for Border Affairs, Foreigners, and Travel Documents, SUP Novi Sad (unpublished).

28  According to the data from the mentioned Report, most of the vic- tims are from Moldova (46%), Romania (27%), the Ukraine (14%), Serbia and Montenegro (8%), Russia (2%) and Byelorussia (2%). Most of the women said that they were first lured by false promises of jobs abroad (81%), tourist arrangements (2%), but as much as 10% of girls stated that they were kidnapped and forced into prostitution. Victims of traf- ficking come from all age groups; they are mostly between 18 and 24 years old (50%), which is followed by between 25 and 30 years olds (27%); however, they have among them a group of 14—17 years of age (15%), and some victims were more than 30 years of age (6%). When it comes to educational background, the most numerous group of victims have finished primary education (45%), and secondary school (42%), but some victims with college degree were also registered (7%), as well as those with a university diploma (3%) Out of 100 victims that were provided assistance by the Internatio- nal Organization for Migrations, 15% stated that they have suffered physical abuse and 7% that they have been sexually abused in the pri- mary family. As for the marital status of the victims, 75% is unmarried, 11% divorced, the same percent is married while 3% lives separately from their partners. 33% of respondents women have children. As regards the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator (recruiter), the greatest number of recruiters is acquaintances (64%),), friends (17%), strangers (unknown persons) (5%), boyfriends (2%), cous- ins (1%), and parents (1%).32

III 1.3. Data of the NGOs

According to the records of the NGO ASTRA, out of 200 received phone calls on their SOS info phone in the period between 1 July 2002 and 31 September 2002, the greatest number of calls are those to report disappearance or trafficking in women (58%), and these reports are mostly given by members of their families or their cousins. To the same group of calls belong those coming from women inquiring about the “Shelter" after having heard about it from the media. In 10.5% the calls were related to the agencies for business escort, where the victims have contacted these agencies at first and now came to the situation where they fear for their lives. A number of clients were interested in the work of different agencies acting as intermediaries for finding a job abroad, particularly those seated abroad (8%), and there were also some 32 Report of the International Organization for Migrations, Belgrade Office, dated 31 March 2003 (unpublished).

29 calls concerning possibilities of going abroad for other reasons, such as education, tourist visits, etc (1%). Also, there were calls by which the ci- tizens reported localities or information with regard to the victims of trafficking (2.5%), and the calls made by other NGOs (0.5%). The SOS telephone info line is mostly used by mothers (28.5% of cases), who are followed by fathers (22%), women clients (14%), partners (12%), cousins (8.5%), citizens (4.5%), men clients (3.5%), NGOs (2.5%), friends (2%), institutions (1.5%), and pimps (0.5%). In the total number of the calls received in the mentioned three-month period (200), only one was rela- ted to a woman of foreign nationality (Moldova).33 According to the records of the Shelter for Women — Victims of Trafficking for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation, which was founded on 1 January 2002, from 14 February 2002, when they accommodated the first victim of trafficking, until 1 April 2003, they provided shelter for 79 victims from Moldova (32), Romania (21), the Ukraine (15), Serbia and Montenegro (8), and Russia (3).34

III 1.4. Results of the Previous Research

So far, only few research programmes about trafficking in women have been conducted. During 1999, Nikolic-Ristanovic35 conducted a research on influen- ce of changes in everyday life, connected with transition and war, vio- lence against women (violence in the family and trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation) in Bulgaria, Macedonia, Hungary and Serbia. Gathering of the data was done by application of the ethno- graphic methods, where the data on trafficking in women were collec- ted by interviewing women and men — members of the general popu- lation, experts and activities of different NGOs, from the printed articles or Internet, and from various reports and other, published and unpub- lished materials. Data connected with Serbia showed that in the 1990s Serbia was mostly a country of transit and temporary destination and in lesser part a country of origin of victims, and that the greatest impact on trafficking in women in Serbia was made by opening of the Eastern and Central European countries' borders, inter-ethnic conflicts and ove- rall militarisation of the region, and also to a lesser degree by the (bloc- ked) transition in Serbia itself. Three groups of factors were identified 33 The Report of ASTRA NGO about the activities of the SOS telephone line in the period July—September 2002 (unpublished). 34 Data from the records of the Shelter for Women — Victims of Trafficking. 35 Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (2002) Social Change, Gender, and Violence: Post-Communist and War Affected Societies, Dordrecht/Boston/London: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

30 that influence victimisation of women on one hand, and perpetration of criminal offences by both men and women, on the other hand: 1. Macro-social factors (market and war economy, expansion of sex industry, economic changes in everyday life of people and the changes associated with the war, the enlarged difference between rich and poor countries, and increased presence of the military) 2. Psychological and psycho-social factors:

a) Increased exposure of women to victimisation due to psychologi- cal state caused by domestic and sexual violence, homelessness, family problems, migrations caused by war, economic and similar problems, low self-esteem, unemployment, social isolation and marginalization, drug ad- diction; b) Unemployment and impoverishment as factors that influence men and women to get involved in the chain of trafficking in humans on the side of the perpetrators or their (legal) accomplices.

3. Cultural factors and gender socialisation: Identified factors may be valuable as a starting point for explaining trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation in the post- -communist countries that have suffered the war, including Serbia. Beosupport, a Belgrade NGO for supporting the exploited children and young people, has conducted, within the framework of a project related to the struggle against sexual abuse of children and young peo- ple, a field research on sexual exploitation of women in Serbia, includ- ing the trafficking in women. The research included 58 women who practiced prostitution, 87% of whom indicated that they have con- sciously entered the profession as a reason for involvement in this “job" (to earn a living, or to get the anticipated pay and leave the country), while 13% of respondents women said that they were either forced or deceived into it. Most of the surveyed girls were between 18 and 26 years of age (89%), and only 11% of them said that they were over 26. As regards their educational background, 84% of the surveyed girls had finished secondary school, 11% had graduated university, and only 5% of them had finished primary school.36 During 2002, the NGO ASTRA conducted a research called “Traffic- king in Women — Our Reality or a Problem of Somebody Else" which investigated the views of the Belgrade schoolgirl and student popula- tion with regard to the issue of trafficking in women. The survey inclu- ded 173 persons of both genders, 91 of them secondary school students 36 Dimcevska A., Jankovic, I. (2003), Close Look at Trafficking in Women, Belgrade: Beosupport, p. 34—37.

31 and 82 university students. Almost all of them have heard of the exis- tence of trafficking in women and 78% believe that trafficking in wo- men is present in our country. Most of the surveyed (91.9%) have never met a woman who is the victim of trafficking in women. As regards their views on the guilt, that is on participation of the women in their own victimisation in trafficking, about half of them (48.6%) were not sure whether the women were guilty for their situation, while as much as 39.9% believed that women were not guilty for what had happened to them. Almost 60% of the surveyed population believed that the vic- tims should not be held accountable before the law, while almost all of them believed that the organizers must face the law. With regard to the clients, namely users of the services provided by the women who are coerced or threatened into perpetration of prostitution, or to do house- work, etc., 39.9% of the surveyed believed that they should be held ac- countable under the law, 34.1% were not sure whether these persons should be legally punished, and 24.9% of the surveyed believe that the clients should not be punished.37 With the aim of devising an efficient strategy for prevention, sup- pression and restriction of trafficking in people, NGO “Catholic Relief Services (CRS)" conducted in 2003 a research named “Risk and Protec- tion Factors — Trafficking in Roma Women and Roma Children" which implied an investigation of the living conditions of those social groups who are at special risk and in that sense the Roma were identified as the most vulnerable part of the population. In the survey of the public opinion, the targeted group was the overall population (households) in Serbia, over 18 years of age (644 of the surveyed), citizens of Roma na- tionality (610), and the Roma internally displaced persons (DPs) (100), and the surveys were conducted in the territory of Belgrade, Vojvodina and Central Serbia. The following results were obtained: most of the cit- izens of Serbia believe that the Roma are the most affected part of the population when it comes to trafficking in people. When people of Ser- bian citizenship are concerned, as much as 55% of the citizens of Serbia believe that the Roma are the most common victims of trafficking in pe- ople. The Roma themselves indicated, in 50% of cases, that their own population is under the greatest jeopardy, while the Roma IDPs from Kosovo believed that they were the most endangered in 71% of cases. Citizens of Serbia are aware of the problem of trafficking in people, 23% spontaneously listed trafficking in people as a criminal offence that first came to their mind, while only 4% of the surveyed population sta- ted that this form of crime was unknown to them. However, it is im- 37 ASTRA (2002) The Research “Trafficking in Women — Our Reality or Problem of Others, Attitudes of the Belgrade High-School Pupils and Students Related to the Problem of Trafficking in Women" (unpublished).

32 possible to compare that what the citizens of Serbia know about the mentioned phenomenon with the data about the phenomenon itself, since there are virtually no such data. No government authority, NGO, or international organisation, has available relevant data on trafficking of Roma women and Roma children.38 In 2002, in the territory of the town of Nis, within the framework of the project called “Informative Anti-Sex Trafficking Campaign" a re- search was conducted with the main goal to examine general awareness of the population regarding the trafficking in people, how widespread it is, does it exist in Nis, what does it consists of, what steps to take to prevent it, and how to help the victims. The research was conducted on a sample of 1200 participants from the territory of Nis, which had two sub-samples. The first sample consisted of 1000 participants of both genders, work capable, age group 16—40, different nationalities; while the second sub-sample consisted of 200 female participants, younger than 30, members of the so-called group at risk, half of which were Ro- ma women. Based on the results of the research, it was established that 87 of the surveyed from the first sub-sample (1000) personally knew at least one woman who was forced to steel, 78 have heard of a case where some woman was forced to work as a beggar, 38 knew of a woman who practiced prostitution against her will, 35 knew of a marri- age concluded under duress, 34 knew that some woman was sold so that she would work, and 16 knew of women used for forced shooting of porno material. However, as many as 855 of the surveyed (out of 1000 of the surveyed in the first sub-sample) had no immediate experi- ence of trafficking nor knew any victims of trafficking. More than half of the surveyed (581) had heard about different forms of trafficking from the media. One part of the research was devoted to investigation of the attitudes towards trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation, where as much as 39.2% blamed the victims on one hand, and defended the persons who took part in sexual exploitation either as organizers or as clients on the other hand. The second part of the rese- arch, interviewing the women, members of the so-called group at risk, have yielded the following results: only 7.4% of the girls answered that they would not think twice if offered a chance to easily earn money, and more than two thirds of them would decline such offer without thinking twice about it.39

38 Catholic Relief Services (CRS) “Factors of Risk and Protection — Trafficking in the Roma Women and Roma Children" (unpublished). 39 Konstantinovic — Vilic, S. Petrusic, N. Zunic, N. (2002) Sex trafficking — Routes of Sexual Exploitation of Women, Nis: Women Publishing Centre for Education and Communication.

33  III 2. Trafficking in Children

The international organizations' estimates of the prevalence of for- ced labour and trafficking in children are frightening. International La- bour Organization (ILO) estimates that:

— 246 million of the employed children are between 5 and 17 years of age — 179 million of children are doing the hardest jobs — 111 million of children younger than 15 are working in danger- ous jobs — 8.4 million of children are involved in trafficking in children and therefore are forced to perform different forms of labour, to take part in war conflicts, or are forced into prostitution, pornography and other illegal activities — about 30,000 children soldiers are involved in over 30 conflict areas around the world. Some are even younger than 10 years. Boys are mostly directly engaged in armed conflicts, and the girls are forced into prostitution or become “soldiers' wives".40

According to the estimates of the International Organization for Migrations, approximately 12% of the total number of the victims of trafficking are children.41 Trafficking in children for the purpose of sexual exploitation was for a long number of years “reserved" for the area of Southeast Asia: Thailand, Singapore, and Indonesia, where girls were sold as babies, and than used for sexual exploitation. It is estimated that about 30% of the total number of “sex-workers" in Indonesia are children under 18 years old and they may be seen in public parks, streets, beaches, disco clubs, but also in the brothels, hotels, and similar.42 In the last few years, however, the same as in case of other forms of trafficking in peo- ple, the focus of trafficking in children has been shifting towards the Eastern European countries, namely the Eastern European countries ha- ve become main “exporters" of children to the countries of Western Eu- rope, particularly to Italy, Greece, Cyprus, etc. In the last few years, the biggest “exporter" of children who are victims of trafficking appears to be Albania.43 When it comes to trafficking in children, the area of the 40 http://www.antislavery.org/homepage/antislavery/child labour.htm*how. 41 IOM Kosovo (2002) Return and Reintegration Project, Situation Report — February 2000— December 2002. 42 http://www.treda.org/research/r00010101.html. 43 Lesko, V., Avdulaj, E. (2002) “The girls and the Trafficking" — Research on the trafficking in people for the year 2002, p. 7.

34 Balkans often appears as a transit area, although, due to the mentioned changes that in the recent period took place in this area (war and mili- tarisation of the region), some of the countries also appear as countries of destination (Kosovo, Bosnia & Herzegovina) The special form of trafficking in children is trafficking of babies. Every year dozens of Bulgarian (mostly Roma) and Albanian women gi- ve birth to children in order to sell them. Namely, women in high sta- ges of pregnancy, with the help of a “mediator", give birth in Greece and there a new born baby is given to the future parents from Western Europe, mostly from Germany and the mother gets money that was agreed in advance. What is especially cynical when it comes to this way of trafficking in children is that it is mostly being done with the help of a physician and a lawyer. In June 2002, the Greek police discovered a criminal group involved in trafficking of Bulgarian children. It was dis- covered during the investigation that children are sold at the black mar- ket for a price of 1,500—15,000 Euros.44

III 2.1. Data on Trafficking in Children

When it comes to trafficking in children, the official data is even more scarce than on trafficking in women, so that a “cloak" covering this area is far bigger than that in case of other forms of trafficking in humans. According to the Report of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, in the year 2002 there were three underage girls in the total number of identified women victims of trafficking, and in the first three months of 2003, there were two minors in the total of 23 women victims of trafficking.45 Employees of the Belgrade Police discovered at the Surcin—Belgra- de airport the attempt of trafficking in children when the underage M.A. from Opovo was prevented to leave the territory of Serbia and Montenegro with the forged travel documents from Bulgaria. Criminal charges were filed against her mother to the competent prosecutor's of- fice due to the criminal offence referred to in Article 155, paragraph 3, of the FRY Criminal Code. The underage M.A. was placed in the Shel- ter for Children and Young People in Belgrade, after which she was 44 See: “Children of the Balkans", Periodical Edition “Search for Common Ground", p. 8—10. This edition is a part of the regional project “Bridges to a New Balkan". The edition for Serbia is prepared and will be distributed in conjunction with the daily newspapers “Danas", March 2003. 45 Report of the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Secretariat in Belgrade, on the day of 18 June 2003.

35 handed over to a social worker from the Centre for Social Work Kovaci- ca — Department in Opovo.46 With regard to trafficking in children, it is necessary, in addition to the direct indicators, to take into account the official data on indirect in- dicators which may be used as a cover-up for this serious form of orga- nized crime (data on sexual exploitation, underage marriages, forced la- bour and illegal labour). In 1999 in Serbia and Montenegro, 34 persons were charged and 31 persons were sentenced for the criminal offence of coercion to sexual intercourse of a person under 14 years of age. The situation was similar in 2000 when 28 persons were indicted and 26 were sentenced for the same criminal offence, and also in 2001 when 34 persons were charged and 29 sentenced. In 2001, 1.7% of the boys between 15 and 19 years of age concluded the underage marriage, and in case of girls, this percent is higher and amounts to 3.6%47 (these are legally concluded marria- ges).48 During 2002, in the area of Novi Pazar 38 children were registered as being forced to work.49 When it comes to the data of the international and local NGOs, it is recorded in the report of International Organization for Migrations in Belgrade (IOM), for the period from 1 January 2002 to 31 March 2003, that their office in Belgrade has included into the IOM Reintegration Program 15 underage girls — victims of trafficking (mostly victims of trafficking in children for the purpose of sexual exploitation). According to the data of the Shelter for Women Victims of Traffick- ing, in period from 14 February 2002 to 24 March 2003, the Shelter ac- commodated three minor girls — victims of trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation, out of which one girl (17) was from Serbia and was trafficked within the country, and two girls (age 16) were from Romania and were sexually exploited in the territory of our country.50 Besides the very scarce data on trafficking in children, we should point out that until now no research was conducted in the territory of 46 Report of the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Secretariat in Belgrade, on the day of 18 June 2003. 47 Information on the Implementation of Resolutions 2001/14 and 2002/27 of the Sub-Com- mission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights (Contemporary Forms of Slavery, Traf- fic in Persons and Prostitution), p. 4—5. 48 Underage marriages may be indirect indicators that point out the possible trafficking in children for the purpose of conclusion of marriage that is typical for the Roma population. 49 Data of the Section for Foreigners, Police Novi Pazar (unpublished). 50 According to Ms. Vesna Stanojevic, coordinator of the Shelter for Women — Victims of Trafficking, these three girls were minors at the time of their stay in the Shelter, and other three victims also stated that they were underage at the time of sexual exploitation but have come of age in the meantime.

36 Serbia with regard to trafficking in children as a specific phenomenon different from trafficking of adults. However, the mentioned research of the Catholic Relief Services (CRS), within their investigation called “Risk and Protection Factors — Trafficking in Roma Women and Roma Chil- dren", made an effort to draw attention to this issue characteristic for the Roma population, as one of the most vulnerable populations, espe- cially when children are concerned.51

III 3. Trafficking in Men

Until recently, trafficking in men was a problem that failed to take much attention both from the general public and from the experts in the field:52 it was little spoken about, receptivity of the public at large and the professionals to recognize it was rather low, and estimates of the size and forms of this phenomenon were very rare and unreliable. However, first among the academics and now increasingly among the experts, it is believed that trafficking in men is a phenomenon characte- rized by a high dark figure: knowledge of the key determining factors of migrations in the modern world, smuggling and trafficking in men, inevitably led to the assumption that the problem of trafficking in men, primarily for the purpose of exploitation of labour, is of the dimensions which definitely exceed its current awareness both at the local and glo- bal level.53 Developed countries of Western Europe — the traditional countries of destination for emigrational waves from Eastern Europe, Balkans, Middle East, Saudi Arabia, and Far East, treated the economic migrati- ons in 1990s primarily as a safety issue. This resulted in a more severe migrational policy in most of them. However, approaching the issue of trafficking in people in the social context and from the perspective of 51 The mentioned research of the Catholic Relief Services (CRS), p. 6. 52 The attention of both the general public and the experts were until recently focused al- most exclusively on trafficking in people for the purpose of sexual exploitation, where the victims are usually women and children. It is only recently that the problem of trafficking in people for the purpose of exploitation of labour (as a typical form of the victimisation of adult men) began to stir up the attention of investigators and to move the political will in Europe and USA towards the more complete protection of migrant workers and potential victims. 53 Previous assessments of the structure of victims of trafficking in people at a global level suggest that there is a predominant, almost absolute, representation of women who were the usual items of trade for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Also, the latest assessments of the United Na- tions Centre for International Crime Prevention (UNCICP) that the number of 700,000 to a million of people that are every year victimized by trafficking in people all over the world, includes the victims of sexual exploitation in 80—90 percent, while as much as 96 percent of the victims are women. Some studies, however, showed that men are primary victims of trafficking in some regi- ons. See in regards to this in: IOM (2000) Migrant Trafficking and Smuggling of People in Europe. IOM: Geneva.

37 the offer and demand in the labour markets, together with what is known about the factors of formation and spreading of the organized criminal networks as predominant actors of smuggling and trafficking in people, is what enables getting the picture of complex interrelation between the overall trend of economic liberalization, offer and demand in legal and illegal labour markets, and the organized crime, as the powerful, internal forces of modern migrational movements which do not give way when faced with restrictive migrational policy.54 Global social changes which manifested themselves in the end of the 20th centuries as a transition into post-industrial era, and afterwards, in the major part of the remaining world, as a debt and economic crisis, political instability, crisis of both internal and external safety, or transi- tion into capitalism that is followed by deep and adverse structural tur- moil, are considered today to be the general social context outside which it is impossible to investigate, explain, or resolve the problem of trafficking in people as a specific form of the organized crime. Ascent of the economic liberalization which enfolds practically on the entire pla- net, with simultaneous strengthening of globalisation, has dramatized the social position of a huge number of people, generating at the same time numerous “pull" and “push" factors towards definition of the al- ternatives in local, regional, or global context.55 While, on one hand, a battle for the position at the local and global market in the competition that is stronger than ever before “pushes" entrepreneurs into hiring the alternative (cheap) workforce,56 on the other hand, the wars, economic crisis, and political instability in the developing countries and transition countries are ever more strongly pushing towards undertaking the risk at the alternative (legal or illegal) labour market and life prospects. High migration pressure from the poor towards the wealthier countri- es57 with the growingly restrictive migrational policy has preconditio- 54 Schloenhardt, just like many others, maintains that restrictive migrational policy does not decrease total migration inflow, but only “redirects" it towards the countries with a more liberal migrational policy … Schloenhardt, A. (2001) “Migrant Trafficking and Regional Security", Forum for Applied Research and Public Policy, Summer: 86. 55 See about this in: Taylor, I. (1999) Crime in Context: A Critical Criminology of Market Societi- es. Cambridge: Polity Press; Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. “Illegal Markets, Human Trade and Transnatio- nal Organized Crime", u: Proceedings of 4th Colloquium on Cross-Border Crime, Ljubljana, (forthcom- ing); Aronowitz, A. A. (2001) “Smuggling and Trafficking in People: The Phenomenon, the Markets that Drive It and the Organizations that Promote It", European Journal on Criminal Policy and Rese- arch 9(2), Summer: 163—195. 56 Not only do the “entrepreneurs" who directly employ them or force them to work under inhuman conditions have a financial gain from the exploitation of the cheap workforce of illegal migrants, the legal economy has it too. Aronowitz highlights that there is a kind of “symbiotic interrelation" between legal and illegal economy in this domain. Aronowitz, A. A. (2001) op. cit. p. 173. 57 According to the neoclassic theory of migrations, the extent of migrational movements is primarily determined by the difference in the level of pay and situation in the labour markets be- tween the country of origin and the country of destination. Many research have documented that

38 ned the development of illegal market of labour, workforce, and differ- ent “accompanying" services for which the demand has naturally incre- ased (offers of the jobs and accommodation in the countries of destina- tion, transfer, counterfeiting of documents, etc). Even though trafficking in people for the purpose of exploitation of labour develops under dif- ferent circumstances, prevailing among which are the demand for the workers who would perform illegal tasks or work under illegal conditi- ons in the countries of destination, and the high demand with the workers from underdeveloped countries for departure to the countries with usually restrictive migrational policy, it is also present thanks to the fact that illegal migration channels ensure very good income to ev- erybody who any way whatsoever participate in their organisation.58

III 3.1. Data on Trafficking in Men

Official data on trafficking in men are very scarce. In the Report of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administra- tive Affairs, it is said that, after coming to force of the Law on the Amendments to the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia, the em- ployees of the Belgrade Police have, by the middle of May, cut a chain of trafficking in people and filed criminal charges based on Article 111b for the criminal offence of trafficking in people, against two Chinese cit- izens who, on the account of exploitation of labour in the countries of Western Europe, have lured 8 Chinese citizens, out of whom six men and two women, and with the help of several citizens of Serbia and Montenegro, intending to transfer them, through illegal channels, to It- aly and surrounding countries, for the purpose of exploitation of their labour.59 When studying extent and prevalence of this phenomenon, it is necessary to take into account indirect indicators which may point at some of their latent forms. To this effect, particular attention is being paid to the data on illegal migrations and smuggling of people.

there is a negative interrelation between income per capita and employment rate in the country of origin, and the extent of emigration (See more about this in: Bauer, T. K., and Zimmermann, K. F. (1999) Assessment of Possible Migration Pressure and its Labour Market Impact Following EU En- largement to Central and Eastern Europe. Bonn: IZA). In the theoretical models which explain mi- gration by the outcome of the factors of “pulling" and “pushing", the major significance is usually placed on the difference between the county of origin and the country of destination, in the terms of living standard, employment opportunities, social security, and political stability. 58 ILO (2002) “Forced Labour, Child Labour and Human Trafficking in Europe: An ILO Per- spective", Technical paper for the EU/IOM STOP “European Conference on Prevention and Com- bating Trafficking in Human Beings", 18—20 September 2002, Brussels, Belgium, p. 4. 59 Report of the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Secretariat in Belgrade, on the day of 18 June 2003.

39  Geographic position of Serbia, and its liberal visa regime towards some of the countries, preconditioned the situation where citizens of so-called Afro-Asian complex, and the citizens of Eastern European co- untries, use the territory of Serbia as a transit stop on their way for ille- gal transfer into the countries of Western Europe. Therefore, when traf- ficking of male migrants is concerned, Serbia commonly appears as a country of transit through which the organized groups of smuggled pe- ople from the East towards the West pass.60 In the course of 2000, 3,788 foreign citizens were caught at illicit crossing of the State borders, out of whom 1528 were men. In the cour- se of 2001, the total number of foreign citizens caught at illicit crossing of the State borders was reduced to 1278. The greatest number of the foreigners caught in this way were Romanians, and the motives for illi- cit crossing were of economic nature. At the same time, in the year 2001 as compared to the year 2000, the number of Chinese citizens who had entered our country in an illegal manner was significantly lower, and this was a direct consequence of making the procedure of visa issuing stricter as well as cancelling the direct airline between Belgrade and Bei- jing. During 2002, 823 foreign citizens were caught at illicit crossing of the State borders. This indicates the continued trend of falling numbers of illicit crossings of the State border. Most often involved were citizens of Turkey (216), Afghanistan (136), Romania (123), Iraq (104), Macedonia (55), Iran (36), Tunisia (26), Moldova (24), and China (18). Increase in the number of illicit crossings of Afghan citizens was the obvious conse- quence of the war in Afghanistan, but it was also noted that there was an increase in the number of Turkish citizens (of Kurdish nationality) who, over the territory of Serbia and Montenegro, cross illicitly towards the West. In the first three months of 2003, 128 foreign citizens were caught at illicit crossing of the State border of Serbia and Montenegro, the gre- atest number of whom were from Romania (28), Macedonia (23), Afgha- nistan (15), Turkey (12), Iraq (12), and Bulgaria (8). It should be noted here that great number of illicit crossing was perpetrated by the per- sons who have entered the territory of Serbia and Montenegro illegally and were caught attempting to continue further towards the countries of Western Europe (those were usually citizens of Romania, Moldova, and China). In 2001, 14 channels for illegal transfer of the citizens of Romania, Moldova, Afghanistan, and China, were cut; and in 2002, 15 such chan- nels were cut and 289 persons were discovered. In 2002, 30 criminal charges were filed against the persons participating in organizing the il- 60 www.mup.sr.gov.yu/domino/skzn.nsf/fc9e82a3073a74fac1256 c3200393d62/$FILE/izvestaj2002.

40 legal transfer of persons (24 criminal charges based on Article 249 of the FRY Criminal Code, and 6 charges based on Article 155 of the FRY Cri- minal Code).61 In 2003, in the territory of the Belgrade police, 41 illegal entries in Serbia and Montenegro were identified. Criminal charges were filed against all foreign citizens and they were surrendered to the city magis- trate, and, after they were sentenced, they were usually placed in the Shelter for Foreigners until their documents were obtained, after which they were sent back to the countries of their origin.62

III 4. Conclusion

Although they are not building a complete picture of trafficking in people in Serbia, herewith presented data and the results of previous research do point at the existence and gravity of this phenomenon. These data mostly relates to trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation, and this is at the same time the only form of traf- ficking in people that was previously researched. However, a significant restrictive factor, when such researches are concerned, are the circum- stances in which these researches were mainly limited to the factors that contribute to emergence of trafficking in women and examination of the views of the citizens about it, so that their outcome fails to build a relevant picture on the extent and characteristics of the trafficking in women in Serbia. The data pertaining to the trafficking in children and men are spo- radic and inadequate for making any serious conclusions. Also, so far we had no research which would focus on the mechanisms in which function government authorities, international organizations and NGOs, or the level of the awareness/education of the experts who in their ev- eryday work encounter the cases of trafficking in people. Partial and incomplete information about the extent, prevalence, and characteristics, of trafficking in people in Serbia, in particular com- plete absence of information about trafficking in children, men and women and men of our nationality, and absence of the evaluation of social response to this phenomenon, point at the need to have a com- prehensive research of this phenomenon, since knowledge about this phenomenon is a main prerequisite for its suppression, prevention, and adequate protection of victims. 61 Report of the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, dated 1 April 2003. 62 Report of the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, dated 18 June 2003.

41  IV Definition and Delineation of Main Terms63

Defining the main terms is an important prerequisite of any empir- ical research. However, this is extremely significant when we are faced with a type of crime such as trafficking in people since here we have few empirical research programmes and theoretical generalizations, as opposed to the extensive space devoted to them in media, by different governmental and non-governmental organizations and other forms of public (unscientific) activities. Absence of systematic knowledge, and the concealed nature, complexity and variability of the phenomenon (in time and space), produced a series of ambiguities and confusions as re- gards the terms used in media, official and informal reports, and even in academic papers, both in the country and abroad. Often no difference is made between trafficking in people and pro- stitution or illegal migration; this may lead to faulty or inadequate per- ception of the phenomenon itself. Also, sometimes trafficking in people is not distinguished from smuggling of people; this may lead to inade- quate legal framework and other forms of inadequate response by the state, but also to incorrect research approach. Finally, trafficking in peo- ple is often unjustifiably reduced to one form only — to trafficking in women, and the trafficking in women itself to trafficking for sexual exploitation purposes. That is exactly why, for the requirements of this research, we had to clearly define the main terms. We defined and delineated the terms in a manner described here below, relying on studying the available lit- erature and taking into account the definitions of such phenomenon as provided by the International Organization for Migrations, and the def- initions contained in the international documents, particularly in the Protocol on trafficking in people from Palermo. We considered trafficking in people to be recruitment, transporta- tion, or other kind of transfer, reception or holding in, of other persons, and to that by employment of threat with violence or other forms of enforcement, ab- duction, deception, fraud, abuse of power or adverse circumstance of that per- 63 This part was taken from: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (2003) “Trafficking in People and Organi- zed Crime: definition of basic concept and methods of data collection" in Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Copic, S. and Mihic, B. People Trafficking: Term, Characteristic, and Legal Framework, Institute of Crimi- nological and Sociological Research, unpublished.

42 son, or by giving or taking money or other benefit to a person who has control over other person, with a goal of such persons sexual use, labour, or other kind of exploitation. People smuggling is understood to be mediation, or partici- pation in facilitating illegal entry in other country to persons who have consen- ted to it, with the aim to gain direct or indirect material benefit, but without any intention to exploit these persons.64 The exploitation, or holding in slavery is the most important ele- ment of trafficking in people, and the element that makes it different from smuggling of people. Therefore, smuggling of people is not the sa- me as trafficking in people. However, smuggling of people may deve- lop into it, having in mind defencelessness of illegal migrants and the fact that they most often than not have to resort to illegal market of do- cuments, labour, etc, and linkage of people smugglers with different agencies which are intermediaries in finding a job at the illegal labour market. Also, smuggling of people always implies crossing the state bor- der, while trafficking in people may take place within the borders of a single state. In order to better understand the trafficking in people problem, it is necessary to define what is understood under trans-national crime and what under organized crime. Trans-national crime is the crime that takes place at the territory of several countries and with which laws are contravened in several coun- tries.65 Main characteristic of organized crime, however, is that it is a process or method of committing criminal offences, and not a special type of a criminal offence or a criminal. Another term used for this in the literature is “criminal enterprise"; it predominately addresses trade in prohibited goods or services, but also implies use of threats, violence, blackmailing (racketeering), intimidation or corruption.66 This practically means that organized crime incorporates a large number of intercon- nected forms of conventional crime. Modern organized crime is charac- terized by professionalism, flexibility, and reliance on persons outside the organisation (businessmen, politicians, and bureaucrats). Finally, it is important to mention yet another characteristic of or- ganized crime which is of relevance for understanding of trafficking in people as a criminal offence which incorporates several people with dif- ferent positions and tasks, and that the perpetrator, or organized crimi- nal commits a criminal offence based on assuming certain place in the 64 IOM Pristina, Status report — February 2000 to May 2001. 65 Williams, P. (2001) “Organizing Transnational Crime: Networks, Markets and Hierarchies" in P. Williams and D. Vlassis Combating Transnational Crime: Concepts, Activities and Responses, London and Portland: Frank Cass, p. 61. 66 Adamoli, S., Di Nikola, A., Savona, E., and Zoffi, p. (1998) Organised Crime around the World, Helsiniki: HEUNI.

43 criminal organisation.67 Connected with this is a term “criminal organi- sation". In modern criminological literature, criminal organizations are considered to be an integral part of illegal market, but they are not the only participants in trafficking in people. They are at the head of the supply network, while the participants also include different legally re- gistered companies and individuals (tourist agencies, employment agen- cies offering both legal and illegal jobs, friends engaged in recruitment process) as well as corrupted officers, police, and similar.68 Trafficking in people is in itself a form of illegal market. From the perspective of criminal organizations, people are goods like any other.69 The illegal market is understood to be places of exchange of goods and services, production, trade and use of which are forbidden or strictly re- gulated by international regulations and/or national legislation of major- ity of countries.70 Although illegal markets can emerge regardless of the existence of grey economy, they thrive in social contexts in which ille- gal markets,71 i.e. grey economy, prevail. Namely, existence of informal markets, i.e. a social context without clear delineations between the le- gal and the illegal, is a context that encourages emergence of illegal (black) markets (e.g. in our country at the time of war and economic sanctions, the consequences of which are still noticeable). Trafficking in people is usually linked with other illegal markets, such as black market of documents (passports, visas, work permits, re- sidence permits), illegal labour markets, trade in drugs, armaments, smuggling cigarettes, etc. Some criminals only deal in trafficking of mi- grants, but some also provide addresses of employers. These traders in humans are at the same time intermediaries between migrants and em- ployers, and could be therefore considered undercover employment agents. As it happens, often the legally registered employment agencies are involved offering both legal and illegal jobs. Different forms of ille- gal trade, i.e. different forms of action inside the illegal market are fre- quently undertaken in combination, or, more and more often, the acti- ons implying a higher level of risk are replaced by trafficking in people as highly profitable and less risky activity. 67 Cressay, D. (1997) “The Functions and Structure of Criminal Syndicates" u P. J. Ryan and G. E. Rush (ur) Understanding Organized Crime in Global Perspective: A Reader, Thousand Oaks, Lon- don, New Delhi: Sage, p. 14. 68 Williams, P., op. cit. pp. 79—80. 69 Williams, P. (1999) “Trafficking in Women and Children: A Market Perspective", Transnati- onal Organized Crime, Special Issue “Illegal Immigration and Commercial Sex — the New Slave Tra- de" (ed. P. Williams), Vol. 3—4. p. 145—170. 70 Arlacchi, P. (1998) “The Dynamics of Illegal Markets" u P. Williams and D.Vlassis (ur) Combating Transnational Crime: Concepts, Activities and Responses, Milan: ISPAC, p. 203. 71 Informal market/grey economy may be defined as illegal trade in otherwise legal goods and services.

44  Most common victims of trafficking in people are women, children, and male migrants. Even though trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual ex- ploitation is a form of trafficking in women that is most widely re- nowned and most extensively discussed in public, trafficking in women is a broader problem and appears in three main forms:

— Trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation, — Trafficking in women for the purpose of (local) labour exploi- tation, — Trafficking in women for the marriage purposes (mail-order brides)

With regard to trafficking in women for the purposes of sexual ex- ploitation, one should make a distinction between trafficking in women and prostitution. The main difference is that trafficking in women enta- ils slavery status, or complete absence of freedom of decision-making and movement — a women is the ownership of the person who bo- ught her and cannot by her own will stop her involvement in prostitu- tion, i.e. cannot leave her owner. On the other hand, regardless of the degree of involvement of force and exploitation, the prostitution impli- es that one may freely dispose of her own body and earnings, has free- dom of movement, freedom to make decisions concerning whether to get involved in the activity of perpetration of prostitution or not, and similar. A victim of trafficking in people may be a woman who was in a deceptive manner forced into prostitution, but also a woman who had willingly started prostitution but was later on drawn into a chain of trafficking in people and fell into slavery. Trafficking in children,72 likewise, in addition to trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation and labour exploitation, encompasses trafficking in children with a purpose of exploiting the children to com- mit criminal acts and other asocial behaviour (e.g. begging, use for por- nographic purposes, etc), for the purpose of trade in body organs, of adoption, use in armed conflicts, and similar. Trafficking in (male) migrants is closely related to smuggling of migrants and is basically reduced to various forms of labour exploita- tion (forced labour).73 72 In this research the children are, in accordance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child, persons of the both sexes younger then 18 years of age. 73 Well known are the organized criminal groups that trade in Chinese and other migrants from Asian countries.

45  V Scope, Purpose, Method, and Sample of Research

V 1. Scope and Purpose of the Research

The scope of this research encompassed collection of the data on trafficking in people in Serbia, without Kosovo. The primary objective of the research was focused on trafficking in people for the purpose of sexual or labour exploitation. However, at the same time an attempt was made to acquire information about its other forms. In accordance with the terms defined above, the scope of this research included both trafficking in women, and the trafficking victims of which are (male and female) children and adult men, and regardless whether it has trans-national character or takes place within the borders of Serbia. This also means that this research encompassed trade in foreign as well as our citizens, namely the trade within Serbia, from Serbia to other coun- tries, and trafficking in people where Serbia is only a country of transit. Considering that this first empirical research of trafficking in peo- ple in Serbia was meant to build a better picture of this phenomenon, it was exploratory in character. With regard to this, its main objective was to take first steps towards empiric estimations of the extent and charac- teristics of this occurrence, and therefore serve as a basis for develop- ment of the mechanisms for the action towards suppression and pre- vention of trafficking in people, and for gaining insight into the needs and trends for its further and more thorough studying. The goal of this research was to obtain information about:

— Extent, structure, and characteristics of trade in women, chil- dren and men in Serbia; — Factors influencing occurrence of trafficking in people from, in, and through Serbia; — Level of awareness with experts (judges, prosecutors, lawyers, police, social workers, physicians, psychologists in schools, teachers, youth counsellors in the homes for children without parental care, etc.) and representatives of non-governmental organizations dealing with the problem of trafficking in people; — Different responses and treatment of trafficking in people by state authorities (above all by police, prosecutors' office, courts, and centres for social work) and local and international NGOs.

46  In addition to the main goal which related to obtaining as many data about the researched phenomenon as possible, this research had the action character — since the researchers, in addition to collecting data, in the course of their interviewing work, when required, ex- plained to respondents the basic terms and therefore, in a way “in pass- ing" contributed to raising their level of awareness concerning the traf- ficking in people phenomenon. That is exactly why it was necessary to familiarize all participants of data collecting in this research with what is presently known about trafficking in people and to acquaint them with the scope, objectives, and methods used in data collecting. In this work, due to the dynamics and volatility of the very process of data collection, and due to the need to use semi-structured questionnaire, namely a questionnaire with open or semi open questions, data collecting for this research required that the interviewers have better than average knowledge about trafficking in people. Good background knowledge was supposed to enable them to adapt the predetermined interview scheme on site, if necessary — for example, to reformulate or customize some questions, ask new ones, or similar. The researchers were expected to be patient and persistent and to obtain data even when they seemed beyond their reach, or inaccessible. In other words, they had to have a creative and proactive approach to data collecting since that was the only guarantee that quality informa- tion would be obtained. That is exactly why the researchers74 who col- lected data for this study have previously attended a two-day intensive (theoretical and practical) training on collecting data on trafficking in people, which was organized for them by the Victimology Society of Serbia. Also, for the requirements of the training, a special manual on trafficking in people, adapted to the needs of this research, was prepa- red.

V 2. Method and Sample

Considering that there is hardly any reliable information about this phenomenon, and having in mind that we are dealing with a form of organized crime for which it is not possible to collect data using com- mon methods or benefit from the experience of other researchers,75 we 74 Thirteen researchers participated in data collecting. 75 See more about this in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. “Trafficking in People and Organized Cri- me: definition of basic concept and methods of data collection" in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Copic, S. and Mihic, B. Trafficking in Human Beings: Concept, Characteristics and Legislation, an unpublished study within the project of the Institute of Criminological and Sociological Research in Belgrade Se- rious Forms of Crime in the Circumstances of Transition.

47 decided to apply the ethnographic multi-method, i.e. a combination of several different sources of data. This method made it possible for us to approach the phenomenon under research from several different an- gles, namely to use a great number of different information sources, but also to continuously learn about the phenomenon during data collect- ing itself which also enabled continuous changing, supplementing, and development of the research instruments. In this way we sought to ac- complish comprehensiveness of potential data sources, having in mind the fact that, as excellently observed by Prof. Liz Kelly, when such a hidden phenomenon is concerned, finding accurate estimates of the true extent can be compared to looking for needles in haystacks.76 The major part of the data was collected through interviewing the experts in different fields, namely with the representatives of state aut- horities, non-governmental and international organizations, and acade- mics.77 For the requirements of this research, we have selected the per- sons to interview considering the expectation of them coming across this problem in their everyday work, and therefore, taking into account their expected knowledge on trafficking in people in Serbia. In addition to mentioned interviews, our sources included:

— Data provided by the state authorities; — Results of previous research programmes; — Data provided local NGO's; — Data obtained from international organizations; — Other written material.

The said materials were collected independently from the inter- views or in combination with the interviews, namely the researchers al- ways asked respondents whether they had some written material i.e. data source available. Finally, as supplementary methods of data collection, we have used the observation and interviews with the persons (5) accommodated in the Shelter for Foreigners in Padinska Skela near Belgrade, as potential victims, as well as informal conversations with people who had direct knowledge about the phenomenon under research. The respondents proved to be an excellent and very versatile as well as comprehensive source of data on the researched phenomenon. The sample constituted of 123 persons, employed in different instituti- ons and organizations, of different professional background from 17 76 Kelly, L., Regan, L. (2000) Stopping Traffic: Exploring the Extent of, and Responses to, Traffick- ing in Women for Sexual Exploitation in the UK, London: Home Office, Police Research Series, Paper 125, p. 6. 77 Further in the text they shall be referred to as “the respondents".

48 places in Serbia. The research was not conducted on a representative sample, nor did it aspire to be representative, considering that, with the present level of awareness about trafficking in people in Serbia, we were not able to formulate such sample. Nevertheless, we tried to inclu- de in the sample all regions and, particularly, big cities and places close to the state borders, which we deemed to be more at risk for trafficking in people. The greatest number of respondents came from Belgrade — 55 (44.7 percent), then from Novi Sad 13 (10.6 percent), and Nis 10 (8.8 percent). Other respondents came from the following cities: Zajecar 7 (5.7 percent), Pozarevac 6 (4.9 percent), Sabac, Velika Plana, and Novi Pazar 5 each (4.1 percent), Vrnjacka Banja 4 (3.2 percent), Apatin and Sombor 3 each (2.4 percent), Aleksinac 2 (1.6 percent), and Kraljevo, Mi- losevac, Subotica, Vlasotinci and Zrenjanin, one respondent each (0.8 percent). The respondents of both sexes were represented in similar num- bers, although there were slightly more female (56.1 percent) than male respondents (43.9 percent). In view of age of respondents, mostly repre- sented were those of middle age (41—56 years of age), who constituted more than a half of the total number of respondents — 69 or 58.9 per- cent. The greatest number of respondents were employed in police — 27 persons or 21.9 percent, followed by the employees in the homes and shelters for children and young people — 13 persons (10.6 percent), and in municipal magistrate courts and NGOs (12 each or 9.7 percent of respondents). The courts and schools, primary and secondary, em- ployed 10 persons or 8.1 percent each, and centres for social work em- ployed 9 of respondents (7.3 percent). State prosecutors' offices and me- dia employed 8 (6.5 percent) each. Scientific institutions and universiti- es, health institutions, ministries and international organizations were represented by 3 persons (2.4 percent) each, and one of respondents ca- me from each of the following institutions: Shelter for Foreigners in Bel- grade, and Penitentiary Institution for Women in Pozarevac. According to their profession, majority of respondents were law graduates (42 or 34.1 percent), policemen, inspectors and commanding police officers (19), and psychologists (19) or 15.4 percent each. In addi- tion to this, our respondents included journalists (7), those who decla- red themselves as NGO coordinators or activists (6), university profes- sors and social workers (4 each), and pedagogues, sociologists, physi- cians, economists, youth counsellor, defectologists, philologists, and etc. Among the law graduates, judges, magistrate judges and public prose- cutors prevail (24).

49  Having in mind that the phenomenon was poorly researched befo- re, and that there was insufficient knowledge about the prevalence, forms, and characteristics of trafficking in people in Serbia, we have de- cided on phased data collecting and successive analysis of the collected material, together with continuous reconsideration and upgrading of in- struments, based on exchange of experiences among the researchers. In accordance with the scope and objective of the research, and us- ing the experiences and questionnaires of some foreign research pro- grammes,78 we have composed a questionnaire of our own. Relying on the experience of others as well as our previous knowledge, and taking into account specificities of the local context, we made concept of the basic questionnaire (for the experts and NGO representatives), a ques- tionnaire for potential victims and the survey protocol, as herewith en- closed. The questionnaire for the experts and NGO representatives inclu- ded following groups of questions:

1. General information about respondents 2. Familiarity with basic terms connected with trafficking in people 3. Knowledge about trafficking in people, based on experience of direct involvement in work on concrete cases 4. General (indirect and direct) knowledge about sex industry and prostitution, begging and vagrancy, illegal labour, forced work, forcing children to engage in criminal activity, abduction, disappearance and smuggling of children, and trafficking in people.

As can be seen from the mentioned groups of questions, in addi- tion to data which directly pertain to trafficking in women, children and men, in order to gain a better picture of the risks of trafficking in people in Serbia, this research also collected data on the so-called mark- 78 While preparing data collecting, we have contacted Prof. Liz Kelly from the Child & Woman Abuse Studies Unit, London Metropolitan University, UK; and Carron Somerset, who worked at the ECPAT research of trafficking in children in UK. Thanks to their kindness, we have obtained the questionnaires used in the research of trafficking in women (2000), and children (2002) in UK, and we are very grateful to them for that. The questionnaire that was used in the re- search of trafficking in women in UK proved to be particularly valuable. In addition to this, when formulating the questionnaires we have also used a questionnaire used in the research of traffick- ing in women and children for the purpose of sexual exploitation in Latin America conducted by the International Human Rights Institute with the De Paule University, Chicago, USA, during 2001 and 2002. See more about this in: In Modern Bondage: Sex Trafficking in the Americas — Central Ame- rica and Caribbean (Belize, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua & Panama). Chicago: International Human Rights Law Institute DePaul University Col- lege of Law, October 2002. Available at the web site: www.law.depaul.edu/institutes_centers/ihrli/pdf/full_document.pdf.

50 ers,79 i.e. occurrences which are indirect indicators of the existence of trafficking in people (sex industry, prostitution, begging, etc). Finally, respondents were asked to give example of good and bad practice of state authorities and/or NGOs with regard to trafficking in people in Serbia, and to present their view of measures that should be undertaken so that our society more efficiently fight trafficking in peo- ple and forced labour, specially spreading of forced labour of children. The interviewed were asked whether they would like to be cited with full name and surname, or wished to remain anonymous.80 The questionnaire for interviewing of potential victims, also here- with enclosed, consisted of the following groups of questions:

1. General data 2. Questions concerning current issues 3. Life in the place/country of origin 4. Information about recruitment and transportation 5. Information about control and exploitation 6. Relationship between the state authorities (firstly, the police) and others 7. Future

Our original idea was to use this questionnaire to interview the victims accommodated in the Shelter for Women Victims of Trafficking and the victims/potential victims accommodated in the Shelter for Fore- igners. However, since we failed to obtain the permit from the Shelter, it was impossible to conduct interviews with women accommodated there. In the Shelter, the interviews were conducted with 5 persons (1 woman and 4 men) who happened to be there on 22 August 2003, i.e. after we had obtained permit to have this communication, and we co- uld talk with them either directly or through the available interpreter. Questions in the questionnaire were composed so as to get from respondents as many information as possible from about the manifesta- tions of trafficking in people in Serbia,81 about their sensitivity level and 79 See more about this in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. “Trafficking in People and Organized Cri- me: definition of basic concept and methods of data collection", in Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Copic, S., Mihic, B. (2003) Trafficking in People: Concept, Characteristics and Legislation, Institute of Criminologi- cal and Sociological Research, unpublished, p. 10. 80 The majority of our respondents agreed to be cited under their full name and surname. However, in this study because of sensitivity of the obtained data, citing under full name and sur- name has been reduced to minimum. 81 It is important to note that majority of cases acknowledged by our respondents as people trafficking are the cases whose existence because of various reasons (they took place earlier, when no appropriate incrimination were in place, because of the difficulties in substantiation of the evi- dence, or the procedure is in progress, etc.) was not established by final and enforceable court de- cision. However, considering that an extremely low level of perpetrators detection and prosecution

51 familiarity with main terms, and about the mechanisms for action of the state authorities and NGOs. In this way we wanted to build as comple- te a picture of trafficking in people in Serbia as possible, as well as that of the situation concerning detection and prosecution of the perpetra- tors, protection, rehabilitation and reintegration of victims, and the ef- forts related to prevention. This information served as basis for formula- tion of recommendations concerning the measures that should be taken in order to improve efficiency of prosecution of perpetrators, preven- tion, and protection of victims (3 P = Prosecution, Prevention, Protec- tion). Data was collected in the period between 1 May and 30 August 2003, and average duration of the interviews was 1 hour 43 minutes.

is typical for this form of criminality, relying on the facts established in very rare final and enforce- able court decisions, and, generally, use of traditional methods of data collecting, is hardly a suita- ble approach for obtaining the data which can give a picture of the extent and characteristics of trafficking in people.

52  VI Trafficking in Women in Serbia

Trafficking in women, in particular trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation, is an occurrence about which the knowl- edge is expanding all the time and, particularly in the recent period, a lot is said and written, both globally and in our country. However, traf- ficking in women in Serbia is a phenomenon still in great part under a veil of secret. What is known about it is largely incomplete and based on individual cases, while little is known about its prevalence, structure, and characteristics. By conducting this research we attempted, among the rest, to obtain as many details about it as possible. This task was rather difficult. Namely, trafficking in women is a form of organized crime and therefore its characteristics include obscu- rity, mobility and linkage with legal actors. Also, a barrier to defining the level of trafficking in women is a big dark figure which primarily stems from the fact that very small number of women, once they find themselves in the chain of trafficking, turn to police or other agencies that assist victims.82 It is extremely hard to give an estimate of the scope of trafficking in women in Serbia due to the fact that only since April 2003, with the amendments to the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia that trafficking in people has become incriminated as a separate criminal offence,83 so that the proceedings that were underway during conduction of this research, for which there was a reasonable suspicion that they were concerned with trafficking in women, were not conduc- ted for this criminal offence.84 Therefore, people we have interviewed, particularly judges and prosecutors, were asked to make assessment, based on the description of the event, whether a particular case was a case of trafficking or not. For the same reason, not even in those cases which were processed was it possible to obtain statistical data on the number of cases of trafficking in women. 82 Mihic, B. (2003) “Trafficking in Women for the Purposes of Sexual Exploitation — Crimi- nological Aspect", in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Copic, S., Mihic, B. (2003) People Trafficking — Term, Characteristics, and Legal Framework, Institute of Criminological and Sociological Researches, unpub- lished, p. 16. 83 Article 111b of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia, Official Bulletin of the Repub- lic of Serbia 39/03. 84 These proceedings mainly concerned the criminal offence of intermediation in the exer- cise of prostitution, Art. 251, CC RS; see more at p. 8.

53  Almost every previous research of trafficking in women faced the problem with determining a number of victims of trafficking in wo- men.85 Since before this research, we in Serbia did not have data on number of victims of trafficking in women, we felt that even an estima- te of the number of victims may serve as a good basis for future strate- gies of action aimed at prevention and suppression of this form of cri- me in our country, but also as a starting point for further research in this area. The next question to which we looked for an answer is: who are the victims of trafficking in women in Serbia — how old are they, where do they come from, what is their nationality and what is their educational background. Much more is known about victims of traffick- ing, in contrast to what we know about the perpetrators of trafficking. However, even these information is sporadic and no systematised. The- re is especially little information about our nationals who are victims of trafficking. It was presumed that this research will confirm that traffick- ing in Serbia mainly involves women from Eastern Europe, however it brought to light the fact that citizens of our country also often end up in the hands of traffickers in people. Moreover, we tried to find an answer to the question whether Ser- bia is a country of origin, transit, or destination. The answer to this question is also a prerequisite for the creation of an efficient system for prevention and suppression of this phenomenon. Trafficking in women in Serbia, we presumed, is influenced by a multitude of micro and mac- ro factors present in the local and regional context.86 Having in mind that in Serbia, besides macro factors, many micro factors of criminalisa- tion and victimisation are in place (push factors and pull factors), as well as the factors facilitating trafficking in women,87 we assumed that Serbia is primarily a country of transit, but also a country of origin and destination. To date acquired knowledge suggests that trafficking in women de- velops through three main phases: recruitment, transportation/transfer and victimisation. Having this in mind, one of the goals of this research was to obtain data on the routes of trafficking in adult women, from the country of origin to the country of destination, and the place taken by our country in that chain of trafficking; further, on methods of re- cruitment of potential victims, their transportation/transfer to the coun- 85 Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (2003) “Trafficking in People and Organized Crime: Definition of Main Terms and Method of Data Collecting", in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V, Copic, S., Mihic, B., op. cit., p. 13. 86 See more about this in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (2003) “Trafficking in People and Organized Crime: definition of basic concept and methods of data collection", in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Co- pic, S., Mihic, B. (2003) op. cit, p. 7—9 and p. 26. 87 Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (2002) “Trafficking in Women in Serbia and Surrounding Countries: Scope, Characteristics, Sources", Temida: No. 1: p. 9—10.

54 try of (temporary or permanent) destination; and then finally, also abo- ut the mechanisms of control and exploitation to which they are ex- posed. To this effect, the respondents were asked the questions related to their immediate knowledge about trafficking in women — whether they had a chance to encounter victims of trafficking in women in the course of their work, how many of such cases they have come across, how many cases they have come across in the previous two years, who were the victims in those cases, how many of those cases were cases of trafficking in and how many through and from Serbia, and by what ro- utes did they arrive in our country. Respondents also answered the question of who, to the best of their knowledge, were the usual victims of trafficking in women, in what way were they drawn into the chain of trafficking in women, how they were transported, namely how they were transferred to the destination, and in what way they were victimi- zed by their traffickers /exploiters. Finally, through indirect indicators — scope and prevalence of sex industry and prostitution, begging, vagrancy and illegal labour — we tried to obtain the most precise possible estimate of the prevalence of trafficking in women aimed at sexual exploitation and exploitation of labour in Serbia, namely the prevalence of the related risk. To this ef- fect, the respondents answered the questions pertaining to the indirect indicators — markers: about scope and structure of the sex industry, prostitution, begging, vagrancy, and illegal labour, or forced labour; number of persons who were, to the best of their knowledge, reported, sentenced, or in any other way registered due to the above-mentioned behaviour; whether the victims were foreign women or our citizens, and whether any of those cases were cases of trafficking in women. The data presented in the sections that follow were the result of the analysis of interviews taken.

VI 1. Extent and Structure of Trafficking in Women

VI 1.1. Extent and Geographic Prevalence of Trafficking in Women in Serbia

According to the results of the research, respondents, through their work or through indirectly gained knowledge, came across about 750 cases of trafficking in women, namely the cases for which there is a rea- sonable suspicion that they pertain to trafficking, in which about 960 victims of trafficking of women were identified.88 88 These numbers constitute a total number of cases/victims of trafficking in women that were mentioned in any way whatsoever, and cases in which there were grounds to suspect traffic-

55  From the total of 123 persons whom we interviewed, 69 respon- dents (56 percent) from 13 cities in Serbia, came across the cases of traf- ficking in women directly, in the course of their work. Out of this num- ber, 37 interviewed were from Belgrade, 7 from Novi Sad, 4 from Sabac, 4 respondents were from Novi Pazar; there were 3 respondents from each Pozarevac, Vrnjacka Banja, Sombor and Nis; and one respondent from Zrenjanin, Zajecar, Kraljevo, Subotica and Apatin each. Only the persons interviewed in Aleksinac, Milosevac, Velika Plana and Vlasotin- ce have never come across a case of trafficking in women in the course of their work. The interviewed who have, directly through their work, came across cases of trafficking in women included members of police, judges of municipal and district courts, magistrate judges, prosecutors, NGO representatives, employees of the Centres of Social Work and Shelter for Foreigners, and representatives of media. The respondents directly encountered about 730 cases of trafficking in women, or cases in which there were grounds to suspect trafficking, and 940 victims of trafficking. Out of this number, 376 cases of trafficking in women with 462 victims of trafficking in women took place in 2002, and in 2003 the- re were 125 cases and 139 victims.89 The greatest number of cases of trafficking in women were recognized as such by members of the police in Belgrade, Novi Sad and Novi Pazar, as well as by respondents from the NGOs and international organizations from Belgrade that assist vic- tims of trafficking. 57 respondents gave a precise or approximate number of cases or victims they encountered in their work, while 9 respondents gave their estimates of it. Accordingly, five respondents, three from Sabac and two from Novi Pazar, said that they have come across “a few cases". Three respondents (two from Belgrade and one from Zrenjanin) gave estima- ted number of cases at annual level. For example, a respondent from Zrenjanin said that he comes across “5 or 6 cases a year, with 2—8 vic-

king. We suppose that some of our respondents in the course of their work came across the same cases/victims of trafficking in women (e.g., respondents form the same town working in police, prosecutor's office or in judiciary; and also the respondents working in the Shelter for Women Vic- tims of Trafficking, and those from the International Organization for Migrations). When, based on their descriptions we were able to establish that we are dealing with the same cases, we did not in- clude such cases in the total number. On the other hand, having in mind that the dark figure in this form of crime is rather high, and that a certain number of respondents was not able to tell any accurate number of the cases they came across, it is possible that the number of cases, or victims of trafficking in women, exceeds the above-mentioned figures. 89 The respondents were often uncertain as to a number of cases they had in 2002 and in 2003, respectively. Therefore, some of them indicated the year in which they came across more ca- ses. Thus, for example, two respondents from Novi Pazar and the representatives of the NGO ASTRA, Belgrade, said that in 2002 they had more cases than in this year. Based on the collected data and statements of our respondents, it may be deduced that majority of cases were registered in 2002, whereas it should be kept in mind that, for the most part, data collecting took place in the middle of the current year.

56 tims of trafficking in each of them"; a respondent from Belgrade (a rep- resentative of the police) said that he comes across about 300—500 cases a year; and a judge of the Fifth Municipal Court in Belgrade said that he deals with 2—3 cases a year. One of the persons interviewed in the Belgrade police said that during the twenty years in the profession, he encountered about a thousand of cases of trafficking and smuggling. Three respondents (two from Belgrade, one from the police and the other a magistrate judge; and a respondent from Novi Pazar) were not able to give even an approximate number of cases, but they descri- bed the cases they have encountered in practice. Twenty respondents from 8 towns in Serbia, more specifically: 6 from Belgrade, 3 from Novi Sad, 3 from Novi Pazar, 3 from Velika Pla- na, 2 from Pozarevac and one from Sabac, Vlasotince and Zrenjanin each had indirect knowledge about cases of trafficking in women. Sev- enteen cases of trafficking in women with 21 victims of trafficking were described.

VI 1.2. Who are the Victims of Trafficking in Women in Serbia?

VI 1.2.a. Age

Even though respondents often did not have the data regarding the years of age of the victims of trafficking in women, the results of re- search suggest that the victims, with which in majority of cases respon- dents have directly met or gained indirect knowledge about, were very young women of 18 to 30 years of age. Hence a representative of the police from Belgrade, who comes ac- ross 300—500 cases a year in the course of his work, had the informa- tion that most of the victims are between 18 to 22 years of age. Sandra Slijepcevic, programme assistant of the International Organization for Migrations, who in her work had about 140 victims of trafficking, came forward with the data that 50 percent of victims are between 18 and 24 years of age, namely 27 percent between 25 to 30 years of age. Slobodan Lovric, deputy president of the NGO Beosupport from Belgrade, had in the course of his work some 35 victims of trafficking in women all of whom, according to his words, were girls of less than 20 years of age. Five representatives of police, four from Belgrade and one from Suboti- ca spoke about victims — “girls over 18 years of age", while the judge of the District Court in Novi Sad mentioned “the girls of 18 or more years of age". A respondent from Novi Pazar came across several cases, out of which four were girls of 21, 25 and 30 years of age. The respon- dents from the Police of Sabac encountered several cases of trafficking

57 and victims who were, according to their information, three girls youn- ger than 25. A respondent from the Fifth Municipal Prosecutor's Office in Belgrade came across two cases of trafficking, and victims had 18 and 19 years of age. Dragica Mrsic, judge of the criminal department of the Municipal Court in Sabac, who came across several cases of trafficking in the cour- se of her work, said about the age of victims:

“All the victims I came across in my work were adults, but quite young girls in their early twenties."

However, there are some cases of women — victims of trafficking who belong to age category between 40 and 50 years. Thus, one inter- viewed had in her previous work one victim of trafficking who had 42 years of age. Marija Andjelkovic, activist of NGO ASTRA, came across 27 women — victims of trafficking, and women were of all age catego- ries. Vesna Stanojevic, coordinator of the Counselling Centre against Domestic Violence and the Shelter for Women — Victims of Trafficking, asked about the age of victims of trafficking said:

“They are usually young, average age of girls in the Shelter is 23 years of age; however, there are some cases of older women."

Also, respondents had information that some victims of trafficking were women who were pregnant at the time of trafficking (some of them were in the ninth month of pregnancy when subjected to traffick- ing), or who were mothers (a respondent had information that some of the trafficked women were mothers of two, or four children).

VI 1.2.b. Nationality

The respondents have accurately identified 148 victims of traffick- ing from Moldova, 123 from Romania, 67 victims from the Ukraine, 10 Bulgarians, 6 Russians, 5 Chinese, 2 Armenians, 2 Uzbeks, and one vic- tim from each of Czech Republic and Byelorussia. However, these num- bers surely do not accurately reflect the situation in the field since re- spondents often mentioned groups of victims, for example “20 victims from Romania and Moldova", or “5 victims, the Ukraine and Moldova", and it is therefore not possible to determine the exact number. That is why these data should be taken judiciously. Also, some respondents were not able to give precise data on the number of victims and coun-

58 try of origin of the victims of trafficking in women. They only specified countries of origin, without the figures, or gave their estimations as re- gards country of origin of the greatest number of victims (for example, “most of them were from Moldova, followed by the Ukraine and Roma- nia", or “foreigners and our citizens (in much lesser numbers) — Mol- dova, the Ukraine, Russia, Romania, Kosovo"). However, based on the data which we obtained, we may conclude that Moldova, Romania and the Ukraine are the most common countries of origin of the victims of trafficking in women. Also, 96 citizens of Serbia were identified as the victims of traffick- ing in women. They came from Cacak, Cicevac, Sabac, Kraljevo, Vranje, Loznica, Pancevo, and other towns and rural area of Serbia, particularly those in the locality of border crossing points with Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria (Vrsac, Zrenjanin, Negotin, Sombor, Subotica, Odzaci, No- vi Sad, Pirot).

VI 1.2.c. Nationality of Victims from Serbia

Nationality of the victims of trafficking in women — our citizens, is sundry. The respondents have identified 15 Roma victims (15.6 per- cent). However, the greatest number of trafficked women — citizens of Serbia, were of Serbian, Montenegrin, or Moslem nationality.

VI 1.2.d. Educational Background

Even though the majority of respondents did not have the infor- mation about the educational background of the victims, based on the data they presented to us we were able to conclude that victims of traf- ficking were mostly women who have finished a secondary school, ha- irdressers, tailors, etc., but some of them had a high level of education — bachelors of law, pedagogues, music teachers, physicians, etc.

VI 1.2.e. Exploitation of Labour or Sexual Exploitation

Results of the research suggest that the greatest number of cases concerning trafficking in women were the cases of trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation. In three cases, in which respon- dents directly met the victims, these were the cases of trafficking for the purpose of exploitation of labour. Those were two Chinese that were trafficked through Serbia — Italy was meant to be the final destination,

59 and two cases of trafficking for the purpose of being a housekeeper in Serbia. One of the victims in yet another case that was described, a Moldovian, was held imprisoned in an apartment and her labour was exploited to do housework. Six of respondents had indirect knowledge about the cases of sale of our women abroad for the purpose of exploi- tation of labour. Three cases were described of our citizens who were sold to Italy. There were some border cases where our citizens went abroad voluntarily but then were forced to work in bars or on plantati- ons, without any food, pay, etc., and cases of our women who ended up in the Middle East, in Libya, Kuwait, etc, where they worked as nurses however there is some information that their passports were ta- ken from them.

VI 1.3. Trafficking in, from, and through Serbia

While in the beginning of 1990s Serbia was mainly a country of de- stination, with worsening of economic situation, it gradually turned to a country of transit, and now even in a country of origin of the victims of trafficking in women.90 According to the assessment of the International Organization for Migrations, the majority of victims of trafficking end- ing up in Western Europe actually arrive there through the Balkan co- untries.91 As the results of research suggest, Serbia is today a country of transit, destination, and origin of the victims of trafficking in women, but also a country with a well-developed internal trafficking in women from Serbia, not including crossing of the state border. Even if it is hard to define for every individual case whether it is trafficking in, through, or from Serbia, respondents have identified 299 cases of trafficking in Serbia with 310 victims of trade, 86 cases of traffic- king from Serbia with 89 victims, and 151 cases of trafficking through Serbia with 154 victims of trafficking in women. In the cases where information was insufficient, respondents gave their estimates. Most of them believe that Serbia is predominantly a country of transit, or they have information that the area where they li- ve and work is a transit area. At the same time, a large number of re- spondents believe that Serbia is also a country of destination and a country of transit. A smaller number of respondents said that, if traffic- 90 Mihic, B. (2003) “Trafficking in Women for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation — Crimino- logical Aspect", in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V., Copic, S., Mihic, B. (2003) Trafficking in People: Concept, Characteristics and Legislation, Institute of Criminological and Sociological Researches, unpublished, p. 17. 91 Limanowska, B. (2002) Trafficking in People in Southeastern Europe, UNICEF, UNOHCHR, OSCE-ODIHR: p. 4.

60 king in women is in question, their opinion is that Serbia is the country of origin, transit, and destination at the same time. That Serbia is a country of transit, origin and destination advocates Marija Andjelkovic, a Bachelor of Law and an Activist of the NGO ASTRA, Belgrade.

“There were all kinds of cases… when it comes to trafficking in peo- ple, Serbia is a country of origin and a country of transit and a country of destination. We cannot be sure whether Serbia was the final destination for the girls that were found in our territory, or were they only in transit. From Serbia, the girls are going to Spain, Kosovo, Albania, Germany, Italy, Macedonia; through Serbia they are going to Macedonia, Libya, Turkey, Kosovo… In Serbia they are coming from the surrounding countries, and from Moldova, the Ukraine, Romania, Armenia…"

The respondents who have met the largest number of transit cases in the course of their work, namely a largest number cases whose tran- sit passes through Serbia, believe that the underlying reason are armed forces that are stationed in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and desire of the traffickers to produce the greatest possible revenue in the Western Countries. However, even in these cases it is rare that exploita- tion does not take place in the territory of Serbia as well. Sandra Slijepcevic, programme assistant in the International Orga- nization for Migrations makes a distinction between a country of desti- nation for the traffickers (real destination) and a country of destination for the victims (fictitious destination) and says:

“As regards the transit, or only passing through Serbia, without ex- ploitation within the borders of Serbia, it happens only rarely, there are only a dozen of such cases. Almost all women assisted by the IOM had been subjected to the exploitation in the territory of Serbia. This means that, for the traffickers, the country of destination is Serbia. The girls did not stay in one place, they often moved, but always within Serbia. For the victims, however, the country of destination is always a country of West- ern Europe, mostly Italy, and for the traffickers, it is Serbia. According to our statistics, the republics of former Yugoslavia, and Serbia itself, particu- larly of late, are growingly becoming desirable countries of destination and transit."

The same is confirmed by other respondents:

“Women are mainly trafficked through Serbia. However, a great number of girls have undergone sexual exploitation in the territory of Ser-

61  bia although when concluding the deal they did not agree on Serbia as a destination." “In 90 percent of cases, they were promised a job in Italy, Spain, or Germany, Austria, any job, even manual which, considering their circum- stances, they find acceptable since it is well paid. Most often, the plan is that the girls end up in one of our brothels, or night bars. The girls are of- ten sold several times before they are caught and escorted to the Shelter. One girl has been sold several times in the period of two years — first in Padova, then in some places near Belgrade, then followed Bosnia, and then Leskovac, and only then did she get to the Shelter."

Italy and Kosovo are mentioned as the most common final destina- tions for the victims of trafficking, followed by Macedonia, Bosnia, Alba- nia, Greece, and other countries of Western Europe (Germany, Austria). It is believed that women from other countries are resold in Serbia — from Romania, Bulgaria, Moldova; while our women mainly go to the West. On the other hand, the experience of the NGOs assisting the victims is that our women, before the traffickers sell them abroad, are sold within Serbia, sometimes more than once. However, Sandra Lju- binkovic, coordinator of the NGO ASTRA from Belgrade, believes that “it is hard to tell whether a woman was sold several times in Serbia un- less the victim herself confirms it. As often as not, the victims are not aware of it. The only way to establish it for sure is that they themselves witness the selling/purchasing process or otherwise find out that such process took place…". According to the results of research, internal trafficking in our women is very well developed. The case addressed by the District Pub- lic Prosecutor's Office in Sabac only confirms this:

“Two adult women, citizens of our country (one 45 years old and a mother of five children, the other 25 years old), have been sold by a man from Nis who was the owner of a café in Sabac. Both women were from a village near Nis, and, according to what they said, that man from Nis “put something in their drinks", after which they had fallen asleep and woke up in Pozarevac. Then they were raped. Then some people from Sabac came (a man — owner of the café and a woman) and took them to Sabac where they worked in the café as waitresses. According to what they said, the owner of the café had kept them locked-up, raped them and forced them into prostitution, until one of them escaped and repor- ted the case to the police."

62  VI 2. Characteristics of Trafficking in Women

The results of previous (mainly foreign) research programmes, re- ports of the international organizations, local NGOs assisting the vic- tims of trafficking, and other available information,92 suggest that, as a rule, trafficking in women takes place in three phases: recruiting; trans- portation, i.e. transfer from the country of origin to the country of desti- nation following the predefined routes (channels), and victimisation to which the victims are exposed, during the trip or after they arrive at the place of destination. With this in mind, the data on main phases of trafficking in women, in, through, and from Serbia, were obtained thro- ugh asking questions about the cases which respondents have directly came across in their work and which were identified as cases of traffick- ing in women, as well as through the questions about general (indirect) knowledge about main phases of trafficking in women. Further in the text follows the analysis of the data on the routes of trafficking in women over 18 years of age, methods in which they were recruited, transferred, and transported, and about the mechanisms of control and exploitation to which the women — victims were exposed.

VI 2.1. Routes of Trafficking in Women93

The data on the routes of trafficking in women in, through, and from, Serbia, was obtained through the described cases that respon- dents came directly across in their work, as well as based on their gene- ral knowledge on the routes of trafficking in women.

VI 2.1.a. Routes of Trafficking in Women — Foreign Citizens

The data acquired during the research show that trafficking in women — foreign citizens begins in the countries of Eastern Europe, mainly the countries of former Soviet Union, and shifts towards the West. Victims of trafficking mostly come from the Ukraine, Moldova, and Romania, and less often from Russia and Bulgaria. Channels for trafficking women over 18 usually begin in the Ukraine and Moldova, then go through Romania, Bulgaria, and, less frequently, through Hun- 92 Mihic, B. (2003) “Trafficking in Women for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation — Crimino- logical Analysis", u: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V.; Copic, S.; Mihic, B. (2003) Trafficking in People: Concept, Characteristics and Legislation. Belgrade: Institute of Criminological and Sociological Researches (un- published): p. 19—23. 93 Routs of trafficking in women are shown on a map in the Appendix.

63 gary. After entering the territory of Serbia and Montenegro, the routes continue from the east towards the west, and from the north towards the south, although there are some routes to the north, too (Hungary). Thus, the routes from the east to the west are going through Pozarevac or Pancevo and Belgrade towards Republika Srpska (via Sabac) or Croa- tia (via Sid), with one wing chapter north, i.e. towards Hungary (via Subotica). From the north to the south, the channels for trafficking the women also proceed through Belgrade towards Kosovo, Macedonia or Albania, or towards Montenegro (via Novi Pazar), and then to Kosovo, Albania, or Italy, or other countries of Western Europe. With regard to the channels of trafficking in women, work of the responsible departments, namely the divisions of the Police in Subotica and Belgrade, reveal as follows:

“…the girls from Moldova went either through Romania or through Hungary (two channels): the channel from Hungary usually went by rail and when this was not possible, the girls were taken across the border on foot. The girls would go from Hungary, through Subotica, to Belgrade, and then to Kosovo, and one wing headed towards Republika Srpska." (a case addressed by the Subotica Police — Section for Foreigners) “…The girls from Moldova went either through Romania where the- re was a man who met them and organized their transfer to Serbia and Montenegro (a Romanian who worked closely with our citizens), and were illegally transferred from there in Serbia; or they went via Hungary, where they come to Tompa (a place at the border with Serbia and Monte- negro on the Hungarian side) from where they are transferred to Serbia and Montenegro. They are always transported to Belgrade…" (the Belgra- de Police Department for Foreigners within the Administration of Border Police, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs)

According to the information gathered by people we interviewed, as regards entry to our country, the most critical borders are those with Romania and Bulgaria.

“We know that Yugoslavia has had a place in the trafficking chain ever since 1990. Women from the Eastern Countries are arriving to Yugo- slavia mainly from Romania (and to somewhat lesser degree from Hun- gary)." “The area in the vicinity of Romanian border is known as a place where trafficking is easy; there is always somebody there ready to offer to take them over the border, to help them, to take them to someone in Ser- bia and Montenegro where they will get a job, and that is how they get trapped in the chain. The border crossings used most frequently to enter

64  Serbia and Montenegro are those with Romania (73%) and Hungary (13%). The border crossing from Romania is the one most frequently used since the victims usually come from Moldova and Romania so that this is the most logical route. Across the Hungarian border come the women from the Ukraine, and less often from Moldova." (Sandra Sljepcevic, program- me assistant in the International Organization for Migrations)

The following places were identified as entering points to the terri- tory of Serbia and Montenegro for women — victims of trafficking: from Romania they usually come to Serbia and Montenegro in the area nearby Veliko Gradiste, Vrsac, Bela Crkva, Srpska Crnja and Kladovo; crossing point of Mokranja is characteristic for the border between Ro- mania, Bulgaria, and Serbia and Montenegro; in the district of Zajecar crossings are mainly made over Vrska Cuka; at the border with Bulga- ria the most significant crossings are at Strazimirovce and Bosilegrad, and from the direction of Hungary, the crossings at Horgoš and Kele- bija.

“From Romania, over the area round Veliko Gradiste, Vrsac and Bela Crkva, where forests and field prevail and the border is not adequately guarded…" (the Belgrade Police Department for Foreigners within the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs) “…Romanians that are illegally crossing our border mostly enter our country near Golubac, they cross the Danube in boats, or in the part ro- und Srpska Crnja. From the Ukraine they usually come by train, via the crossing point of Horgos…"

Within Serbia and Montenegro, several directions of the routes for trafficking in women — foreign citizens were identified. Victims who enter Serbia and Montenegro from the direction of Romania, namely through Veliko Gradiste, Vrsac and Bela Crkva, are transferred to Pancevo, where a great number of them spends some ti- me, or they go directly to Pozarevac, while some of them go to Bel- grade. Women who are entering our country at Srpska Crnja (also from Romania) are transferred to Zitiste from where one wing heads towards Pancevo and the other towards Zrenjanin, and Novi Sad and Sabac (to- wards Republika Srpska), or towards Belgrade. The Mokranje crossing is, according to Tomislav Stojanovic, inspec- tor in charge of border in the Pozarevac Police, “very convenient for all kinds of criminal activities, smuggling and trafficking in people… it is densely populated, the forests are thick… it is a wonderful setting for illicit border crossing," and from there the routes go in two additional directions: through Majdanpek and Kucevo to the Belgrade—Nis high-

65 way, or via Donji Milanovac, Golubac, Veliko Gradiste and Pozarevac to the Belgrade—Nis highway. From the area of Zajecar, i.e. from the crossing at Vrska Cuka, the routes continue towards Pozarevac or Veliko Gradiste and further to Belgrade. From Hungary, Belgrade is usually reached with a brief stop in Su- botica or in its vicinity (in a motel, restaurant, apartment, etc). This is confirmed by a case the Subotica Police Department for Foreigner came across:

“In 2000 and 2001 several criminal charges were filed against the owner of a motel in Subotica who organized accommodation for the girls whom he later transported further on… This man and his girlfriend were identified by a Ukrainian girl and they were charged for procuring in the end of 2001. Namely, the Ukrainian girl was at a point of leaving Serbia and Montenegro when the problem with her travelling documents arose at the border crossing after which she was taken to the Subotica Police (her visa had expired). In the course of her interview, she said that she had stayed at that motel, but that she had not stayed there for a long ti- me, and that she was not involved in prostitution. The girls would stay there for a couple of days and then continue their way towards Kosovo, Republika Srpska, or Belgrade."

It has been noted that Belgrade is the unavoidable stop for most women who are victims of trafficking, namely that Belgrade has beco- me one of main transit centres for this region,94 about which a respon- dent said:

“…Their route inevitably took them through Belgrade in which the trade took place. The girls stay in Belgrade (in apartments or houses ren- ted solely for that purpose) until a buyer is found after which they are then transferred further on…"

This is proven by the following examples given by the persons we interviewed:

“I will tell you of a case of one woman from Romania who worked in Kosovo — she was involved in prostitution and was enslaved by the

94 Thus, for example, international organizations warned that in the suburbs of Belgrade there were at least three large scale traffickers in people, connected with the pimps and owners of brothels, who at any time hold up to 15 women for further sale. See more about this in: “What is Cooking in the Government Pot" Belgrade: Reporter: No. 184: 31 October 2001: p. 15—16. Accord- ing to: Mihic, B. (2003) “Trafficking in Women for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation — Criminolo- gical Analysis", op. cit. p. 17.

66  owner of a bar in Kosovo Polje… She told us that, with the help of a fe- male neighbour, she obtained the address of a man who promised her a good job in Italy and the visa. She was not afraid since she trusted her neighbour. She was in a group of five until she reached Hungary where two girls from Bulgaria joined the group. From Budapest they came to Belgrade where a man from Pancevo took them over. She was together with a girl from Moldova put up in a house in Zvezdara where they stayed for a fortnight. She later heard that this girl was later sold to some- body in Belgrade. She never saw her again. The owner of the bar in which she began to work soon started forcing her into prostitution. — when she declined, she was beaten up. A month later she was transferred to Kosovo…" “A Romanian girl (1971) met a friend from school who offered her to work as a waitress in the same bar she has been working for a long time. She offered her to live with her and share the rent, and the girl accepted. In that apartment she met three other Romanian girls and one Moldovian and learnt that they were going to be transferred to Yugoslavia in a cou- ple of days. After two days, a Romanian came to get her and later he was joined by another two men who transferred her illegally across the bor- der. On this side of the border, two Yugoslav men waited for her and to- ok her in a jeep to Belgrade and put her up in an apartment. In that apartment in Belgrade she found three Moldovian girls and one Roma- nian girl who was sold to Greece, and three Moldovans were sold to Italy. She was sold to somebody from Belgrade. In Belgrade she was re-sold se- ven times. The buyer before the last one abused her and threatened her with a bomb which he used to carry with him all the time. By day she would sleep in an apartment in Raska and at night he would take her to Zvecan (Kosovo) and sold her to members of KFOR…"

However, beside Belgrade, women are often taken to other places in which they are detained, exploited, and then their owners sell them further. Thus, there are a lot of bars, motels and similar facilities in which these women are being accommodated in Mladenovac, Smedere- vo, Pozarevac, along Ibarska magistrala, in the village of Piroman near Obrenovac, in Batajnica, etc. In regard to this, and based on the results of the research conducted by NGO Beosupport, Slobodan Lovric said:

“Victims of trafficking in people in the surveyed sample were mainly foreign women who worked in Serbia for a couple of months. Their owner would keep them for 2—3 months and then he would sell them to somebody else or at the borders of Serbia or in Republika Srpska, less fre- quently to Kosovo."

The same person gave the following example as well:

67  “In the vicinity of Veliko Gradiste there was a bar the owner of which used to trade in girls for the purpose of sexual exploitation. He al- ways had 7 or 8 girls ‘on his disposal' and used to sell them for DM 500—3000. The girls were mostly from Moldova and Romania."

From Belgrade, the route follows several directions. One wing he- ads towards Sabac and Bijeljina, i.e. Republika Srpska, where in this area the women are often transferred in boats over the Drina; another is chapter toward Sid where they leave Serbia and Montenegro and en- ter Croatia; or in the direction of Subotica (towards the Kelebija border crossing) and then of Hungary. One such example was provided by respondents — representatives of the police:

“It was a case of a woman from Moldova who ended up in Serbia and Montenegro in her ninth month of pregnancy. She came together with a girlfriend through Budapest, they entered Serbia and Montenegro illegally, with a help of our citizen against whom criminal charges have been filed. It had been planned that they acquire Romanian passports in Serbia so as to be able to go to Italy legally. These girls from Moldova were recruited by a Moldovian who promised them a job in Italy, then some other person took them over in Hungary (which they entered le- gally), the third took them to us, the fourth provided them with passports and handed them further on. The route usually leads from Belgrade, through Croatia, Slovenia, Austria, to Italy, or by bus — by a scheduled li- ne Belgrade—Milan held by a man owning a transport company. Thus, a group of girls went on this bus (through an agency which has a line sche- duled on the route Belgrade—Bergamo—Verona) and at the state border near Subotica it was suspected that they were victims of trafficking. They insisted that those were not their passports. They were taken to the police station and, when they were told what had been planned with them, they agreed to cooperate and related what had happened, where they had been. Thus, it was through them that we learned about that apart- ment in which the Moldovian girl was found, along with several other girls. In the group that was caught there was also the girlfriend of the first Moldovian girl. The plan was that both of them end up as prostitutes in Italy."

The directions for passage are confirmed by a case that the Belgra- de Police Department for Foreigners came across, as well as the one en- countered by employees of the Subotica Police Department for Foreign- ers. In May 2003 in Belgrade, a group of 8 Chinese citizens was discove- red. Two women over 18 were a part of the group as well. They were

68 victims of trafficking for the purpose of exploitation of labour. The poli- ce learnt that the plan had been to take them via Croatia to Italy (as a country of temporary or permanent destination). In March 2003, in the surroundings of Subotica, a group of 10 adult Chinese citizens was dis- covered, among which there were 2 or 3 women. They had illegally en- tered our country, by airplane (regular airline Moscow—Belgrade), and further transfer went through Belgrade to Subotica from where they should have illegally transferred to Hungary so as to continue, via Bu- dapest, their journey towards the West. The final destination was sup- posed to be London. The second wing goes from Belgrade towards the south, specifi- cally towards Nis or Novi Pazar. The route from Nis goes towards Vra- nje and Bujanovac and further to Kosovo, while the route from Novi Pazar goes either towards Pristina (Kosovo) and then continues towards Macedonia, or goes through Bjelo Polje and Podgorica to Bar from where it leads further towards Italy or Albania. As regards Novi Pazar, respondents from this city depicted the fol- lowing situation: from Novi Pazar the routes of trafficking in women go in three directions — the 1st through Tutin, enters Montenegro thro- ugh the crossing point of Mehov Krs and continues through Rozaje to Bar and then by ships to Bari in Italy; the 2nd leads through the cross- ing point of Mehov Krs and villages of Drage and Vrbe to Dubrovnik and from there to Italy; and the 3rd goes directly to Kosovo, and then from Kosovo to Italy. In Italy some women stay in Milan, Roma or Bo- logna, whereas a number of them continues north in the direction of the countries of Western Europe, i.e. towards Austria, Germany, Swe- den. The women — victims of trafficking who enter the country from the direction of Bulgaria, crossing the border at Stazilovce or Bosilegrad, continue their journey through Crna Trava and Medvedja to Kosovo.

VI 2.1.b. Routes of trafficking in women — citizens of Serbia

With regard to the trafficking in women — citizens of Serbia, as far as our respondents know, it takes place both within the borders of our country (inside Serbia or between Serbia and Montenegro), and outside these borders, i.e. some cases have been identified in which women from Serbia were sold in Bosnia, Macedonia and Italy. With regard to this, Sandra Slijepcevic, programme assistant in the International Orga- nization for Migrations, said:

“Out of 100 women to whom the IOM Belgrade provided help be- tween the summer of 2001 and the end of 2002, only 15 were from Serbia,

69  and 5 of them were trafficked within Serbian borders and the remaining 10 had been trafficked in Italy, Macedonia, and Bosnia and then returned to us."

Another of respondents specified the example of a girl from Serbia who was sold in Croatia:

“…that girl from Vojvodina grew up in a home for children without parental care. She managed to finish secondary school and a course for hairdressers and, with the help of the Centre for Social Work, she mana- ged to find a job and she stayed in the home even after she came of age. Since she was not satisfied with her salary, she left the job and went to see a friend of hers where she met an acquaintance of his who offered her to go to other town and work in a café. She went there and worked as a prostitute. In the meantime, she got pregnant. During her pregnancy, the owner of the café in which she worked (who is allegedly the father of her child) used to send her money. After giving birth, she was accommo- dated in the Home for Mothers in Zvecanska Street, where she left her child and ran away. Through a girlfriend (who took her there, or recom- mended her), she went to Vitez in Bosnia to get a job, and then was sold to Croatia where the Croatian police caught her without documents and sent her back to Belgrade."

The words of Slobodan Lovric from the NGO Beosupport support the claim that women from Serbia sometimes end up in Kosovo, in Al- bania or Italy, or the traffickers attempt to transfer them there:

“I know about a girl from Vojvodina who used to work in a café in Podgorica. A friend of the café owner's came and offered her a job in Bu- dva. That first night he raped her and then tried to take her by car thro- ugh Bar to Albania or to Kosovo. Fortunately, the girl managed to escape but got pregnant in the rape."

Or, an example given by another respondent:

“A person from Novi Pazar attempted, in return for EUR 15000, to take two girls (both from Vranje) from Bar to Bari by the ferry when he was caught and arrested by the Montenegrin police…"

Even though respondents did not indicate the routes followed by women — victims of trafficking from Serbia towards the countries in its surroundings and other countries of destination, it may be assumed that the same trafficking channels are used for our citizens, i.e. the sa- me points of exit from Serbia and Montenegro.

70  With regard to internal trafficking in women from Serbia, it may be noted that Belgrade, Pancevo, Pozarevac, Sabac and Novi Pazar are mentioned as places of their (temporary or permanent) destination. Considering those are the places at the routes for trafficking in women — foreign citizens, it cannot be said for sure whether their intended de- stination was some other country and they were discovered before re- aching it, or their final destination actually was Serbia. Novi Pazar was specified as one of the most significant places of temporary or perma- nent destination for women from Serbia, and these women, according to the information obtained in Novi Pazar, come mainly from the cities in the locality of border crossings with Romania, Bulgaria, and Hun- gary; namely from Vrsac, Negotin, Sombor, Odzaci, Novi Sad, Zrenja- nin, Bor, Sabac, Pirot. Previously mentioned example given by the District Prosecutor's Office in Sabac,95 in which two girls over 18 from the surroundings of Nis, through Pozarevac, ended up in a bar in Sabac, also points at the routes for trafficking in our women inside the borders of Serbia and Montenegro. The same goes to the example given by Ms. Vesna Stano- jeviã, coordinator of the Counselling Centre against Domestic Violence and the Shelter for Women Victims of Trafficking:

“Four girls from Cacak, out of which one is minor, went to the seasi- de to earn some money. They went to Herceg Novi but did not find a job. Then came a man from Novi Pazar and offered them a job. He took them to a place near Rozaje, Montenegro. Afterwards they related that there they found three girls from Belgrade which later disappeared, and that additional three girls were expected to arrive. This indicates that it was the case of organized transfer of women."

VI 2.2. Recruitment of Women — Victims of Trafficking

Available information about trafficking in women, primarily for the purpose of sexual exploitation, further confirms that there are several main forms of recruitment of women: deception through offering a job without any indication of possible sexual exploitation; deception thro- ugh offering a job of a hostess, dancer, waitress, etc; deception through offering marriage; deception with regard to the conditions under which the woman would perpetrate prostitution (when they are aware that they will be engaged in prostitution); abductions and kidnapping, and 95 See this example at p. 44—45.

71 sale by a member of family, boyfriend or a third party.96 In addition, a common form of recruitment of women — victims of trafficking inclu- des false invitations or travel arrangements for foreign countries.97 Most reports and surveys of the situation regarding trafficking in women in European countries, and some specific research (in Albania, for exam- ple), showed that deceptions connected with the nature of the job which a woman is supposed to do in the country of destination, and pertaining conditions and pay, are still the most common form of recru- itment of women — victims of trafficking.98 Similar data was obtained in the course of the research of trafficking in people in Serbia. According to the information of the persons we interviewed, the most common forms of recruiting the women — victims of trafficking include:

— Deception with regard to the job (nature of the job or conditi- ons under which a woman would be working), namely, promising the attractive job abroad, and possibility to make money fast and easy; — Promising a better and more comfortable life; — False promise of marriage; — False arrangements for learning languages, taking different kinds of training courses, or false arrangement for travelling abroad; and — Enforcement (coercion) in the form of abduction or kidnapping (according to our respondents, this is an infrequent occurrence).

It may be noted that respondents did not make a distinction be- tween the methods of recruitment in case of foreign nationals, on one hand, and in case of our nationals, on other, nor with regard to traffick- ing in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation, and that for the purpose of exploitation of labour. According to our respondents' knowledge, the most common form of recruitment of women — victims of trafficking is a deception concer- ning the job, namely promising a lucrative, interesting job abroad, and an opportunity to make money fast and easy. This may be explained by the fact that most women who ended up in Serbia or went through Serbia on their journey to the final destination, come from the countries of Eastern Europe, mainly from the countries of the former Soviet Un- ion, who are “mainly driven by extreme poverty to look for a better life 96 Kelly, L. (2002) Journeys of Jeopardy: A Review of Research on Trafficking in Women and Chil- dren in Europe. Child and Women Abuse Studies Unit, University of North London, U.K.: p. 30. 97 Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (2002) “Trafficking in Women in Serbia and Surrounding Countries: Scope, Characteristics, and Sources". Belgrade: Temida: 1: p. 6. 98 Kelly, L. (2002) op. cit. p. 29.; Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (2002) op. cit. p. 6.

72 outside the borders of the country in which they live".99 By being given such promises, women are placed in the situation to accept as true that they can go to the wealthy West, make money, start a new life, at the same time believing that it is the only way for them and their families to escape poverty and despair.100 This is reinforced by widely prevalent myths about the comfortable life and fast profit in the West. As a result, according to Sandra Slijepcevic, programme assistant in the Internatio- nal Organizations for Migrations, “in over 90 percent of all cases it is the case of promising a job abroad". These offers are made through ad- vertisements in newspapers or through informal communication with acquaintances, friends, girlfriends, and similar. Women are usually offered to take care of children or elderly, or to be waitresses, dancers, hostesses, photo models, fashion models, or to work in the restaurants, at homes, or to escort businessmen. One of our respondents said:

“Victims are usually lured by the adverts such as: 'Attractive girls nee- ded for work abroad — excellent salary, visa provided, and proper treatment'. Thus, by the advertisements with promising contents looking for girls to work abroad."

An example of a woman from Moldova shows how women are de- ceived and involved in the chain of trafficking, of which they someti- mes are not aware before they reach the destination, and at times not even when they are seized the passport at a state border.

“She was told that she would be a hairdresser, since that is what she does. She bought (it was requested from her to) a complete set of hair- dresser's accessories (the professional hairbrushes were very expensive and she had to borrow money to buy them), only to find out at the end that all was only empty talk, full of promises."

One of the respondents, working as the magistrate judge, in the beginning of 2003 came across a case of a woman from Romania who came to Serbia and Montenegro to do agricultural work and earn some money.

“…She crossed the border illegally since she was promised that for a certain sum of money she would be transferred over the border, without

99 Sandra Sljepcevic, programme assistant in the International Organization for Migrations, Belgrade. 100 Keonig (ed.) (1997) Trafficking in Women. Vienna: Federal Chancellery. Ministry for Wo- men's Affairs, according to Kelly, L. (2002) op. cit. p. 30.

73  travel documents and other papers. She set off with the idea to go to Ser- bia and Montenegro, to do agricultural work (she was prepared to do hard physical work but not to engage in prostitution), to earn some money… The situation in Romania was very bad, there was no money, and a friend (who recruited her) had told her that she had got someone who would help her to get over the border, that somebody else would be waiting for her there and that later she would be safe and earn well… She was taken to a bar near Belgrade… At night she was working as a stripper and provided sexual services to the clients, and by day she was working in the bar — cleaning, washing dishes…"

However, according to our respondents' knowledge, women are sometimes offered a job in prostitution, but in those cases they are de- ceived with regard to the conditions under which they would work, in the sense that they could stay there as long as they wanted and return home at any time:

“…A smaller number of women know that they are going to be dan- cers or hostesses, and a very small number (about 1 percent) knows that they are going to be engaged in prostitution." “Many of them wanted to engage in prostitution so in order to chan- ge their lifestyle and therefore they set off on their journey even though they had been aware they were going to become victims of trafficking. However, they are not aware what they shall have to go through and how little their life would be worth. Traffickers promise them that they shall be free and that they shall be able to save money and then come back home and live better."

With regard to this, Dragan Zivkovic from the Shelter for Foreign- ers in Padinska Skela, said that “as much as 50 percent of girls get in- volved in prostitution voluntarily, but they do not count on getting en- slaved, which is a status characteristic for trafficking". Another form of recruitment of women is promising better and ea- sier life, better future, economic prosperity, comfortable life, and they are also lured by various gifts, in clothes or money. Thus, they are, as one of respondents said, “mostly promised easy money, good life… vic- tims become aware of what is happening to them only when it is too late, when they are beaten, forced to work… victims fail to understand how serious their situation is even when their passports are taken from them… it is only when the coercion begins, that they start to grasp what is happening". According to respondents, one of the methods for recruiting future victims of trafficking is through false promise of marriage abroad.

74  Then follow courses for learning foreign languages abroad, or other kind of training courses, as well as false travel arrangements for travel- ling abroad. One of respondents said:

“Shadowy recruitment is effected through different courses of fore- ign languages, PC operation, culinary skills, models, etc. Those can be at- tractive to anybody. Therefore, almost all victims replied to an advert in their country, eager to escape the poverty and hoping to provide themsel- ves a better future."

With regard to this, according to one of our respondents, “particu- lar attention should be paid to recruitment of women from Serbia thro- ugh different fashion agencies, adverts for seasonal work, fairs and ex- hibitions, etc.". In a smaller number of cases, our respondents specified that enfor- cement of coercion is a method for recruiting the victims, such as ab- duction or kidnapping. With regard to kidnapping, Vesna Stanojevic, coordinator of the Counselling Centre against Domestic Violence, said:

“There is no any particular difference between recruitment of minors and adult women, not even kidnapping is characteristic for the first or se- cond category. They would go out in the street with a friend, their father, or sister, and the traffickers would stop their cars next to them and pull them into their cars. Just like in crime films."

In the end, some of respondents specified the following as the methods of recruitment: use (abuse) of adverse financial situation, misu- se of trust, putting drugs in drinks while in cafés, promising a visa for the country to which a woman wants to go, and sale by a member of family. Thus, Sandra Sljepcevic, programme assistant in the Internatio- nal Organization for Migrations has, for example, recorded only one sa- le of woman by a member of family for the whole duration of her work with women — victims of trafficking that were involved in the program of repatriation and reintegration.

VI 2.2.a. Recruiters of Women — Victims of Trafficking

Recruiters of women — victims of trafficking are usually the first instance in the chain of trafficking in women, and those are often per- sons known and trusted by a victim. However, the role of a recruiter is also often played by different agencies, clubs, etc. The recruiters are usually from the victim's county of origin, but they can also be the citi-

75 zens of a transit or destination country. This is illustrated by the infor- mation obtained in the Sombor Department of Border Police, for Foreig- ners and Administrative Affairs:

“During the 1990s our citizens would sometimes go to the Ukraine, Moldova, or Romania, for example, find a girl, make a passport for her, pay for everything (200 DM, for example), bring her here, legally, since no visa was required at the time, and they she would invite her friends and tell them that she is fine and that she is making good money."

Based on the data obtained during the research of trafficking in pe- ople in Serbia, it may be noted that the role of a recruiter is usually played by a woman (a friend, acquaintance, women already inside the chain of trafficking, former prostitutes); followed by married couples (husband and wife); agencies (for fashion models, photo models, beauty contests, tourist agencies), even sport clubs and some companies, while in smaller number of cases, this role is played by friends or acquain- tances, relatives, boyfriends, parents.

“Recruiters are usually women — acquaintances who are familiar with their family and economic situation. That is what hurts the victims most, the fact that they were betrayed by a woman, since they would ex- pect such a thing from a man rather than from a woman." (Sandra Slijep- cevic, programme assistant in the International Organization for Migrati- ons) “Recruitment through the acquaintances who tell them that they he- ard for some job in a foreign country. Usually, 2—3 girls are involved and not all of them manage to leave the country. The acquaintances promise them better life, tell them that they know a man who would provide them a job, an apartment, and so on." (Svetlana Suhartovic, psychologist, Penitentiary Institution for Women, Pozarevac)

Or, as one of our respondents from Novi Pazar highlighted “some of them are recruited by their friends who were paid to do it". This is what has been said with regard to a case from the work of the Subotica Police — Department for Foreigners, whose employees identified 3 girls over 18 in 2003, out of which 2 were from Moldova and one from the Ukraine:

“…these two girls from Moldova said that they had already been in Belgrade, that she had contacted them, told them how things were over there, how one can make money there, and they arrived with her assis- tance…"

76  In the already mentioned case from work of one of respondents, a magistrate judge, a girl from Romania was recruited by a friend of hers.

“… She was recruited by her friend (a Romanian girl) who works in the same bar near Belgrade to which she arrived. The Romanian girl is engaged in prostitution but she has a special status since she sometimes goes to Romania and recruits new girls…"

Recruiters are usually the persons whom women trust. A case of four Moldovian girls that have been caught in a bar, as addressed by the Municipal Court in Vrnjacka Banja, is indicative of this:

“… It can be seen from the police records that in two cases a hus- band and a wife from Moldova acted as intermediaries. They told them (the girls) that they were going abroad to work in bars as waitresses. The girls trusted these two persons fully. Other two girls were deceived in a similar manner by another girl, a friend of theirs…"

A respondent from the Subotica Police — Department for Foreign- ers gave similar example:

“In 2002 we had a case of a Ukrainian girl who wanted to leave Ser- bia and Montenegro but encountered problems since her passport had not been stamped at the point of entry. She was taken to the Subotica Po- lice. She was recruited by another Ukrainian who was married to one our national and lived in Belgrade. The couple had been to the Ukraine where they had told this girl to come and work in their bar in Belgrade."

Women are also recruited through various agencies: for photo mo- dels, fashion models, beauty contests, dancers, but also through tourist agencies, employment agencies, and even, according to some of respon- dents, through sport clubs and companies. Thus, for example, we obtai- ned the following information in one of the interviews we conducted:

“A Moldovian woman, a nurse, wanted to work abroad, legally, em- ploying her skills and knowledge and working as a nurse, and make money to support her two children… She turned to an agency which as- sists in finding a job abroad, with a guarantee… This Agency is in Chisi- nau and is run by a middle-aged woman, respectable, trustworthy. The victim was offered to work as a nurse in Italy, but she was told that she had to provide several hundred dollars for security, for that agency was not involved in prostitution, they said. The money is for her trip and to have something for the beginning. She brought her documents for them

77  to see and then they explained to her that she should go to Budapest and there, in Italian Embassy, apply for visa. Everything seemed very legal, nobody was going through illegal channels, and nobody followed her. She regularly arrived at the airport in Budapest, she went to a taxi, an el- derly man with the airport cap approached her, he was driving the air- port taxi. They started in the direction of the Embassy, but after a while the taxi slowed down and two guys got violently inside through both do- ors at the back and grabbed her bag with documents and money. From that moment she became a nobody, a person without identity…"

According to our respondents, the role of the recruiter is less often played by friends or acquaintances, relatives, boyfriends, or parents.

VI 2.3. Transportation/Transfer of Women — Victims of Trafficking

From a country of origin to a country of destination, women are transported and transferred via predetermined channels (routes) which are controlled by people traffickers involved in an organized internatio- nal crime network.101 On this journey they cross several country bor- ders, in some countries they stay for a time (countries of temporary de- stination), they are being sold and resold until they reach their final de- stination. According to respondents, women — victims of trafficking in most cases come to our country illegally. They cross the border illicitly outsi- de the official crossing points (by so-called “green line", e.g. through fo- rests, fields, through not so well guarded area), which is easy to do, ac- cording to some of respondents, due to “perforated", “permeable" bor- ders, corrupted officials in charge of them, and similar. Illicit crossing of the state border is deemed to be crossing at a crossing point but with forged travel documents and other documents, or, on the other hand, through a crossing point but hidden in the roofs of railway cars, car trunks, and similar. With regard to this, respondents sometimes mentioned border crossing by having connections at the crossing point, or by bribing cus- toms officers and/or police officers. One of respondents, a representati- ve of the police, said:

“They go by “green line", illegally… They illegally cross the border outside the crossing point, or through a crossing point but hidden — in

101 Mihic, B. (2003) “Trafficking in Women for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation — Crimi- nological Analysis", in: Nikolic-Ristanovic, V.; Copic, S.; Mihic, B. (2003) Trafficking in People: Con- cept, Characteristics and Legislation. Belgrade: Institute of Criminological and Sociological Researches (unpublished): p. 21.

78  the roof of a railway car, in a trunk… The greatest problem is that every organizer of trafficking “has his own man", a customs and/or police officer who let the girls pass during their shift…"

During the research, when talking informally with an owner of a café in Eastern Serbia, we learnt the following:

“Earlier women and men were transported from Romania by the Da- nube or by land. It is easy to transport them by the Danube since the con- trol there is almost non-existent — there is practically a hole between Go- lubac and Majdanpek in this respect. There is no army, and the police vi- sit only rarely, and the time schedule of police patrols is easy to obtain. Besides, whoever pays may do whatever he wants. The police are corrup- ted and it is involved in trafficking and smuggling of humans. Some poli- cemen sell the girls they are supposed to protect — they supposedly pro- tect them and actually sell them and this makes the situation of these girls hopeless. All this has ceased now but we do not know for how long. The people who were in the police at the time of trafficking are still there, at the same places."

A more frequent method of transferring women — victims of traf- ficking from one country to another, one of respondents, a magistrate judge, described as follows:

“…The percentage of women entering the country legally is insignif- icant; the recruiters look for women who are dependent, who have no documents, those whom they promise that they shall get them over ille- gally (they do not even opt for making false documents since this increa- ses the price), and all these makes it even more easy for them to exploit victims of trafficking further, to blackmail them, to control them. If the girls had regular documents, it would be easier for them to escape and re- port the case to the police…"

Besides, as some of respondents asserted: “most often, the border is crossed illicitly because of the irregularity of travel documents", and one of respondents explained it as follows:

“They give some money for passports but they are aware that those cannot be regular documents for they know that it is hard to obtain a passport in their country. A passport in Romania costs 1,000 dollars, altho- ugh they do not need visa, and they pay a couple of hundred dollars. Maybe they tell them that it is a kind of a simplified procedure, but usu- ally they know that this is not a regular passport. However, when they

79  are to cross the border illegally, they dispute it for they have, in their opi- nion, given a large sum of money for passports; but they can change not- hing. Sometimes they are told that they shall be provided passports and that the money would be reimbursed later (from their first monthly earn- ings), and illicit crossing is then explained by the fact that passports are not ready and that they will be waiting for them at the destination."

According to respondents, the border is also crossed legally, at a crossing point, with regular travel documents and visas (if needed). Du- san Zlokas, deputy commander of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, said about this: “Women are mostly trafficked from the direction of Romania and Bulgaria, on foot or in the boats, at night… mostly, however, they enter legally, they have passports…" In such cases, however, women are usually seized these passports immedi- ately after they cross the border, or they remain in Serbia even after their visas expire, or they are not registered with the police that they are staying in Serbia (they stay there illegally). However, even though some of respondents believe that the num- ber of legal and illegal border crossings is equal, according to Vesna Sta- nojevic, coordinator of the Counselling Centre against Domestic Violen- ce and the Shelter for Women — Victims of Trafficking, among the women who were or had been in the Shelter, only a small number had entered Serbia legally. Hence, the data obtained in the Shelter for Wo- men — Victims of Trafficking show that in the period between 14 Feb- ruary 2002 and 24 March 2003, out of 41 women — foreign citizens, 24 entered Serbia and Montenegro illegally, 11 have done it legally, and for 6 women this information is unknown. In addition to this, some cases of the combined border crossing ha- ve also been recorded, i.e. crossings in both ways, which is “very com- mon in case of Moldovian women who enter Serbia legally since they do not need visa. Once in Serbia they obtain Romanian passports and stick their photos inside, for with these passports, without visa, they can go to Italy — Romania is among the countries on the ‘White Schen- gen' List' ". Dušan Zlokas, deputy commander of the Ministry of Internal Affa- irs of the Republic of Serbia, the Border Police Administration, for Fore- igners and Administrative Affairs, gave an interesting example with re- gard to forged documents:

“…A case of Milivoje Zarubica — in 1999, in his motel called St. Ni- kola, besides 46 girls we found DM 170,000, armaments and forged docu- ments for the girls (victims) — forged Romanian passports so that they

80  could enter Italy legally. This is done by stealing or in other way obtain- ing the passports and then putting in them photos of the girls who are to be transferred to a certain country…"

The next example was given in the Department for Foreigners within the Border Police Administration of the Belgrade Police:

“…A girl from Moldova arrived via Budapest with a girlfriend; they have entered Serbia and Montenegro illegally with the help of our citizen against whom charges have been filed. In Serbia they were supposed to get Romanian passports so that they could enter Italy legally… Here, photographs are taken of these girls and then put in previously obtained Romanian passports stamped with our entry seal (forged) so that it looks as if they have legally entered Serbia and Montenegro and thus do not have problems to leave the country legally and go to Italy…"102

Or, an example from the work of the Subotica Police Border Sec- tion, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs:

“In 2003, three girls over 18 were identified, namely two from Mol- dova and one from the Ukraine. The police had obtained information that several women — foreign citizens were staying in a house and were sup- posed to go from there to Hungary or Serbia (central). Since during the “Sablja" (Sabre) anti-criminal campaign the police were allowed to enter houses, apartments and other premises without a warrant, the police en- tered the mentioned house and found two foreign girls. When asked to identify themselves, they presented Romanian passports for which the police suspected to be forged. The girls admitted that they were from Moldova and said that those forged documents were provided for them in Belgrade where they stayed before … Their passports were found with the lady of the house; they were forged and had original Hungarian seals — a Hungarian took EUR 100 to stamp their passports (he put the entry seal so as to make it look that they have entered Hungary legally and thus avoid problems when entering Italy)…"

The border is crossed in various means of transport or on foot, usually at night. One of respondents said about this:

“They usually cross the border at night; through some illicit crossings the girls do not know about; namely, they cannot describe them since they are not familiar with the area. They cross the border on foot, and

102 Since August 2002, citizens of Moldova need a visa to enter Serbia and Montenegro.

81  then, for a night or a couple of nights they stay in some house in some village in the vicinity of the border."

We believe that the border is most commonly crossed in boats, or larger vessels, or speedboats through the Danube from the direction of Romania.

“Victims mostly enter Serbia illegally, over the Danube from Roma- nia, at so-called Babakai Rock, near Golubac, where the Danube is the narrowest. During the sanctions and afterwards, many tons of oil were transported through here, so transfer of twenty women seems a ‘trivial- ity'."

“Women accommodated in the Shelter, if coming from Romania, mainly arrived by the Danube, at night, in boats, or in farm carts…"

Besides, the border is crossed by car, on foot, by bus or truck, by train or in a van, less frequently in airplane, in a cooling-truck, tow- -truck, farm cart, and similar.

“They enter Serbia and Montenegro on foot, in boats, by car, by train — two or three girls hide in the train toilette, for example, until the offi- cers who check passports are gone."

As one of respondents said “cars and buses often have double flo- ors; victims hide under the articles in the trailers; sometimes taxi drivers are hired… also, when in train, the girls are often placed in the space between the railway car and the ceiling… they are transported by vari- ous means of transportation, by truck, bus, private car, ship is particu- larly convenient — ‘you would hardly be able to find a football team in a ship". Or, “most often they have passenger cars, with a special inten- ded use, in which the doors cannot be opened from inside…" However, some distinctions are made between legal and illicit bor- der crossing:

“…If it is an illicit crossing, the so-called ‘green line', we have ships, boats, cars (trunk), trains, the border is crossed on foot as well…When it is legal, they use cars, planes, letters of invitation, go through tourist agencies and similar…" (Mihailo Zilovic, head of the Team for Combating Trafficking in Human Beings, the Administration for Combating Organi- zed Crime of the Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Serbia)

Women mostly travel in small groups: “…they are always transpor- ted two, at most four, together; whenever they are in greater number,

82 they attract suspicion…", namely “when they traffic in women they act more subtly, they transfer them in smaller groups (3—4 women in each), they are much more precautious and much craftier making it more difficult to discover them".

VI 2.4. Forms of Victimization to which Women-Victims of Trafficking are Exposed

Women — victims of trafficking, occasionally undergo various forms of victimisation already during the transport, and then also at the place of destination (temporary or permanent), i.e. control and exploitation. When analysing the data obtained during the research of trafficking in people in Serbia, we have identified following forms of victimisation when women over 18 — victims of trafficking are concerned:

— Seizure or destruction of travel documents and other personal documents; and confiscation of any money that the victim may have available; — Unlawful deprivation of liberty or restriction of freedom of mo- vement; — physical, psychic, or sexual violence; — threatening and blackmailing; — coercion to perpetrate prostitution; — debt bondage; — leaving without payment or payment far below the agreed amount; — forcing into addiction to drugs or alcohol; — life and work in extremely bad conditions; — sale and resale.

The respondents did not identify any distinctions with regard to the mechanisms for controlling and exploiting women — foreign citi- zens, on one hand, and our women, on the other hand; namely, be- tween the trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation and for the purpose of exploitation of labour. According to respondents, one form of controlling women — vic- tims of trafficking is seizure or destruction of their travel documents and other identity documents, and confiscation of money, if a woman has any available at the time. Victims become dependant on the traffic- ker, they become a nobody, a person without identity, and this pre- vents them from asking for help and finding a way out from this vicio- us circle of trafficking.

83  Another form in which women — victims of trafficking are placed in a position that enables their exploiters to control and exploit them, is deprivation or restriction of freedom of movement in an illegal manner. Women are being closed in houses, apartments, weekend houses — they are isolated, guarded; their movement strictly controlled, even if they go out (to buy clothes, make-up, and similar) — they never go alo- ne, they are always escorted by a guard.

“As regards the control of women who are bought and sold for the purpose of sexual exploitation, that control is very rigorous. This means that a woman has no freedom of movement and decision-making, she has no contact with the outside world, she sometimes does not know what country she is in, since she does not speak the language; when she goes out to buy sexy undergarments which will make money for her owner, she is escorted by a guard; even if she wanted to ask for help she would not dare…" “Their movement is restricted, their passports are torn and seized; in the first phase they are locked-up and under continuous watch. Later they sometime go out but somebody is always with them. In several cases they tried to run away by were caught and beaten so that they are afraid to try it again."

This is how one of respondents described victimisation, control, and exploitation of a Romanian girl who came to Serbia and Montene- gro in the beginning of 2003 to do agricultural work but ended up in a bar, first working as a stripper, and then as a prostitute:

“…She was enslaved there. She had a room with two guards in front of it. She had no freedom of movement. They brought her food in this ro- om. In the evening they would take her to the bar. In the beginning she was only a stripper, later she was ‘introduced' to prostitution…"

Women — victims of trafficking are almost daily exposed to differ- ent forms of physical, psychic, and sexual violence; or, as one of re- spondents said, to “all kinds of torture".

“…Persons who buy them and their associates often rape them… They abuse them physically, beat them, they are forced into sexual inter- course without protection, forced to have abortion at a ‘butcher's place', they are physically abused in many different ways…" (Sandra Ljubinko- vic, coordinator of the NGO ASTRA from Belgrade)

Here is what respondents from Novi Pazar and Subotica said about terrible violence to which victims are exposed to:

84  “I will mention a case of a woman from Romania who worked in Kosovo — she was a prostitute and was enslaved by an owner of a bar in Kosovo Polje. The bar owner abused her, beat her, forced her to drink and receive twenty clients a day. When she disobeyed, he deprived her of food…" “…When they came, they locked her up in a cellar, beat her, raped her (the bar owner and other men whom he and his wife brought there), they used to put out their cigarettes on her body, they forced her to jog so as to lose weight. After that she was taken to Bubanj potok where a man from Novi Sad came and took her to Novi Sad. He put her in his apartment and later moved her in a weekend house where there was al- ready one Ukrainian girl. There they were both kept locked-up, raped, be- aten. Then they were transferred to Vitez, in Bosnia and Herzegovina in a night bar in which they worked…"

Besides, the victims are also exposed to violence when they decline to perpetrate prostitution or try to escape, which is confirmed by the words of one of our respondents from Belgrade:

“Last year a case in a brothel in Leskovac drew much attention. The girls who did not want to engage in prostitution were brought there and told to get ready since a certain number of clients were waiting for them. After they refused to do it, the beatings followed, and physical abuse, and then there was nothing left for them to do but to comply. If a client com- plains, they are treated with torture again. This was a group of girls who tried in every possible way to resist and escape. Even to their clients they tried to indicate that something was wrong. Once a worker in the bar no- ticed that a girl was trying to hand over a notice to a client on which it stood that she was not a prostitute but a victim of trafficking and the girl was severely punished."

Moreover, the victims are constantly imposed deeper and deeper feelings of insecurity, dependency, and desperation. Very powerful mechanism for controlling women — victims of trafficking is by threats: threatening by violence or death pointed di- rectly towards the victim but also towards her family. In this way the victims are kept in constant fear for themselves and for their families. Also, they are threatened that their families and friends will be notified about what they do and where they are. On the other hand, they thre- aten them by police, that she will be reported to the police, or that, if she attempts to escape, she will be arrested in the territory of other country without the documents and that she will therefore be punished and deported in her country of origin. In addition to threats, they are

85 blackmailed, also by reporting to the police, notifying the parents and friends where she is and what she does, by expulsion from the apart- ment, work, or similar. This is confirmed by what our respondents said:

“Every victim of trafficking has first passed through various forms of violence; she was threatened that she is in a foreign country and that she will be deported if she was reported to the police; that once she gets back home everybody would know what she did. Some were threatened that they would be killed, thrown into the Danube, that nobody would ever know neither who nor what they are. They really do believe these stories and are afraid of their trafficker, and, of course, being in a hopeless situa- tion, they consent to engage in prostitution…" “…Often a threat of death is a form of control and exploitation. The most painful and the most horrible for them are the threats directed to people closest to them (their children, parents, siblings). Namely, in first days the traffickers try to establish a good relationship with the victim, and victims often tell them intimate things so that they get to know things about her family situation and significant persons in her life. They later use this information entrusted to them by the victims to threaten that they will kill people who are closest to them or that they will let them know about the indecent life that they are leading…"

In such circumstances, women, fearing their exploiters and their re- venge, consent to anything, even to engage in prostitution. They see them (traffickers/exploiters) as “powerful, since they keep threatening them; they live in a constant fear of them… these people ‘can do any- thing'… everything is accessible to them, nothing is impossible for them to do, they are capable of anything, they can do anything they want". One of respondents told us about a case from Leskovac, where fo- ur girls from Romania and one from the Ukraine, about 20 years old, were forced to perpetrate prostitution in a night bar. How the owners of that bar blackmailed them shows how sly and perfidious the traffick- ers in humans really are:

“…The owners used a method of intimidation on them: they staged a murder and told them that if any one of them say anything about it (about ‘the murder' or anything else), she will be killed too. That was pretty convincing."

One of the forms of exploitation is coercion to prostitution, namely to providing sexual services. One of respondents told us about the case when “12—13 girls were taken to the police, and the owner of the bar in which they worked owed DM 800—850 to each of them, and in that

86 bar each of them had to have sex with 17—18 men in 2—3 days". Ac- cording to the person we interviewed at the Sombor Department of Border Police, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, in the territory of their city there were “a number of bars where the girls worked who had been bought for DM 5000, after which they were seized passports, and were mentally abused, exploited, they were forced to perpetrate prostitution". Debt bondage is another form of exploiting the women — victims of trafficking. A woman we interviewed in the Municipal Public Prose- cutor's Office in Novi Sad, said:

“This girl replied to the announcement that read 'Earn Foreign Cur- rency Fast and Easy in Yugoslavia'. She was transferred from Hungary to Serbia and Montenegro, and then from Kraljevo to Kosovo. In Kosovo she had to earn her ransom (EUR 500) by providing sexual services to mem- bers of KFOR, and, one day, after having serviced 17 soldiers, she had to jump through the window to go to the police…"

Victims are financially dependent of their traffickers, they do not get their pay or they get amounts much below those that were agreed. Thus, one of respondents from Novi Pazar said: “They frighten the vic- tim when crossing the border already, as soon as she enters other coun- try she is told that she was sold and the amount of money she has to earn working for him, and she still does not understand that she is in debt bondage and that she will never manage to buy herself off". These are the examples of economic exhaustion of victims and of keeping them in a slavery status:

“Two years ago, for example, the owner of the bar charged the cli- ents DM 100, out of which the woman would get only DM 10. He would take that money saying that it is for food, clothes, and similar; and they li- ved in some sheds in the yard, they were given unwholesome food to eat and only once a day to that. This means that everything was only a mask to get the victim economically exhausted to the greatest possible degree. Women would be maximally exploited by servicing numerous clients with- out getting anything since the owner got what they earned claiming it for the travel costs, accommodation, food, and clothes." “…When they arrived to Vrnjacka Banja, the owner told them that they must provide sexual services. The owner was taking DM 100, and the girls did not get anything…"

One respondent, a magistrate judge, when she came across a case of a girl from Romania who ended up in a bar near Belgrade said:

87  “What she earns is taken from her, or she is given only a small per- cent of it for she does not need anything — she is given food and some clothes…"

One of the methods by which women — victims of trafficking are controlled, or this control over them is strengthened, is by forcing them into addiction to drugs or alcohol. One of our respondents said as fol- lows:

“…Some of the girls were drugged and in such condition transferred to the facilities in which they were exploited, or the drugs were sold in those facilities and she acquired that ‘habit' so that she could bear all that was happening to her, or to be able to stand it physically (use of stimu- lants), which is at the same time a form of the control they exert — they become addicted and then they threaten her that, if she tells anyone, they will say that she has smuggled the drugs and she would be punished."

Conditions in which women — victims of trafficking live and work are predominantly poor, almost unbearable, and that is an additional form of their victimisation, namely violation of fundamental human rights:

“Brothels in which the girls were kept were somewhat different in terms of working and living conditions; there were some “solid" houses in Banovci and Boljevci, and the café at the BSK stadium in Batajnica is re- ferred to as the worst in which an owner kept and exploited the girls. This was a huge room, divided by room dividers/curtains behind which the victims provided sexual services."

Very indicative is also the example given by Dusan Zlokas, deputy commander of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Af- fairs, and it refers to Milivoje Zarubica in whose motel “Sveti Nikola", among the rest, 46 girls were found in a very small space in 1999. In addition to this, women are sold and resold several times: “…they become goods and they trade in them, i.e. they pay for them, sell them, buy them, and such ‘goods' has a price, and that, from the broader per- spective of the Balkans, ranges from EUR 500 to 2500, while in our country it is lower — about EUR 200".103 According to one of respon- dents, a magistrate judge, in a case she worked on in the beginning of 103 Interview with Dusan Zlokas, deputy commander of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs.

88 2003, the price of a girl from Romania, about 20 years old, was EUR 500. It is interesting that big centres for shopping the girls still exist in Ro- mania and Hungary: these are Arad in Romania, and Debrecin in Hun- gary.104 About this one of respondents, from the Sombor Department of Border Police, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, said:

“When they come to buy the girls, they look at everything (girls are being stripped naked and looked at their teeth, arms, legs) and that is how their price are determined. Those girls who do not take drugs have a higher price, but they are often being drugged once they end up in a bar. For a time (during the war) the price of a girl was about DM 2000."

Such treatment, i.e. exposure to various kinds of victimisation, ex- ploitation and control, causes in victims of trafficking a great number of consequences to their physical and mental health. Zoran Ilic, PhD, psy- chiatrist in the Institute for Mental Health, who had 6 cases of women — victims of trafficking in his work to date, said that “all of them had posttraumatic stress disorder; one had agoraphobia as a consequence of being held in a small space". Also, he gave the following example:

“…One of them was a mentally retarded girl, our citizen, and she had no documents at all. She was brought from Macedonia in a com- pletely psychotic condition. For some time she was in “Laza Lazareviã" Hospital and after that she was transferred to the Institute for Mental He- alth. She developed psychosis as a response to the torture she had under- gone in Macedonia where she was kept in a small room with seven more girls. There they were thrown the food, water, and make-up. They were given some time to put on make-up and then would be thrown out in the street to work…"

In the end, particularly indicative is the example of a girl from Moldova, showing almost all mechanisms of control, exploitation and victimisation present in a case:

“A girl from Moldova, involved in a trafficking chain, was locked up in a private prison at a 2nd or 3rd floor. For first several days her relation- ship with the owner was correct. He bought her clothes, food; they had sexual relations. First conflict arose when he brought the first client, after about a week. The girl was out of her mind. She had believed that her pimp was her boyfriend. Then she was beaten for the first time and for- ced into sexual intercourse. After the sexual intercourse she had a nervous

104 Information obtained in the Police in Sombor Section of Border Police, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs.

89  breakdown and jumped through the window. She broke both her legs but managed to report the case to the police…"

VI 3. Indirect Indicators (Markers) of Trafficking in Women

A complex phenomenon such as trafficking in women cannot be completely understood only based on direct indicators. Therefore, thro- ugh indirect indicators — “markers", we tried to make estimates on the scope and risk of trafficking in women in Serbia. To this effect, respon- dents answered the questions about the sex industry and prostitution, begging, vagrancy, and illegal labour.

VI 3.1. Sex Industry and Prostitution

Sex industry and prostitution are concepts closely linked to traffick- ing in women. The main difference between them is that trafficking in women implies the enslavement, namely, absence of liberty to make de- cisions and to move. A woman — victim of trafficking is the ownership of the person who has bought her and cannot, out of her own will, cea- se her engagement in prostitution. Prostitution, on the other hand, re- gardless to what degree it involves various forms of coercion and ex- ploitation, implies possibility of having one's own body and earnings on one's disposal, freedom of movement, freedom of decision-making regarding whether to engage or not to engage in prostitution, etc. Vic- tims of trafficking in women may be both the women who were de- ceived and therefore coerced into perpetration of prostitution, or the women who engaged in prostitution out of their own will but were la- ter drawn into a trafficking chain and fell into an enslaved status.105 Prevalence of sex industry and prostitution in one country is an important risk factor of trafficking in women. In order to obtain infor- mation or estimates of the prevalence of sex industry and prostitution in Serbia, we have asked respondents about the scope and forms of sex industry and prostitution in their surroundings and in the Republic.

VI 3.1.a. Estimate of the Scope

Sex industry and prostitution are, according to the estimates of the majority of respondents, widely prevalent occurrences, both in most of 105 Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (2003) “Trafficking in People and Organized Crime: definition of basic concept and methods of data collection", in “Trafficking in People in Serbia — Seminar for Researchers", Training Material, unpublished, p. 6.

90 the cities in which we conducted our research, and in Serbia as a whole. Also, most of respondents believe that these occurrences have been more frequent in the last five years. Some of respondents compa- red increase in the number and further spreading of sex industry with an epidemic, and others have specified that sex industry is thriving in Serbia and that in some parts of Serbia it is more noticeable and in ot- her more latent. On the other hand, some of respondents were of opin- ion that prostitution has been stagnated but that it had become more evident in the recent period. A smaller number of respondents believe that sex industry has been shrinking in the last five years. The main specified causes of the increase of prostitution include transition in former socialistic countries, opening-up towards the West- ern World, collective victimisation in this region — war in the surroun- dings, a large number of refugees, disorders in the country, economic crisis and the lack of opportunity to provide employment for young pe- ople, a disturbed system of values, liberalisation of media, current politi- cal situation, inadequate response from government authorities (primar- ily from the police), etc. Most of respondents believe that, after police actions in the recent period, more precisely within the “Sabre" police campaign, prostitution has become more covered and that it gradually passes into the illegal- ity, namely that sex industry is now shifting and moving towards the countryside. According to their belief, this does not have an effect on the abating of this occurrence. On the other hand, there are also those who are of the opinion that the “Sabre" police campaign and combating the organized crime have contributed to of prostitution. As regards the number of foreign prostitutes, the majority of re- spondents believe that this number is decreasing, particularly in Novi Pazar and Belgrade. At the same time, according to the respondents from Novi Pazar, the number of women from Serbia engaged in prosti- tution has increased. The obtained results suggest that prevalence of the internal and the trans-national trafficking in women in Serbia potentially exceeds the one that is showed by direct indicators.

VI 3.1.b. The Forms

Recognizable manifestations of prostitution include: street prostitu- tion, hotel prostitution, agency prostitution, non-agency prostitution, and prostitution in private homes, prostitution in night clubs and bars, elite prostitution, sport prostitution, and prostitution for topping up the family income.

91  Street prostitution is a form of prostitution in which most socially deprived categories involve, including Roma girls mostly. According to a number of our respondents, these women earn about EUR 10 or slightly above this sum. Most of respondents have precisely located pla- ces where street prostitution is practiced in their respective cities, which was easy to do since this form of prostitution is clearly visible. Hotel prostitution was much more intense in the earlier period. Now, although it still exists in this form, it has been transformed into prostitution in private homes in its largest part. Mostly students from the Serbian countryside are practicing this form of prostitution, and, in addition to the pimp, hotel staff is also involved in organizing this kind of prostitution. They ensure that prostitutes reach the rooms of their cli- ents unobserved, without registering in the book of guests. A more advanced form of prostitution is agency prostitution, invol- ving women of higher education level and better financial status. This includes various agencies — for “business escort", massage and relax- ation, employment, for fashion models and photo models, agencies for singers and dancers, and similar. This form of prostitution records the greatest growth in last five years. It is exercised in private homes, ren- ted ones, and, according to our respondents, it is well developed and organized. There is also prostitution in private homes which does not classify as agency prostitution — this is so-called ‘friendly' prostitution, for peo- ple ‘set up' their friends with the prostitutes. This prostitution is mostly invisible. Even married women are involved in this form of prostitu- tion; they are employed on permanent or temporary basis and are not registered as prostitutes. Prostitution in night bars and clubs is, besides agency prostitution, a form that is undergoing the greatest expansion. Our respondents ha- ve confirmed that such bars and clubs exist in almost all cities in Serbia. It seems that this form of prostitution is associated with trafficking in women to the largest degree. The least known and the most hidden is so-called “elite prostitu- tion" — prostitution upon a telephone call, in political and business cir- cles, first-class hotels, and similar. For this type of prostitution, the girls are engaged for a longer period and the fees are extremely high. Accor- ding to a number of respondents, these fees are between 500 and seve- ral thousands of EUR. Sport prostitution is a form of prostitution where the clubs (mainly football clubs) provide the prostitutes for the referees and players. Finally, there also exists a form of prostitution for topping up the family income. Mostly married women who are forced to engage in

92 prostitution so as to provide food for themselves and their families are engaged in this form of prostitution. It was also noted that prostitution as a phenomenon has not been adequately investigated. Also noted is the fact that new forms of prosti- tution are constantly evolving — Internet prostitution and pornogra- phy, e-mail trafficking, e-mail prostitution, child pornography. The re- spondents have noted that a number of the so-called “call girls" is growing. In the beginning, these girls do not work through agencies but are later drawn into an organized scheme. Also, the contents associ- ated with prostitution are now increasingly present in media, first of all in daily newspapers and on TV where “hot lines" are widely advertised and continuously growing in number. These contents, according to so- me of respondents, include offers of jobs in the countries of the Arab world, Middle East, Italy, which may draw our women into prostitution and often even into trafficking. The respondents have also said that, ac- cording to some information they have available, traffickers in people are also behind many beauty contests that take place in Serbia.

VI 3.1.c. Geographic Prevalence

According to the majority of respondents, sex industry and prosti- tution are mostly represented in big towns. However, some of them be- lieve that there are no rules when it comes to prostitution and that it affects both the urban and rural area, the capital and the inside of the country. Results of the research reveal that, within the surveyed cities, sex industry and prostitution are most represented in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Novi Pazar, Vrnjacka Banja, Velika Plana, Pozarevac, and Subotica; and that the prostitution is completely absent, or present only to a limi- ted extent, in Zrenjanin, Zajecar, and Sombor. Further, there is some in- formation that prostitution is well developed in Negotin, Kladovo and Tutin.

Belgrade

According to respondents, both sex industry and prostitution are widely prevalent in Belgrade. All manifestations are represented and all parts of the town are affected. Also, respondents mainly asserted that this occurrence has become more frequent in the last five years. The av- erage price for sexual services in Belgrade is EUR 50. Street prostitution in the capital is located at the well known sites — “Blue Bridge", Lomina Street, Narodnog Fronta Street, Kamenicka

93 Street, bus and railway station, near the Port, the Zemun Park, high- ways, Bezanijska Kosa. It is the girls of Roma nationality that predomi- nantly engage in this kind of prostitution. According to what we heard from respondents from the Belgrade police, a great number of the pros- titutes that practice street prostitution on these sites have been arrested in the course of the year so that this form of prostitution has been re- duced to “normal" extent. Hotel prostitution, according to some of respondents, is present in most of the hotels in Belgrade — they specifically mentioned the Me- tropol and Slavija Hotels. Budimir Poluga, commander of the Department for Public Peace and Order within the Police Administration in Belgrade, said the fol- lowing about this kind of prostitution:

“Those are predominantly students, the girls from the countryside who study in Belgrade; they are educated and use all available measures of protection. Hotel prostitution is the most difficult to prove since hotel receptionists are connected with the girls who provide sexual services, mostly to foreign guests. Therefore, the girls stay in the hotels without be- ing registered in the book of guests, etc."

In the course of last ten years or so, there were some 30 night bars in the territory of Belgrade in which the girls, mostly foreign, worked as strippers and prostitutes. Today, based on the information of some of our respondents, there are only three bars of this kind and the girls who work in them are citizens of our country. Opinions are divided when it comes to the agency prostitution. Namely, almost all of respondents agree that this form of prostitution was widely prevalent in the recent period. However, a number of our respondents said that the extent of agency prostitution was reduced, as a consequence of police raids. Others, on the other hand, believe that agency prostitution is still widely prevalent in Belgrade, and that police action have only shifted these agencies in the suburbia, in private ho- mes, so that now it is even more difficult to discover them. The pimps who work in these agencies, according to some of respondents, move very quickly across the town, they even know registration numbers of police cars, and are very well organized and informed. The girls who work in these agencies provide sexual services in rented apartments and at homes of their clients. Their bodyguards take them to the hotels or their clients' apartments and take a percent of what they earn. Ac- cording to the information at disposal of the commander of the Depart- ment for Public Peace and Order in Belgrade, during 2002 and in the first half of 2003, some 50 agencies for business escort have been closed

94 in the territory of Belgrade. Out of this number, according to respon- dents working in the Belgrade Police Department for Foreigners, in the period between January and June 2003, 14 agencies of this kind have been closed. In addition to the city centre, Novi Belgrade and Batajnica, as well as nearby cities of Stara Pazova and Pancevo have been mentioned as centres of prostitution.

Other Towns

Almost all kinds of prostitution are represented in the towns of in- ner Serbia: street, prostitution in the restaurants along the highways, business escort agencies, prostitution in night bars, etc. According to one of respondents, a representative of the police, “every bigger town in Serbia has a night bar which is actually a brothel. The services provi- ded there are predominantly of low quality — these are common resta- urants, the waitresses from Romania work as prostitutes and so on". Problem of the prostitution is particularly intense in some cities in Serbia. Novi Pazar is, according to respondents from this city, a town with a widely spread sex industry. Our respondents confirmed the words of the Minister of Internal Affairs, Dusan Mihajlovic, who said once that there are more than 70 facilities in Novi Pazar where prostitu- tion is practiced. All respondents from this city believe that prostitution in Novi Pazar is growing, thriving even. All forms of prostitution are widely prevalent, beginning with street prostitution to the prostitution practiced in night bars whose number exceeds 20. Mostly women from the underprivileged segment of the society engage in street prostitu- tion, often including the persons with special needs. The prostitution is most widely present in catering facilities and night bars. One of our re- spondents from Novi Pazar specified:

“There are two types of bars in the town — those registered as cafés with working hours until 11 p.m. which illegally work until the morning hours, and those with longer working hours (until 2 a.m.). Usually, these facilities have an ancillary room which is used for this purpose. For exam- ple, in one such ancillary room, three girls were found with clients (men over 18) and taken to the police station. Two girls of age, one 21 and the other 23 years old from Cacak and Vojvodina, worked as waitresses. All of them said that they received from their clients 50 German marks each and gave to the owner of the bar 20 or 30 marks out of that sum. They were not registered and the owner of the café was therefore reported to com- petent authorities."

95  According to the obtained information, the whole families someti- mes engage in prostitution in Novi Pazar:

“I know of a family whose female members practice prostitution. A fifty years old woman, mother of two adult children (both unemployed), having no other source of income, began to practice prostitution and shortly after that to procure her daughter and daughter-in-law as well. Now they provide clients for each other. They do it outside their home since they all live in one room. The woman's son is not aware of what is going on or does not care."

Foreign women and women from Novi Pazar both practice prosti- tution there, but there are also women from other parts of the country — Vrsac, Negotin, Sombor, Odzaci, Novi Sad, Zrenjanin, Bor, Sabac, Kraljevo, Raska, Pirot, Cacak, Pancevo, Belgrade. Here is what one of respondents said about women from other parts of Serbia who come to Novi Pazar to practice prostitution:

“More and more girls come to Novi Pazar and look for a job exclu- sively in cafés and bars. They avoid the jobs offered in production of je- ans and shoes. Almost all of them came here with a clear goal to sell love. They say that their parents believe that they are working as hotel recepti- onists, or as hairdressers or sale assistants. Some girls engage in prostitu- tion as soon as they arrive here and they talk about it openly and bra- zenly. A rule that only poor girls practice prostitution is broken here — there is a girl from Novi Sad whose family is known to be rich."

In addition to Novi Pazar, prostitution is very widely prevalent in Tutin. One of respondents has the information about a restaurant in Tutin where the owner “displays" the women, eight or ten of them, with 15 to 40 years of age, for the guests to choose. The price is EUR 5 to 50. Novi Sad is also a “black mark" when prostitution is concerned. The respondents from this city believe that prostitution is widely preva- lent in Novi Sad and that the dark figure is huge. There is a certain de- gree of street prostitution, but prostitution is really blossoming in priva- te homes, hotels, and night bars. According to respondents, business es- cort agencies hire girls from Serbia and the girls from other countries (Moldova, the Ukraine) mostly work in night bars. Also, many bars em- ploy women from Serbia. Agency prostitution is common as well. Pros- titution is present even in suburbia, such as in Veternik and Futog. In some towns, although sex industry and prostitution are wide- spread, not all its manifestations are present. This is a case in Vrnjacka

96 Banja where hotel prostitution, and prostitution in bars and brothels predominate. As regards the prostitutes, they are mainly our citizens but, as one of respondents said “it is a public secret that foreigners co- me to work as dancers". The prostitution is also present in Sabac, accor- ding to respondents from this town, but it principally takes place in se- veral private facilities — cafés, mostly in the suburbia, which are sus- pected to be brothels actually, while there is no street prostitution or business escort agencies. Already mentioned catering facilities employ mainly foreign women, and that is so both in case of those in the centre of the town and in the surroundings. The situation is similar in Suboti- ca where the prostitution is predominantly present in the night bars with our girls, while there are also some agencies for business escort, erotic massage, etc. In the cities of Velika Plana and Pozarevac, it is the street prostitution that predominates. Biljana Ignjatovic, special pedagogue with the Centre for Social Work in Pozarevac, said about this:

“Here in Pozarevac we have prostitutes in the streets, even in clear daylight, in front of the police building, in villages and village inns. Now they are here for all of us to see them and they are not ashamed of it."

In addition to street prostitution, Pozarevac has some private, un- registered brothels, where foreign women work. Those are mainly girls from Romania or the Ukraine, between 18 and 25 years of age; they are mostly deceived and forced to prostitution. Our respondents also said that sometimes even older women, some of them over 40, engage in prostitution in order to top up their family incomes. According to respondents from Zrenjanin, Zajecar, and Sombor, prostitution is not widely prevalent in their towns. In Zajecar, for exam- ple, since 2002 to date, only two cases were registered concerning inter- mediation in the exercise of prostitution. Officially, business escort is non-existent and there are no facilities in which prostitution is practi- ced. However, some of respondents believe that the mere fact that pro- stitution is not reported and does not appear in statistical records does not necessary mean that prostitution is non-existent. According to the persons we have interviewed in the Zajecar Department of Border Poli- ce for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, as opposed to Zajecar, pro- stitution is very widely prevalent in Negotin and Kladovo where there are many facilities with prostitutes. The reason for so widely prevalent prostitution in these cities lies in the fact that Negotin and Kladovo are wealthy areas with a high percentage of population working abroad. According to respondents from Zrenjanin, in this town and its surroun- dings, the prostitution began to spread in the early nineties, with the

97 arrival of the girls from Russia and the Ukraine who found jobs in cafés. Later, three or four years ago, arrived the girls from Romania and Moldova. Members of the UNPROFOR became their regular guests. Then again, one of respondents from Zrenjanin believes that this town is a closed, small, predominantly agricultural area where people have no money for prostitution. There are no registered prostitutes, but he cannot tell whether it is so because there are not any prostitutes or be- cause the police perform poorly.

VI 3.1.d. Connection between Prostitution and Trafficking in Women for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation

Although existing international documents and most of modern le- gislations make distinction between trafficking in women and prostitu- tion, the results of our research show that it is hard to make a clear line between these two concepts. Prostitution is connected to trafficking in humans in many ways. Prostitution, i.e. sexual exploitation is one of the possible forms of exploitation of the victims of trafficking in women, and it is usually hard to make a division between voluntary and forced prostitution, and particularly between forced prostitution and traffic- king in women. Our respondents, based on the knowledge they acquired through work or otherwise, also feel that the line of demarcation here is very vague and that sex industry is closely linked to trafficking in women. Thus, one of our respondents, a magistrate judge, said that in her work she mostly comes across cases of trafficking in women, for “many of prostitutes and foreign girls are trafficked women". The girls and women who practice prostitution “voluntarily" are quite often exposed to various forms of victimisation. The respondents who come across these cases in their work told us that they had cases when the prostitutes were forced to have a sexual intercourse without protection and to do “some pervert things"; that the prostitutes often cannot decide for themselves which client to choose, that they are not provided health protection nor taken to have medical check-ups, that they can move about only if escorted by a bodyguard, that their pimps often draw them into drug addiction, and similar. One of respondents, a representative of the police, mentioned a case of a girl who “became the owner's favourite and had privileges, in the sense that she was al- lowed to use cocaine." Also, according to what one of respondents said, the prostitutes sometimes cannot move freely and their passports are seized. “It is a kind of ‘purgatory' period; so that they would not escape

98 or draw attention of other people". But real problems arise at the mo- ment when they want to stop practicing prostitution. Sandra Ljubinkovic, coordinator of the NGO ASTRA, Belgrade, said about this:

“The (business escort) agencies also employ some of our girls who willingly practice prostitution. But, when at certain moment they want to stop, the violence is introduced. The pimps threaten them, saying they would call them at home and they did call some, etc."

A number of our respondents have come across the cases of wo- men who began to practice prostitution of their own will but later beca- me the victims of trafficking. Vesna Stanojevic, coordinator of the Co- unselling Centre against Domestic Violence and Shelter for Women Vic- tims of Trafficking said that they had several cases in the Shelter and these involved Ukrainian girls who stated that ‘it is better to be a prosti- tute here than to go back to where they came from'. One of respondents from Novi Pazar also had in his work some ca- ses of girls who came to Novi Pazar for economic reasons, to support themselves and their families; they began to work as waitresses or dan- cers but later ended up working as prostitutes, some of them out of their own will and some were forced to it. He expressed doubt that among prostitutes there are “a large number of victims of trafficking, of prostitutes who have no any chance of choosing or deciding for them- selves. Most often they are treated as animals or things; as one of the victims said: on the ‘buy/use/sell' principle." Other respondents from Novi Pazar confirmed that a number of prostitutes who are actually vic- tims of trafficking in that town is high, and that some of them began to practice prostitution willingly and were later forced to it. Vanja Bulic, editor in chief of the BK TV satellite program, had as a guest in his program called “The Pearls" a girl from Serbia, a prostitute who “at first consented to everything, but who actually was a victim of trafficking since she had been sold without even knowing it. She was not aware that she was a victim".

VI 3.1.e. Illegal Migrations (Internal and External), Prostitution, and Trafficking in Women

The data about the number of illegal migrants, namely of illegal entries into the country, and the number of foreign and our women who engage in prostitution, may offer us a better insight to as well as ability to estimate the number of victims and the risk of trafficking in

99 women in Serbia. Also, for this purpose we may make use of the data about the number of our citizens penalized for the failure to register their residence. In 2002 in the territory of Belgrade, there were 600 reports on the offence of perpetration of prostitution. Those were mainly citizens of Serbia — only a few of them were foreigners. From the court register in Novi Pazar we have obtained the num- ber of the women sentenced due to the unregistered residence or illicit crossing of the state border. In 2002, 28 persons were sentenced, out of which 10 foreign women, 4 from Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2 from Chi- na, 2 from Germany, 1 from Romania, and 1 from Turkey. When our ci- tizens are concerned, those are mainly girls of 20—25 years of age whose residence was not registered. Some of them worked in cafés and restaurants in this town. In 2003, 15 persons were sentenced because of the unregistered residence, among them 5 foreign women — two from Macedonia and three from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Again, these are mostly the girls between 20—25 years of age. The above mentioned cases include 4 young girls (22 and 24 years old) from Nis, Vrsac, Obrenovac and Belgrade, who were found in a ca- sino, and a 25 years old girl from Zrenjanin who was found in a bar owned by a woman suspected of being a trafficker in people. Further- more, a woman from Pancevo who was found in a night bar and had no registered residence and no identity card, and a girl from Romania who had no registered residence and was engaged in prostitution. In all these case there was a suspicion of either voluntary prostitution or trafficking in women. In 2002 in Novi Sad, 54 persons over 18 were sentenced for viola- tion of the regulations on residence and domicile, and 97 persons over 18 were sentenced for violation of the regulations on movement and re- sidence of foreigners. The respondents were not able to specify the sex structure categories of the sentenced. In the Centre for Social Work in Novi Sad they have the data that in the territory of this city some 200 persons have been registered as practicing prostitution of lower level (street prostitution). All of them are women — citizens of Serbia. On the other hand, respondents from the municipal courts specified that some 100 adult prostitutes have been registered. Again, all of them are from Serbia. During 2002, the po- lice found 430 foreign women in the territory of Novi Sad. 23 persons did not have proper documents, including 10 women from Romania, 5 from Moldova, 6 from the Ukraine, and 2 from Russia. Based on the data provided by the Pozarevac police, the number of illegal entries in the country in 2000 was 27 and 59 persons were invol- ved; in 2001 there were 31 entries with 38 persons; in 2002 there were

100 18 illegal entries and 27 persons; and, finally, in 2003 there was one en- try and 2 persons. In 2000 there were 11 attempts of illegal exits with 12 persons; in 2001 there were 12 exits with 27 persons; in 2002 there were 4 exits and 8 persons; and in 2003, there was one exit with 3 persons. The respondents were not able to specify sex and age structure of these persons. In the territory under the competence of the Sabac Police (which comprises eight municipalities), only women — foreign citizens were punished for offence and even they were not punished for perpetration of prostitution but for carrying out a business activity without a neces- sary license (work permit for foreigners), or for an offence based on the Law on Movement and Residence of Foreigners. In all these cases, the- se women (who were actually practicing prostitution) were found in ca- tering facilities, sitting alone or in company of guests, or, sometimes, working as waitresses. All registered and sentenced prostitutes were young women over 18, except one (a girl from Moldova who was 17 years old). Here below follows an overview of the structure of women sentenced for offence and practicing prostitution (based on their nation- ality):

Year Romanians Moldovians Ukrainians Bulgarians Tot al: 2002 22 2 25 3 52 2003 2 / 14 / 16 (first five months)

Also, in 2002 and 2003, four women were identified who entered the country illegally. All these cases were, according to our respondents in the police in Sabac, the cases of “smuggling the prostitutes who wanted to enter Serbia or to pass through Serbia".

VI 3.2. Begging and Vagrancy

We decided on begging and vagrancy as markers of trafficking in women since these two concepts are closely related to the concept of trafficking in women. Namely, women beggars and vagrants are ex- posed to different kinds of exploitation and coercion, and their comple- te defencelessness and marginalisation put them at high risk of traffick- ing in women. As a result, the extent of begging and vagrancy, and participation of women in the structure of beggars and vagrants in Ser- bia may serve as an indirect indicator and point at the risk of trafficking in women in our country.

101  VI 3.2.a. Women, Poverty, Begging, and Trafficking in Women

According to the estimates of almost all our respondents, the ma- jority of beggars and vagrants in their cities are women and children. Estimates of participation of women and children in the population of beggars ranges between over fifty to 99 percent at times. The reason for this, according to some of respondents, is that people are more “respon- sive" to women and children and therefore give them money more eas- ily. However, there are some different opinions. A woman we have in- terviewed said that, in her opinion, poverty in our country is obvious and that we are facing a phenomenon that may be defined as feminisa- tion of poverty. And it is destitution and poverty that force women to, when unable to find a job, look for alternatives way to survive and pro- vide for themselves and their families. One of these alternatives is beg- ging. According to the records of the Shelter for Adult Persons in Belgra- de, only in 2002 they provided shelter for 77 women — beggars and va- grants. Our respondents believe that women of all years of age are threat- ened. The example from Novi Pazar confirms this:

“I know a 74 years old woman who was ashamed when she was brought to the police station. She explained that she lived alone with her husband of approximately the same age who, due to a brain stroke is un- able walk or speak. Their only son died from heart attack and their daug- hter-in-law re-married. Until recently she was able to knit socks and sell them in the neighbourhood but now she cannot do it any more since she has severe hand tremors".

Several of our respondents said that in their immediate work they had not encountered a case of trafficking in women that was associated with begging and vagrancy. However, they do believe that such cases exist. Two of our respondents have acquired information about it from media or from indirect sources. The respondents did not have any in- formation regarding the sale of women from Serbia abroad for the pur- pose of begging, with the exception of two respondents who had indi- rectly learnt about some cases of sale of Roma girls for the purpose of begging.

VI 3.2.b. Geographic Prevalence

Begging and vagrancy is, according to the majority of respondents, widely prevalent mainly in big cities in Serbia and it has been ex-

102 panded in the last five years. As main causes for expansion of begging and vagrancy in our country, respondents specified wars, great number of refugees and IDPs, inadequate care of children, primarily Roma chil- dren, and also economic crisis, high level of unemployment, etc. Anot- her reason for the increase of begging, lies in the fact that, according to the information obtained by some of our respondents, begging is a very lucrative business. The majority of respondents believe that begging is well organized and that there is only a small number of “true" beggars who beg for themselves. The beggars are mainly divided according to the territory and they fight for it. They are brought by their “chiefs", most often in vans, to their territory and after their “working hours" they are taken back by the same persons. Women and children mostly go to “strategic" places — the busiest ones, where the fluctuation of people is largest. Sandra Ljubinkovic, coordinator of the NGO ASTRA believes that orga- nized networks of beggars do not differ significantly from organized crime. Beggars, according to her, must earn a certain amount of money per day for their owner.

Belgrade

According to respondents, begging and vagrancy have become very intense problems in Belgrade. Most of our respondents believe that the reason for this expansion should be sought in the economic crisis. Also, the beggars in Belgrade are organized. The most affected population category with regard to this is the population of Roma since they are unable to find “regular" jobs, and they follow refugees, disabled per- sons, and homeless persons. According to Milica Simic, coordinator of the Roma Child Centre, there are two groups of beggars — Roma: those who beg for themsel- ves and those who beg for somebody from their family. In the vicinity of the St. Marko Church, for example, they are begging in an organized manner but for the requirements of their own families. A mother with her five children begs every day at this site. They are very well trained but they are not interlinked in a wider network of beggars; according to Milica, they are simply forced to beg by their dire poverty. These are all large Roma families which, at times, may have more than ten members all of whom must eat, and they are offered no alternative but to beg. The official statistical data confirm that the problem of begging in Belgrade is widely prevalent. According to the records of the Magistrate Courts, in 2002 there were 1413 reports of offences connected to beg-

103 ging in the territory of Belgrade, but the gender structure we were not able to obtain.

Other Cities

Novi Sad is very affected by this phenomenon. The respondents from this city maintain that there are “hundreds" of beggars in this town, and most of them are women and children. These are mostly women begging with small children in their laps, and most beggars are working at the crossroads of Bulevar Oslobodjenja and Bulevar Jase To- mica, and between Temerinska and Partizanska Street. There are beg- gars who beg to survive and other beggars, who beg in an organized manner and earn their living that way. According to the records of the First Police Station in Novi Sad, in the time period between 1 January 2003 and 20 June 2003, 28 reports of offence of begging were filed, out of which women are involved in three cases. According to the records of the Second Police Station, in the first six months of 2003, two reports against 8 persons of Roma nationality were filed, and majority of them were women. In 2002, three women with two children from Leskovac were registered for begging. Begging is widely present in Novi Pazar too. The respondents beli- eve that one of the main reasons for the increase of number of beggars is a myth about Novi Pazar as a place where only rich people live and without any crisis. There are all age categories of beggars, even old women. The beggars include Roma, local population, but also newcom- ers from other cities of Serbia and Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herze- govina. They rent rooms with poor families and stay in the city for sev- eral months, after which they are replaced by other beggars. Among the beggars, there are many women with small children who, at minus 17 degrees, place their children on the ground and beg. A person we interviewed in Novi Pazar said that, only in 2002, more than 200 women were reported for begging in Novi Pazar and two women were reported for vagrancy. One of our respondents from Novi Pazar said about women beg- gars:

“This year we have noticed among beggars our local women of both ethnicities who wrap a scarf over their heads and draw it down over their eyes covering the entire face. Judging by their conduct, we may deduce that they are from this city and cover themselves up in order to go unre- cognised."

104  In Zajecar and Velika Plana, according to respondents from these cities, there are not many beggars, and mainly young women, of Roma nationality, are involved in begging. According to the records of the Sa- bac Police, during 2002, total of 5 reports of offence were filed for beg- ging and our citizens were involved in all these cases. In 2003 there was only one report. As regards the reported persons, men and women were equally represented and most of them were of older age. The re- cords of the Municipal Magistrate Court in Sabac reveal that 10—12 persons, out of which 6 children, were reported for the offence associa- ted with begging during 2002. These cases mostly involved women from Serbia.

VI 3.3. Illegal Work and Forced Work

Trafficking in women is usually connected with illegal markets, in- cluding illegal labour market. Estimate of the extent of illegal labour and forced work and participation of women in these illegal markets may be valuable to us in estimation of the risk of trafficking in women in Serbia. The results of the research show that illegal labour is one of the most acute problems of our society. Almost all people we have inter- viewed estimate that this form of illegal market is very well developed in our country and that it affects big cities, but smaller places as well. The process of increasing a number of people who work illegally star- ted in the beginning of the 1990s as a consequence of the social and economic transition and the economic sanctions, and from that time on- ward illegal labour increased proportionately to deterioration of the economy and industry. The forms of exploitation of workers who are forced to work illegally vary — from failure to pay salaries, failure to pay for overtime work, failure to compensate for the “incurred dama- ge", etc. Illegal work is everywhere: in services, in trade, computer busi- ness, industry, in private as well as in the state and non-governmental sector.

VI 3.3.a. Illegal Work, Forced Work, Prostitution and Trafficking in Women

According to the information of the individuals we have inter- viewed, women are one of the most affected population categories when illegal labour is concerned. In Novi Pazar during 2002, over 300 persons were penalized be- cause of illegal labour, about 100 persons were warned, and 150 women

105 over 18 were in some other manner registered as working illegally. Due to forced work of women, some 20 persons were penalized, 20 were warned, and 60 were registered in other manner. The records of labour inspection reveal that in 2002, only in private sector 130 persons were detected as working illegally in this town and 82 of them were women. In 2003, 95 persons worked illegally, with 57 women among them. All those women were our citizens. Women work illegally in catering (night bars and motels), private trade companies, in industry, namely in private clothing factories, etc. In Zajecar, according to the records of the municipal authority for offences, some twenty sentences for illegal labour have been pronoun- ced in last 2—3 years. Most of the persons working illegally, both men and women, are from Serbia. In Pozarevac there were 30—40 reports of illegal labour in 2002. Two thirds of these reports involve women. There were several dozens of such cases in Sabac and the person who are ille- gally employed include out citizens mainly, both women and men. Ac- cording to the records of the Sabac Department of Border Police, for Fo- reigners and Administrative Affairs, in the territory covered by this De- partment, 52 women were sentenced because of illegal labour in 2002. According to our respondents, although these women formally did the job of waitresses or other catering-related jobs, in actual fact they were predominantly engaged in prostitution. Zorana Sijacki, counsellor for equality of genders in the Secretariat for Labour, Employment and Gender Equality of the Province of Vojvo- dina, described a typical profile of the illegally working person in Ser- bia: “It is a woman, between 45 and 50 years of age, dealing with smug- gling of goods, or a young girl, between 18 and 25 years old, working in a boutique".

Girls and women who work illegally are exposed to different forms of victimisation. In addition to the usual forms that are always associa- ted with illegal labour — non-payment of salaries, unpaid overtime work and similar, present also are violence, frequent abuse of official position, and sexual harassment. Some of respondents have indirect knowledge that the girls and women who work illegally are often for- ced to have sex with the owner of the facility in which they work, and if they decline to do that, they do not get paid for the work they have done. When working illegally, women are specially defenceless and frig- htened. They do not dare notifying the labour inspection of what is go- ing on. One woman we interviewed said that she knew a woman who

106 reported her employer regardless of the fact that she knew that nobody would employ her after that; that woman is now looking after an old lady. At the greatest risk of becoming victims of trafficking in women are young girls who are forced to work illegally in catering facilities, or boutiques, cafes, restaurants, night bars. These jobs, according to some of respondents, are closely associated with prostitution but also with trafficking in women. One of our respondents said in this context:

“Illegal migrations, transfer, illegal labour, and prostitution, are four sisters".

The following quotes confirm the assertion that there is a connec- tion between the illegal labour and trafficking in women, or prostitu- tion:

“In Belgrade there were cases of forcing girls to work illegally in the bars in the countryside of Serbia — the most prominent example is that of Novi Pazar where they are promised good working conditions and high salary, only to be seized their documents (this is what constitutes the mechanism of coercion), often under surveillance of persons who do not allow them to move freely, they are often subject to violence and, as a ru- le, they are raped." “In the territory of Zajecar illegal labour is a frequent occurrence. Employers avoid payment of tax obligations, and therefore employ mi- nors or girls over 18 in the kiosks, fast-food shops, cafés, etc. These girls are often in the early morning hours procured to clients and persuaded to provide sexual services. However, as far as I know, coercion is absent here (they may leave the job any time) but these girls are poor and have to fight hard to survive… On the other hand, I do not know what name to call this what is happening in a club where minor and young adult women work, unregistered, as waitresses. Then, after midnight, the club turns into a night club and the girls are being forced to provide sexual services, although some do it out of their own free will, and the owner of the club is the one who benefits most from it all."

The myths about Novi Pazar as a rich area with lucrative job op- portunities, according to our respondents, constitute powerful factors which attract women into this town and often draw them into the traf- ficking chain as well. According to respondents from Novi Pazar, illegal labour, prostitution and trafficking in women often go together:

“What can be indicative of the existence of a larger extent of prosti- tution is that in every single catering facility somebody works illegally, i.e.

107  somebody without a registered place of residence. Those are mostly wo- men, actually there are more girls than women and most of them have children. The owner of one bar told me that every owner of a catering fa- cility would like to buy himself a woman, for all men prefer to be served by a young and beautiful girl."

Some of respondents believe that a certain number of girls who work illegally willingly engage in prostitution; or, more accurately, that their work in the catering facilities, bars, cafés, motels, restaurants, etc. is only a camouflage for prostitution. Both foreign women and our citizens work illegally. Foreign wo- men are particularly vulnerable and it often happens that these women and girls end up in a chain of trafficking in women. Thus, one of our respondents has obtained information that in the Negotin area, or, mo- re precisely, in wealthy villages surrounding the city of Negotin, Roma- nian girls were first employed to work illegally and were later forced to provide sexual services and were resold.

VI 4. Conclusion

Results of this research show beyond doubt that trafficking in wo- men is widely prevalent in Serbia. Victims of trafficking in women in Serbia come from the poor Eastern European countries where living conditions are bad. Most often these girls come from Moldova, the Ukraine, and Romania. Also, the results of research show that victims are quite often Serbian citizens as well; these are women from both ru- ral and urban parts of Serbia. The experience of our respondents show that anybody can become a victim of trafficking, regardless of age, na- tionality, citizenship, education level. The victims are mostly women who never wanted to engage in prostitution but were forced into it, but the victims may also be women who began entered prostitution will- ingly. Also, when the prostitutes are victims of trafficking in women, we must always bear in mind that consent to prostitution does not nec- essarily mean consent to be enslaved and exploited and that these women have to be treated as other victims of trafficking in women. Results of the research show that Serbia is a country of transit for trafficking in women, but that it is also a country of origin, and of tem- porary or permanent destination, and a country inside of which traffic- king in women from Serbia takes place. With regard to the channels for trafficking in women of age, we should point out that the research did not identify the difference between routes of trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation, on one hand, and for the purpose of

108 exploitation of labour, on the other hand. The obtained data reveal that routes of trafficking in women mostly start in the countries of former USSR (the Ukraine and Moldova), lead over Romania, Bulgaria, and less often over Hungary, and reach Serbia and Montenegro. To the territory of Serbia, foreign women arrive both illegally and legally, by various means of transport or on foot. Through Serbia, the channels of traffick- ing in women go from the north toward the south (in the direction of Kosovo and Macedonia, or towards Montenegro and further in Italy or Albania), and from the east towards the west (in the direction of Repu- blika Srpska and Croatia), and sometimes in the direction of the north (towards Hungary). On the routes of trafficking in women, Belgrade is one of the inevitable stops in which the victims stay for a while, and la- ter continue their journey. When the women from Serbia are concer- ned, according to the information obtained by our respondents, they are traded within the borders of Serbia, but are also sold abroad — mostly in Bosnia, Macedonia, Italy. The data obtained during the research confirm that the victims of trafficking are most often recruited by a deception with regard to the job, or, more accurately, nature of the job, conditions of work, and pay. Women victims of trafficking are being recruited by their girlfriends, ac- quaintances, women already involved in the trafficking chain, former prostitutes, married couples, but also by different agencies — for fash- ion models, photo models, beauty contests, and similar. Having this in mind, we should draw attention to recruitment of women from Serbia through fashion agencies, advertisements for seasonal work, fairs and exhibitions, etc. On their journey, as well as at the place of temporary or perma- nent destination, women are exposed to various forms of victimisation: they are being sold and resold, their travel documents are being taken from them, their freedom of movement is being restricted, they are be- ing physically, mentally and sexually abused, they are threatened and blackmailed, they are forced into drug or alcohol addiction, place into debt bondage, and their living and working conditions are unbearable. Trafficking in women is largely influenced by other, with it closely associated, occurrences such as sex industry, prostitution, begging, va- grancy, and illegal labour. Results of the research show that these oc- currences, particularly sex industry and illegal labour, are very widely prevalence in Serbia. These occurrences constitute a significant risk fac- tor for trafficking in women and, without resolving them there can be no effective combating against trafficking in women.

109  VII Trafficking in Children in Serbia

Trafficking in children is a very dangerous form of crime with a number of particularities that separate it from other forms of trafficking in people. Trafficking in children includes:

— trafficking in children for the purpose of sexual exploitation, children pornography and paedophilia, — trafficking in children for the purpose of exploitation of labour, — trafficking in children for the purpose of begging, — trafficking in children for the purpose of committing criminal offences, — trafficking in unborn children or just born babies for the purpo- se of adoption, — trafficking in children for the purpose of concluding marriage, — trafficking in children for the purpose of participating in armed conflicts.

Here we are addressing a grave form of crime where victims are children, as the most vulnerable part of the population, and at the same time the most innocent victims. Trafficking in children is even more ve- iled than is the case with other forms of trafficking in people. The dark figure in this field is much higher than in other forms of trafficking and it is therefore much harder to obtain real data about actual extent and prevalence of this occurrence. In this section we will present the results of the research on the prevalence, structure and characteristics of trafficking in children, and the information obtained about the indirect indicators. The data were mostly gathered through interviewing the experts, activists of different NGOs, academics, and other individuals which were deemed to be a possible source of information about trafficking in children. This is the information about trafficking in children that was available to the indi- viduals we have interviewed. Based on that information, it is possible to get a better insight into this phenomenon. The analysis primarily comprised the information available to our respondents about direct in- dicators of the extent, prevalence, structure and characteristics of traffic- king in children in, from, and through, Serbia, and the trafficking that

110 takes place within the border of Serbia. This analysis also comprised the available information on indirect indicators that trafficking in children is present, such as the information about sexual exploitation of children, begging, forced labour and coercion of children to engage in criminal activity; the data about abductions, disappearances, and smuggling of children, which may be a cover-up for trafficking in children.

VII 1. Direct Indicators of the Extent, Prevalence, and Characteristics of Trafficking in Children

Out of the total number of respondents (123), 43 individuals had information about the total of 94 cases where children were victims of trafficking in the territory of Serbia. They had information about trafficking in children in the following cities: Belgrade (49), Novi Pazar (22), Novi Sad (6), Nis (5), Zrenjanin (3), Zajecar (3), Pozarevac (2), Vlasotince (1), Sombor (1), Velika Plana (1), Vrnjacka Banja (1). In the above mentioned cases, the victims are mostly foreign chil- dren of foreign (40) and for the most part minors from Moldova, the Ukraine, Romania, and Bulgaria; then follow children from Serbia — Roma children (34) and children other than Roma, in 20 cases.106 Based on the analysis of direct knowledge of our respondents abo- ut the cases of trafficking, we have learnt that, when trans-national traf- ficking in children is concerned, Serbia is a country of origin in 30 cases of the victims. Also, it is a country of transit or temporary destination for foreign children in 43 cases. Moreover, trafficking in children also takes place within the borders of Serbia and our respondents had infor- mation about 21 cases of internal trafficking in children. The available information about the cases where Serbia is exclusively a country of transit when children are trafficked are somewhat less frequent, and re- late mostly to the cases when minor girls are involved in trafficking chains for the purpose of sexual exploitation, either aimed towards Ko- sovo or Western countries, or in cases when groups of people who are being smuggled include whole families moving from the east towards the west.107 106 A great number of our respondents had some information about sale of Roma children among the Roma population; however, they were not able to specify concrete examples and, con- sequently, these cases were not included in the number of cases about which reliable information is known. 107 In the first five months of 2003, the Border Police, Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, registered that 268 foreign citizens have been caught in the illicit crossing of state border, including men, women, and children, namely, whole families from Iran, Afghanistan, Turkey, Romania, and China, which are being smuggled from the East to the West.

111  As regards the forms of trafficking in children, according to the in- formation available to our respondents, the most common is trafficking in children for the purpose of sexual exploitation (65), followed by the trafficking for the purpose of begging (17), and the trafficking for the purpose of conclusion of marriage (12), the last mentioned being typical for Roma population.

VII 1.1. Trafficking in Children for the Purposes of Sexual Exploitation

The most common form of trafficking in children as typical for Ser- bia is trafficking in children for the purpose of sexual exploitation (65 cases). With regard to trafficking in children, Serbia is a country of origin, but also a country of transit, or, to be more precise, the country of tem- porary destination for the victims (trans-national trafficking in children). Children from Serbia are being sold into the countries of Western Euro- pe (usually to Italy and France), but also to Kosovo which is again, when trafficking in children is concerned as well, marked as a signifi- cant point of destination. Besides, the children from Serbia are also traf- ficked within the territory, i.e. inside the borders of Serbia (internal traf- ficking in children). When trafficking in children from Serbia to other countries is con- cerned, it is mostly the case of trafficking in children of Roma national- ity, while trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation within the borders of Serbia is more typical for the girls of other than Roma na- tionality. According to the results of this research, Serbia quite often ap- pears as a country of transit, or more precisely, country of temporary destination, for minor girls from the countries of Eastern Europe (Mol- dova, the Ukraine, Russia, Romania, and Bulgaria), when they are basi- cally drawn into international chains of trafficking in women which are moving from the mentioned countries to the countries of Western Eu- rope, or towards Kosovo or Bosnia, when, in the territory of Serbia they are being sexually exploited for several months sometimes.

VII 1.1.a. Characteristics of Trafficking in Children for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation

Trafficking in children for the purpose of sexual exploitation un- folds in three main phases: recruitment, transport, i.e. transfer, and var- ious forms of exploitation /victimisation to which the children are ex- posed.

112  Methods of Recruitment

Analysis of the obtained data on trafficking in children revealed that several methods for recruitment of children — victims of traffick- ing for the purpose of sexual exploitation, such as: sale by parents, rela- tives or representatives of Roma community; kidnapping; offering a job abroad or in the country (very often the jobs in Novi Pazar or Tutin, for example, are on offer so that the girls from all over Serbia head towards these cities), and the deceptions related to the work for so-called fash- ion houses and different kinds of beauty contests. The most common form of recruitment, when trafficking in chil- dren is concerned, is sale by parents; it is particularly typical for Roma population, and it is extremely hard to obtain real data about its extent and prevalence since the Roma community is very closed and the sale of children is often explained by cultural reasons. The individuals most acquainted with the sale of Roma children are the Roma NGO representatives who in their everyday work address the issues of providing assistance and protection for Roma. A represen- tative of one such organisation, for examples, maintained that:

“Our Roma are mainly sold to Italy. Both girls and boys are being sold: the boys for the purpose of forced labour, the girls for begging and prostitution. The children are transported in cardboard boxes. In Italy, children of 5 years are valued the most since they can work for 10 years more."

About recruitment within the Roma population, one of respon- dents had this information:

“The recruitment (which is not recruitment in the classic meaning of the word) enfolds as follows: every Roma community has an organized group which has control over all that is going on inside the community, including smuggling of commodities; they bribe the police not to go insi- de the community; if any member of the community wants to undertake any action whatsoever, he must first ask approval from this group; the group even takes a part (a percent) of the humanitarian need assigned to the Roma in the settlement under their control, etc. Within the group, dif- ferent members are assigned different roles: one deals with the trade in jeans from Novi Pazar, other is in charge of distributing the stolen com- modities, etc. The same group controls the children's leaving abroad. Namely, they move round the city, visit motels, bars, and meet other Ro- ma who come from Italy; they make contact with them and obtain infor- mation that somebody from these people in Italy has been left ‘without

113  any children'. Then the representative of the Roma settlement would say that he can see whether he has got children of that age and he would go to the families with such children, offer to help them send a child abroad, where it would be better for the child. Usually the family of the child is given some sort of financial aid (although it is disputable how much of the amount paid by the man who comes from Italy to take children ends up in the family of the child and how much is taken by the Roma repre- sentative for himself, having in mind that he represents a part of the or- ganised team) It sometimes happens that later these children send money to their families, from abroad. There is no wonder that parents of Roma children consent to this if we know that 46 percent of Roma children does not get a meal every day in our country."108

One of the usual methods used to recruit children, particularly in case of older minor girls includes deception with regard to allegedly le- gal job abroad or in our country. Those jobs are mostly as waitresses, babysitters and similar. According to what one of our respondents said, it is typical for secondary schools that recruiters start going after the girls by the end of May, or at the close of the school year, or in August, when schoolchildren are taking the exams they had failed during the regular term. They lure them by “lingering" around them 24 hours non-stop, by buying things for them, mostly clothes, etc. After a week or two they tell them that they have a friend who is interested in them, and who owns a company abroad. If the girl attempts to get out of the chain at that moment, she is punished. Some of them are filmed while having a sexual intercourse and later threatened that these films will be sent to their parents or to the porno films industry. The following example, recounted by a woman we have inter- viewed, describes yet another method of recruitment that is typical for entrapping schoolgirls. It happened in the Beauty School in Belgrade however, fortunately, it did not end in a disaster:

“This case is from 1999. One of the employees, a curriculum coordi- nator, a person who is constantly trading in something and making deals for procurement of the cosmetics and other necessary teaching aids, was contacted by a man who introduced himself as a designer from Greece opening a fashion store in Knez Mihajlova Street. Since this man had he- ard that the girls in this school were very attractive, as well as talented hairdressers, he expressed wish to hire them to do fashion shows for him. He needed a dozen of girls. Unsuspecting the scam, the coordinator ac-

108 The mentioned method of recruitment is typical for trafficking in Roma children for vari- ous types of exploitation (sexual exploitation, begging, etc.).

114  cepted the task of selecting the girls. However, it was discovered by chan- ce what was behind the man's offer. Namely, the coordinator wanted to send his daughter, who had graduated design as well. When the girl got back home from the interview, she said that it was suspicious to her that the man insisted that everything should be in lace, as if he was going to open a brothel. Then the curriculum coordinator called the police. The police was supposed to arrive during the next arranged visit of the man. The police arrested him and then it turned out that he was not Greek at all but our citizen who recruits minor girls for prostitution. The situation was very dangerous since everything went through school so that the pa- rents, trusting the teachers, did not suspect the deception."

It should also be mentioned that the Beauty School is one of the safest schools in Belgrade with its own security, there is a former police- men on duty in the hallway. This is, according to what the woman we have interviewed said, very important since, until they hired the gu- ards, “local tough guys" literally “assailed" the schoolgirls. There is also a special, new method of recruitment associated with trafficking in children and women. Namely they are offered a job in so-called “fashion houses". This is how one of respondents, a represen- tative of the police, explained the functioning system of so-called “fash- ion houses", through which our girls get presentation abroad, after be- ing promised a comfortable life in the world of fashion, they in fact end up being drawn into trafficking chains:

“A departure of girls who were supposed to go abroad through a ‘fashion house' was prevented a month ago. Those were very young girls, minors. By ‘Mirage', a coordinated endeavour with the surrounding coun- tries, where the police greatly contributed to the battle against trafficking in people, their departure was prevented. Now the steps are taken to pro- ve that trafficking in people is behind all this."

A number of respondents had the information about a specific form of recruiting the young (often minor) girls in trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation through deceptions associated with vari- ous beauty contests in which the candidates could be the girls of 13—15 year of age, behind which trafficking in children for the purpose of sex- ual exploitation is sometimes hidden. Trafficking in children takes place within Serbia too. Our respon- dents knew of the cases of minor girls from Serbian countryside who got involved in the chain of trafficking after being sold by their parent, or being recruited by the offer of a well-paid job in Belgrade or Novi Pazar and by deception thrown into the chain of trafficking in children

115 for the purpose of sexual exploitation. The respondents also identified a smaller number of cases when the children of other than Roma nation- ality were sold by their parents, even though this method of recruit- ment is most common among the Roma population. For example, ac- cording to one of our respondents, a 37 years old woman from Belgra- de, who has engaged in prostitution since she was 16, sold her minor daughter (14) to the owner of a bar in Tutin. For a while the mother was in the same bar where she shared the clients with her daughter but then she disappeared. The daughter is still in the bar. Talking about the possible interconnection between the prostitu- tion and trafficking in children for the purpose of sexual exploitation, one of our respondents emphasized that the scheme is almost always the same: the prostitutes start off with street prostitution; they are pro- cured by their aunts, mothers; the younger they are, the better their price. While they are still virgins, they practice anal and oral sex so as to preserve their virginity and later achieve a better price. Also, there is a certain number of cases where children are kidnap- ped. This may be illustrated by a case of a girl from Zajecar who was still a minor when she disappeared while walking down a street in Nis; she was drawn into a car by some people who were unknown to her. Based on a telephone call received by her mother several months after- wards, it is suspected that the girl is in Kosovo and that she is a victim of trafficking.109 In the case of younger children, recruiters are often their parents, mostly of Roma nationality, who make, usually verbal agreements with the traffickers very often with the belief that by doing so they are ensu- ring a better future to their children or a better life for the remaining part of the family as well. The role of recruiters (specially when non-Ro- ma population is concerned) are also played by the acquaintances, boy- friends of the girls of 14—18 years of age, strangers that are met in di- sco clubs, cafés, or in front of schools, the girlfriends who have just en- tered the ‘business' and therefore ‘earns well and has fun', or employ- ees in different agencies for fashion models, photo models, or in tourist agencies.

“In Novi Pazar there is a group of criminals working according to the classic blackmail principle. This group includes girls and boys. The girls from the group are paid to perform the task of recruiting a victim (usually girls in primary and secondary schools, between 14 and 16 years of age), by making a contact with a girl, starting a conversation with her, telling her about a guy that takes interest in her and has means to provi- de a comfortable life for her." (a representative of the media)

109 This case took place two years ago, when the girl was a minor. Now she is 19 years old.

116  Transportation/Transfer

Transportation or transfer of children-victims, when trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation is concerned, is quite like that in case of the transportation of women, following the predetermined channels, using illegal methods of border crossing, with the forged passports, fol- lowed by crossing with an adult who also has forged documents with regard to their relations with the child. A number of children are trans- ported across the border as “stowaways" in the trains, trucks, in cardbo- ard boxes, hidden under blankets, only in the case of Roma children (this method of transporting the Roma children is also mentioned in ca- se of trafficking in children for the purpose of begging).110 Forged documents are very often used for the children involved in the trafficking. This was also the case with the underage girl M.A. (15) from Opovo, whose sale and departure for Italy was prevented at the Surcin—Belgrade airport by the officers of the Belgrade Police. This was an attempt to trade in children and leave the territory of Serbia and Montenegro with forged Bulgarian passports. The girl was escorted by two citizens of Serbia. The case was uncovered since a policeman chec- king the passports asked her something in Bulgarian and she could not reply. In this case, criminal charges were filed against her mother to the competent prosecutor's office due to criminal offence from Article 155 paragraph l.3 of the FRY Criminal Code, relating to establishing slavery and transport of people in slavery, since her mother had sold her. The underage M.A. had been placed in the Shelter for Children and Young People in Belgrade, and afterwards she was handed over to a social worker from the Centre for Social Work Kovacica—Opovo Department.111 According to Dusan Zlokas, deputy commander of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, the Border Police Administra- tion, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, and coordinator of the National Team for Combating Trafficking in People:

“As regards trafficking in children, the victims usually enter the country accompanied by adults who are not their parents. In such cases, certain documents are required. Namely, the persons escorting the chil- dren must be authorized by the parents so that the children may travel with them. Therefore, it is entered in the passports of these persons that

110 The coordinator of the NGO called Roma Children's Centre, based on the testimonies of Roma children that were trafficked in Bosnia, saved by their organization, has obtained informa- tion that the children had crossed the border illegally, in a car, covered with a blanket. 111 These data were obtained by interviewing the experts of the Border Police, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, the Police in Belgrade, also noted in report of the Border Police, for Fo- reigners and Administrative Affairs.

117  the children are travelling with them, but sometimes they leave the coun- try without them. However, this is very hard to control, particularly in ca- ses of mixed marriages."

Forms of Exploitation/Victimization

Forms of the exploitation, namely victimisation of children-victims are, according to our respondents, physical abuse and intimidation, but also the sexual abuse and blackmailing, where usually older underage girls are kept in fear that, if they resist or escape, their parents would be notified of everything. This is what one of our respondents said abo- ut blackmail, as the most common form of exploitation of minor girls involved in trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation or in for- ced prostitution:

“When the recruiters ‘consider' a girl, set her up a date with a boy who allegedly takes interest in her and take her into the arranged room. There they usually film her in some awkward pose with the boy or drug her and make her take off her clothes, and then take a photograph of her. At that moment, a member of the group comes in, interrupts everything, takes the cassette and lets her go. The girl is shocked; she has no way out. Blackmailed, she consents to providing sexual services to the clients they bring to her."

In the houses where they are put up, the girls — victims of traffic- king for the purpose of sexual exploitation are often treated with cru- elty and humiliation. According to the testimony of a girl who was in- volved in trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation, the pimps are recruiting the girls by becoming their boyfriends at first only to ke- ep them locked-up in the house later on:

“In the house he kept several other, older, prostitutes, who treated the girl brutally, putting her a smelly bucket over her head. The pimp procured her extremely cruelly, by letting the clients rape her. Fortu- nately, the girl managed to run away, after which the police took her to the Home".

VII 1.2. Trafficking in Children for the Purpose of Begging

The analysis of the results obtained in this research revealed that in the territory of Serbia there are some cases of trafficking in children for

118 the purpose of begging (17) as well. More precisely, these are mostly children of Roma nationality who are sold usually to Italy and there forced to work as beggars (sometimes also to steal).

VII 1.2.a. Characteristics of the Trafficking in Children for the Purpose of Begging

Methods of Recruitment

The Roma children are most often sold by their parents who see this as a solution for their problems and, according to our respondents, sometimes it happens that the children sold to somebody in Italy live in better conditions than they used to with their biological parents. One Roma girl, citizen of Serbia, managed to escape. This was the case of trafficking for the purpose of begging and forced marriage. In the traf- ficking for the purpose of begging, children of Albanian and Roma na- tionality are also involved. In addition to Roma children from Serbia, one of our respondents had the information about ten children, mem- bers of the Roma population of Bulgarian citizenship, who were sold in the territory of our country for the purpose of begging. According to respondents — journalists “at this moment most of the trafficking in Italy involves Roma children from Kosovo. Usually the children are sold to Bologna, where they are taken over by a Roma from Belgrade who takes women and children of Roma nationality to work for him. If children break an arm or leg, he does not take them to the doctor's since, as a rule, the children-beggars with a bodily defor- mity earn more." Another of our respondents said that, he found out about a camp where Roma children live in Bologna from a woman — professor at the University of Bologna who came to visit our country. It is suspected that the children who are trafficked from our country are stay in this camp. Again, in case of trafficking in children for the purpose of begging, the recruiters are usually the parents and relatives, and also representa- tives of a certain Roma community. One of our respondents knew abo- ut the families who do not reveal the number of children, meaning they usually do not register their birth, and then they are renting them and similar.

Transportation/Transfer

Transportation of the children trafficked for the purpose of beg- ging, similar to the transfer of children for the purpose of sexual exploi-

119 tation, is usually illegal, with forged documents, or the children are transferred as “stowaway" in the trucks, passenger cars, and similar. If they cross the border outside the border crossing point, they usually have a guide, or, they cross the border with the forged group passports and the children are identified as the children of the “traders" to which nobody pays special attention at the border. A number of children cross the border legally, after the “adoption procedure" is completed in the territory of Serbia. A case is known when the Roma parents tried to sell their children (a boy of 10 and a boy 2 years old) to other Roma who “temporarily worked abroad". The staff of the Centre for Social Work in Velika Plana were “only" suppo- sed to issue approval that the children travel with their “adoptive par- ents". However, since they suspected the sale, the Centre for Social Work refused to issue the approval.

Forms of Exploitation

Forms of exploitation by which children involved in trafficking for the purpose of begging are mostly controlled by physical punishment, but also by non possession of documents (which is frequent occurrence in case of children sold in Italy), inability to speak foreign languages and lack of awareness of children that they are victims.

VII 1.3. Trafficking in Children for the Purpose of Marriage

Analysis of the information obtained from respondents, as a special form of trafficking in children, also typical for the Roma population, is trafficking in children for the purpose of marriage (12), which is usually attributed to cultural characteristics of Roma. However, having in mind that young girls are concerned, often very little children, and also chil- dren with special needs, this is a serious form of crime. The following example may illustrate this:

“From the Special Primary School “Dusan Dugalic" the Centre recei- ved the information that the parents of a 16-year old girl who was slightly mentally retarded wanted to get her out of the school and sell her for the purpose of conclusion of marriage. The information from the School said that the girl did not want to get married but the people in the Centre le- arnt about this only when it was already too late. The Centre for Social Work contacted the girl's parents but they did not admit anything. They notified the municipal Police Department, even contacted the Police De-

120  partment in the place where the groom lived. Unfortunately, everything was seemingly voluntary. Nobody was held accountable for the sale of the girl with special needs, since all was attributed to cultural customs of the Roma, and the girl had supposedly married voluntarily."

In addition to Roma population, the sale of children for the purpo- se of conclusion of marriage is typical for the Vlach population, particu- larly for the Eastern and Southeastern Serbia:

“In the Primary School “Sveti Sava" in Velika Plana there was one si- milar case. Namely, the school was supposed to issue approval that one of their pupils conclude marriage. A man that came with the girl seemed to be her father but it was actually her husband-to-be. Of course, the school refused to approve of this marriage. However, the girl had already been sexually abused in all probability."

VII 2. Indirect Indicators of Trafficking in Children

In addition to indicators that point directly to the phenomenon of trafficking in children, upon conducting research on this complex form of crime, it was necessary to take into account other indicators as well which themselves hide certain forms of exploitation of children (the ele- ment that together with establishing slavery is characteristic for traffick- ing in people and children), and pose a great risk of trafficking in chil- dren. These cases include numerous border cases and at times it is hard to determine whether we are dealing with trafficking or not. Thus our respondents were unable to include them with certainty among other cases of trafficking. In this sense the knowledge is significant on sexual exploitation, begging, illegal and forced work by children, abductions, disappearance and smuggling of children, as well as forcing children to engage in criminal activity.

VII 2.1. Sexual Exploitation of Children

The information on some of the forms of sexual exploitation was provided by 27 respondents, out of the total number of 123. These were mostly police inspectors, representatives from Centres for Social Care, county prosecutors, and magistrate judges but also representatives of various NGO's from Belgrade, Zajecar, Novi Sad, Vlasotinac, Novi Pa- zar, Vrnjacka Banja and Sabac. Children on whose sexual exploitation our respondents had the knowledge of were mostly girls, between 11

121 and 17 years of age, from temporarily or permanently dysfunctional fa- milies as well as children without parental care, children with special needs and children suffering from behavioural disorders. Roma chil- dren also figure very prominently as victims of sexual exploitation. As regards the forms of sexual exploitation of children, our respon- dents confirmed that these were mostly as follows: procurement and forced prostitution as well as sexual abuse of children by their parents or other adults. Forcing children into prostitution is especially characteristic for lar- ge towns like Belgrade, Novi Pazar, Nis. However, this phenomenon has also been observed in Vrnjacka Banja, Zajecar and Vlasotince. According to the information of the majority of respondents, chil- dren are most often involved in street prostitution although since re- cently it has become common that older minor girls offer sexual servi- ces in some cafés and bars. In Belgrade there are special locations where, together with adult girls, very young minor girls offering sexual services can be found. The- se locations as identified by all respondents (19) from Belgrade who had knowledge of this phenomenon, are: the Blue Bridge, the park in front of the Faculty of Economy, in the surroundings of the bus and railway station. A female respondent described a case of a minor girl involved in prostitution who, when asked where she worked replied that it was close to the “Gavrilo Princip" School in Belgrade. The respondent at first thought that she was employed as a school cleaner but it turned out that she meant the park in front of the Faculty of Economy where the girl was offering sexual services. At a special risk of sexual exploitation, according to the information of the majority of respondents, are children living in homes for children without parental care. However, according to some respondents from those homes, the staff respond immediately upon noticing some indica- tions that a child is under a risk of sexual exploitation. Thus, when it was found out that two girls who lived in a Home had more money than usual and a large credit for their mobile phones, the staff of the home followed them and discovered that they frequented a restaurant in Belgrade in the company of two men. The Manager of the Home summoned the girls and told them that they were followed by the poli- ce and that they should inform the men that they were seen with the girls. This case has not been reported to the police, since it was not cer- tain that it involved prostitution. Especially endangered from sexual exploitation are also mentally retarded children and the so-called “border cases". This is illustrated by a case described by a female respondent:

122  “A slightly mentally retarded girl, placed in the Shelter after she had been found out on the street, had been sexually exploited for two years first by her own father who later “passed her on" to a man who forced her into prostitution. After she had been placed in the Shelter, the “pimp" used to come introducing himself as her uncle and trying to take her out. Since it did not work out, he started hanging around the institution recru- iting girls for prostitution. With the aid of a protégé who had his phone number and the police, he was caught and is now being prosecuted for forcing girls to prostitution, while the father is being prosecuted for colla- boration as well as sexual abuse of his wife and daughter."

According to the words of Milanka Lukic, Director of the “Rada Mladenovic-Djulic-Crna" Centre for Family Accommodation of Children in Milosevac, some 10% of children sheltered in the Centre have been involved in prostitution. This can be learnt from children's documenta- tion. However, the risk is highest for those children upon leaving the home, since they are supposed to take care of themselves and live inde- pendently. Unfortunately, a number of children are not prepared for this. As regards involving children in prostitution, and regarding traffic- king in children for the purpose of sexual exploitation, the recruitment phase has been singled out as an important one. According to the infor- mation provided by our respondents, the majority of children get invol- ved in prostitution or various other forms of sexual exploitation by for- ce (often forced by parents or close relatives). Talking about this, a fe- male respondent says:

“In the course of my work I have been meeting mothers who intro- duce their daughters into prostitution. There are many cases of mothers who left their children after birth to come to take them out of the home when they are 13—14 in order to get them involved in prostitution."

However, having in mind social circumstances in our country, a number of girls, mostly older minors, decide on a voluntary basis to be- come prostitutes or “sponsored girls".112 A very attractive territory for prostitution of young girls, apart from Belgrade, is the territory of Novi Pazar into which young minor girls from all over Serbia flock in search of work, since they “heard that good money can be earned there." The financial crisis, disturbed system of values, large unemployment rate, as well as a large number of refugees 112 Young girls who enter sexual relationships with rich men in return for expensive cloth- ing, make-up sometimes even a car or apartment and similar.

123 and displaced persons from Kosovo have caused a huge increase of prostitution among minors in this town in the province of Sandzak. Prostitution, including child prostitution is mostly carried out in night bars famous for not offering only drinks but also young girls for enter- tainment. As a respondent says:

“Prostitution thrives in Novi Pazar including a lot of minor girls. Pro- stitution is mostly prevalent in restaurants, bars and cafés. Premises on upper floors or an auxiliary room within the building are used for giving sexual services. Women and girls, often minor, are officially employed as waitresses or cleaners while unofficially they also engage in prostitution. Most of women and girls are ours, local — there is only a small number of foreign women. They came from all over Serbia: from Belgrade, Cacak, Novi Sad, Kragujevac, Kraljevo, Raska and mostly from south Serbia. A bar owner in Tutin exhibits girls to his customers, some eight or ten of them, aged between 15 and 40 and offers them to chose. Prices range from 5 to 50 Euros."

This huge increase of prostitution in Novi Pazar over the recent years, is explained by a respondent as follows:

“Prostitution has a deadly effect on our school children since they are more and more involved in the “business" by lies and blackmail, with promises of good and fast profits and by offering them all that their par- ents are unable to afford. Of course, children are also promised that they can go, i.e. leave the job any time they wish. After a while, however, girls realize that they have been cheated, since pimps are not letting them go and there is no sign of any money. I should also mention the so called “sponsored girls" who offer their services to rich businessmen, most often in return for an apartment, a good car, expensive clothes and similar."

Otherwise, according to the words of the same respondent, during 2002 in the territory of Novi Pazar, 6 minors have been reported for be- ing involved in prostitution. Two of them were penalized. According to the information of the majority of respondents, child prostitution is in most cases organised. Organisers are mostly pimps who control adult prostitution as well. In Vlasotince, a seemingly peaceful town on the south of Serbia, minor prostitution is thriving also, mostly in cafés and night bars. Ac- cording to the information of some respondents, there are grounds for believing that this prostitution is organised.

“Recently a mother of a secondary school pupil dashed into premises occupied by the SOS organisation. She found it strange that her daughter

124  suddenly started to dress in smart clothes. Asked from where she obtai- ned the clothes, the daughter first answered that she had borrowed them from a friend and later claimed that they had been given to her by women operating the SOS phone. Thus, the mother entered the premises of this NGO with the aim of finding out whether the clothes were given to her daughter by their staff. Even though their organisation occasionally distributes clothes (mostly second hand pieces) to women in need, it was clear to them that the girl was involved in an illegal business. Shortly af- ter, the girl confessed and the chain started to disentangle… The police took over the case."

The information on the presence of child prostitution exists also for Zajecar. Several cases of forcing children into prostitution have been identified there recently. One of those cases was of an 11-year-old Ro- ma girl, who was forced by her mother, a mentally retarded person herself, to perform oral sex for railroad workers in return for 50 dinars. There is also a case of a minor boy living in a special boarding school, who offers sexual services at the bus station for some 50 dinars, a case of a Bulgarian girl, 12—13 years old who was found three years ago in a café in Zajecar where she was working as a waitress an hour after midnight. When she was found and asked with whom she had slept for money, she started to talk. Her answers were rude, in characteristic language which she picked up from her “clients". Investigation uncove- red that the girl had been forced to have sex with a priest from Zajecar. Criminal charges have been brought against him as well as against the bar owner who served as her procurer, taking DEM 20—30 per service. By the fast joint action of the Police and the Centre for Social Care, the girl was sent back to her country of origin together with her mother alt- hough the mother keeps coming back to Serbia since she has twins he- re with a citizen of our country. The girl is now in a boarding school of a closed type in Bulgaria. The priest was unfrocked and sentenced to 6 months in prison, while the bar owner was sentenced to 1 year in pri- son.113

VII 2.2. Begging and Vagrancy

Begging and vagrancy, almost always forced among children, are very important indirect indicators which could serve as a cover for traf- ficking, especially when dealing with Roma population. 113 According to the information provided by our respondents, it cannot be claimed with certainty that the child prostitution in Zajecar is organised, having in mind that all cases mentio- ned were separate from each other.

125  Seventy six respondents, professionals of various profiles, have the knowledge of begging and vagrancy phenomena among children. Out of that number, 56 believe that begging is organised, especially in larger towns (Belgrade, Novi Sad, Novi Pazar, Nis) whereas smaller towns are characterised by the so called “out of necessity" begging with always the same individuals or even families taking part.114 Begging by chil- dren has been observed in all towns included in our research. Accord- ing to the words of our respondents, in most cases it takes place in cen- tre of town, around markets (spots where fluctuation of people is dens- est), in the vicinity of bus and railway stations as well as around ceme- teries.115 In addition to this, in smaller towns the so-called “door to do- or" child begging is present. All respondents who had knowledge of begging believed that the majority of beggars are women and children, thinking of increasingly present phenomenon of begging mothers with babies in their arms. It often turns out that children are not even theirs but rented for the oc- casion or similar.116 In addition to this, it has been observed that a large number of somewhat older children who seemingly appear as indepen- dent beggars, without presence of any adults are actually very often controlled by the adults. As an interesting example we can quote the systematic observation of begging at the Belgrade New Cemetery, carried out by researchers from the Victimology Society of Serbia, upon which it has been noted that Roma children would from time to time run to a young man of so- me 20 years of age, who appeared to be standing, uninterested in the area of St. Nicola's Church and were handing him something over (pre- sumably money earned by begging).117 According to the majority of our respondents, begging is present at the largest extent among Roma population. However, some cases of begging by foreign citizens' children have been observed too. These are mostly Romanians for whom begging is a “family business". Dragan Zivkovic, Inspector of the Shelter for Foreign Citizens in Padinska Skela shared his observations regarding begging by foreign citizens: 114 However, the mere fact that entire families are included in begging can be viewed as the information on certain level of organisation in these cases. 115 Phenomenon of begging on cemeteries has not been a very frequent one so far, accord- ing to our respondents' words. However, it has been found that this type of begging is spreading from Belgrade to other towns in the countryside, as a new location for begging. 116 Zivomir Rakic-Krlan, President of the “Roma Castle — Krlan" Association approached once a young Roma female with two children in her arms, begging in Terazije Square asking whether the children were hers. She responded that one was, whereas the other one had been rented. 117 The observation was carried out on three occasions, between 26th April and 28th June 2003.

126  “ As regards the beggars who are not citizens of our country but are begging in its territory, they are in most cases not interlinked. It is a fam- ily “business" for them where father works somewhere illegally while children are forced to beg by their parents. Thus some organisation does exist but among foreign citizens this is mostly according to the family principle. On the other hand, as regards begging of our citizens, mostly Roma, I believe that a well organised network exists involving most often children and women beggars. They have their own boss to whom they hand money daily. This is an extremely tortured and abused population of Roma children."

Milica Simic, Coordinator of the NGO “Roma Children Centre" un- derlined the problem of the so called “children of the street" in Belgra- de, mostly affecting Roma population which is considered a population at high risk of becoming victims of various forms of crime and abuse:

“Our organisation participates in the “Children of the Street" project whose task it is to provide aid for child-beggars. Currently, 55 Roma chil- dren who beg, roam and get involved in prostitution on the streets of Bel- grade, are included in this project. In addition to financial aid for clothing, food and medical care, the project includes workshops with children led by a psychologist and a psychiatrist and treats problems encountered by these children and educate them on various addictions, since all children included in the project are dependant on drugs. They sniff glue, smoke marijuana and take pills with alcohol. The children included in the pro- ject most often beg in the city centre: in Knez Mihajlova Street, Slavija Square, by “Dusanov Grad" Restaurant, in front of the National Theatre. Begging with them are also non-Roma children from Serbia and Kosovo. “Children of the Street" do not belong to an organised network, they mostly beg for their own needs, to eat and have money for drugs."118

As regards the “children of the street", one of the most serious pro- blems facing this part of population, a female respondent from Belgrade expressed her opinion as follows:

“Our country has no strategy whatsoever in relation to the “children of the street". Some activities for solving this problem were taken over by the “Vasa Stajic" Children's Home, Roma Children Centre, Ministry for Social Care and our institution — Centre for Protection of Infants, Chil- dren and Youth. We know that almost all “children of the street" are ad-

118 Milica Simic, Coordinator of the Roma Children's Centre believes that begging among the Roma population is not organised by some people “outside" and even if it is organised, then it is by the family or an older cousin (for example an uncle).

127  dicted to certain psychoactive agents, i.e. glue sniffing. However, right from the start it turned out that no psychiatric or neuropsychiatry institu- tion existed that would engage in treatment of addicts of such young age, not even the Institute for Mental Health. Simultaneously, a number of children of the street increased, in connection with poverty, disintegra- tion, weakening of family and its functions, as well as wars that have happened recently on these territories. Some 2—3 years ago, the so-called green or human patrols were introduced, whose task it was to remove children beggars from streets. At the same time, no adequate accommoda- tion was found for that children or any other alternative and therefore those children remain on the street. However, a preparation is ongoing for a project for opening Safe Houses for the children of the street."

Violeta Laketic, Director of the Shelter for Children and Youth, within the frame of the Institute for Education of Children and Youth in Belgrade provided information that out of a total number of children (369) who were admitted to the Shelter during 2002, 11 were brought because of begging and no less than 86 for vagrancy. The reason be- hind this could be that the so-called human patrols, which functioned regularly removing beggars and vagrants from streets, have not been functioning in the recent years, due to insufficient accommodation ca- pacity of the Shelter. Child-beggars from 2 to 7, however, are taken to the Children's Home “Dragutin Filipovic-Jusa".119 Novi Pazar figures also in relation to this social phenomenon as the territory where begging is very common and, according to the words of the respondents who in various ways deal with this problem, organised as well. Roma women and children from all parts of Ser- bia, as well as displaced persons from Kosovo make up for over 80% of beggars and are mostly concentrated in the town centre, around the church and mosques. According to the opinion of the majority of re- spondents from Novi Pazar, begging has been very common in this town during the last decade, and now a tendency of its increase has been observed. A series of factors influenced the vast diffusion of beg- ging: proximity of the war inflicted zones caused the influx of refugees and displaced persons (mostly Roma from Kosovo) who were predomi- nantly engaged in begging. Further we should mention the financial crisis and also the environment where religion prescribes performing of merciful acts (“Give alms to every begging hand") out of fear that by fa- iling to do so, no “sevap"120 would be received. According to the words 119 All efforts of the report authors to get in touch with the staff of the “Dragutin Filipo- vic-Jusa" Children's Home failed, since not one of them was prepared to cooperate. 120 Belief that no reward — “sevap" from God will arrive unless a good deed has been per- formed and money given to beggar.

128 of one of our respondents, beggars are transported to the town in an organised way, and are distributed according to places determined in advance (close to religious objects, market, hospital). Separately distrib- uted are women with children, since they earn more. Individuals who control beggars, often come and collect money earned by begging. Dur- ing summer, beggars usually do not go back to their towns but live in tents far away from the town, in Banjik village next to the dump or rent apartments. In a rented house in Novi Pazar a Roma lives with se- ven male children who are not his own but who beg for him and bring him money. A number of respondents had the information on houses in Novi Pazar where Roma children live in extremely poor conditions: they sleep 10 in a room, unheated in winter. During the day they beg and with that money pay for their lodgings. As regards the problem of begging, which, although it has existed always, has become very common in recent years, a female respondent from the Centre for Protection of Infants, Children and Youth in Bel- grade, says:

“There are many children who engage in begging. I think it is their way of contributing to their family budget. I have an impression that the Police is unresponsive to the problem of begging, which is partly a result of the fact that capacities of institutions for the accommodation of chil- dren without parental care as well as shelters are full. In the course of my work I have learnt that children in Roma families do not bear significance unless they earn money."

VII 2.3. Illegal and Forced Work by Children

Our respondents' knowledge on forced labour by children, as an indirect indicator of trafficking in children, predominantly relate to for- ced begging and prostitution and to a lesser degree, to collecting old papers and washing of car windows at traffic lights, which is also con- sidered to be an organised phenomenon in bigger cities. The informa- tion on forced labour of children provided by our respondents relates mostly to large Roma families and poor families of non-Roma origin. Thus, for example, according to the words of our respondents, in the territory of Novi Pazar, during 2002, 40 children were registered as working illegally, mostly in warehouses, packing goods or cleaning bars, or on the other hand, girls were forced into prostitution in bars where they were working as waitresses or cleaners. According to the words of a respondent, reasons behind the increa- se of the illegal and forced work among children in the territory of No-

129 vi Pazar during the last 12—13 years are various. The significant one is unemployment and pauperisation of a large number of families in town. In the territory of Novi Pazar, over 20.000 people lost jobs and those people had to find some solution. A number of them switched to trade, more precisely illegal trade on the black market in order to provi- de some support for their families. Others got employed with private companies, providing their families' basic needs for day-to-day life and education of children. Pressure on companies' owners grew stronger and stronger and they started employing more and more people, with- out reporting it to the authorities. It is not ruled out that minors were employed as well. Families who supported themselves by selling on mar- ket and street stalls, often included juveniles in their business (mostly single mothers). Some children were forced to sell cigarettes in bars and coffee houses and on the streets. A large number of young people work in bars to be able to continue their education. Information on a specific form of forced labour of children has been gathered by observing the already mentioned phenomena in Knez Mihajlova street in Belgrade, where during the whole summer (exploi- tation of the children is ongoing) two Roma boys, aged 6 and 7, under the supervision of their strict father, “entertained" passers by by playing music while their 5 year old sister would occasionally join in dancing.121 A number of respondents believe that parents-alcoholics often abu- se their children, forcing them to carry out certain jobs (sell various rep- ertoires, flowers and similar) or to beg in order to provide money for al- cohol. One of our respondents mentioned a case of a pupil who started suffering from hernia since his father had been forcing him to work with him on a construction site where he had to push a wheelbarrow full of debris. In addition to this, respondents pointed out to the pheno- menon of forced labour of children on fields in the village of Milosevac, near Velika Plana. These are foster families for children without paren- tal care. According to the testimony of children themselves, who partici- pated in a workshop led by a female respondent, children are forced to work in fields in the morning and go to school in the afternoon. Accor- ding to her words, all sorts of things happen in foster families, from physical abuse of children to incest and yet nobody is doing anything to prevent that. 121 This observation was carried out on three occasions between 14th June and 26th July 2003. The object of observation was the forced labour of Roma children aged between 4 and 7, whose father was forcing them to play music in Knez Mihajlova street in the evenings. On that oc- casion, a researcher from the Victimology Society of Serbia, approached the father and found out that by playing music children were earning money for the trip to Vienna where they would con- tinue to do the same.

130  A respondent pointed out the phenomenon of begging by deaf children organised by non-deaf adults in Nis. However, even though this form of begging is to a certain level organised (begging with cards asking for contribution to buy a hearing aid), the respondent believes that this phenomenon does not have a deep or strong organisation be- hind it, nor does it provide a significant income. Still, according to the information provided by a respondent, a deaf pupil's elderly cousin who manufactured those cards and recruited other deaf children for begging, has been arrested and convicted in Pirot.

VII 2.4. Abductions, Disappearance and Smuggling of Children

Our respondents' knowledge about these phenomena was mostly in relation to abductions of rich businessmen's children, known thro- ugh the media or abductions by divorced parents who, having not been granted custody of their children, are trying to change court decisions by abducting their own children. According to the information of some respondents from Belgrade, there have been several cases that a parent who failed to gain custody, abducted the child, taking it without the knowledge of the other parent. The police when informed in such cases and with the aid of the Centres for Social Care, take action to have chil- dren returned to the parent who has legal custody over the child. A number of respondents mentioned disappearance of babies from maternity hospitals, information of which they acquired in indirect way, mostly through the media. Also mentioned was the case which happe- ned five years ago in the “Narodni-Front" Maternity Hospital, when a newborn baby disappeared and the paediatrician and midwife were in- volved in the offence. The trial is still ongoing. Respondents from Nis and Zajecar knew of the abduction of a mi- nor girl from Zajecar who had been abducted on a street in Nis and forced into a car. There has been no trace of her since. It is also known that a large number of children from Kosovo has disappeared. As regards abductions of children, a number of respondents (11) pointed out the phenomenon of children running away from instituti- ons for social care (Homes for Children without Parental Care and Shel- ters), or, on the other side, running away from home, mostly out of re- bellion. However in those cases children are found shortly after with the aid of the police and social services. An example has been mentio- ned of a group of boys from a primary school in Novi Pazar who agreed to run away from home because of low grades in school. One of them took money from home and they all left for Ulcinj. After three

131 days of unsuccessful search, the parents informed the Police and the children were found and brought back home. Children on the run often fall victims to various forms of crime. Typical is the case of a mentally retarded girl from the Home for Chil- dren without Parental Care, who ran away from the Home to look for her cousins. She spent the night with a bus conductor who took her back to the Home the next day. The girl was immediately taken for a check up by a doctor who determined that she was virgo intacta. The man introduced himself as her cousin and promised to come to pick her up from the Home, but he never did. The girl, on the other hand, is not able to describe what this man did to her. None of the respondents disposed of statistics relating to the smug- gled children, except the information that in Padinska Skela Shelter for Foreigners among the groups of smuggled people from East to the West, among Kurds and Chinese, occasionally complete families toget- her with children can be found, whose number is not known since the institution does not otherwise shelter minors unless they have been ca- ught with their parents.

VII 2.5. Forcing of Children to engage in criminal activities

Forcing of children to engage in criminal activities, as a specific form of control and exploitation of children, mostly relates to the forc- ing of children by older juveniles or younger adults to steal but also deal drugs with children being engaged as the so called “narcotics-cou- riers".122 For example, a respondent says:

“These children are some 10 years of age or over. Every criminal has his “soldiers" who perform criminal acts for him. These are criminal gro- ups from the colonies of Brace Jerkovic and Medakovic. Within every cri- minal clan there are minor “soldiers". Juvenile Homes also present a real hotbed for criminals. Children in those homes get shaped up and prepa- red for a criminal career."

According to the opinion of the majority of respondents, this phe- nomenon is especially present among the secondary school pupils and children living in Homes, as well as among Roma boys, the so-called “children of the street". Some respondents, however, claim that there is a group of Roma people who force children to engage in criminal activ- 122 Many respondents from various towns of Serbia have pointed out the phenomenon of forcing minors to deal drugs, especially in schools.

132 ities. They have even managed to “snatch" two children who had pre- viously been included in the “Children of the Street" Project. They force children into stealing by beating them. Also, it would be very dangero- us should anybody try to contact them in order to set those children free. As regards children living in Children's Homes, a female respon- dent points out:

“It happens sometimes that older children abuse younger protégés, by forcing them to beg for money. For that reason, professional staff in children's homes are trying to introduce homogenous homes for children without parental care. Special care is being taken that drug dealers do not talk children from Homes into taking drugs by offering them free samples in the beginning. There were, however, some lonely cases that a child from Home was exposed to this risk but the reaction to prevent it was im- mediate. More precisely, these were two cases of drug dealers concentra- ted in the area between two schools, offering children from Home to take drugs into the Home and distribute it among friends. Fortunately, this in- cident was immediately uncovered and prevented. In case of any suspici- ous situation, staff of Children's Homes contact the Department for Juve- niles of the Police, with whom they maintain very good cooperation. They also call them to check other children with whom protégés of the Home get in touch."

The information given by another respondent is similar:

“Children of the Shelter and “Vasa Stajic" Children's Home have fi- les reaching one meter height before they turn 14. As soon as they turn 14, they are sent to Krusevac. These children are citizens of our country and sometimes deal for themselves, in other cases are organised by oth- ers. Educational measures of sending children to the Houses of Correction have never produced good results. It is a known fact that their stay in Krusevac and Valjevo is in fact a sort of their ‘graduation exam'."

A number of respondents knew of the cases where parents and co- usins force children to engage in criminal activities. This phenomenon is also prevalent widely among Roma population but can be found as well among children of Romanian citizens whose parents force them to beg and engage in small thefts. At a special risk of being forced to per- form criminal activities are children from poor or “problematic" families as well as children living alone. The following example serves to illus- trate this:

133  “A minor (aged 11) from Zubin Potok several times broke into a warehouse of technical goods by crawling through the ventilation win- dow 25x50 cm in size. The boy was tiny and skinny and could go through even a smaller opening without any problems. It was assumed that he co- uld not have done this by himself and that somebody else had accompa- nied him. Parts of stolen goods were found with an older man who tried to sell it at the market. He was arrested but denied any connection with the boy. By further investigation it was disclosed that the boy was forced to steal by him. The boy himself was only temporarily residing in Novi Pazar, unregistered and alone. The owner of the warehouse who suffered damage asked for the suspension of charges against the boy."

Children with special needs, according to the information by our respondents, are also frequent victims to forced engagement in criminal activities. For example, there is a case of a boy from Vozdovac who has been monitored by the Centre for Social Work since he was 4—5 years old. It was known that he was a victim of people around him, older cri- minals, who would help him sneak into houses to steal for them. Seve- ral criminal charges have been brought against this boy who is also slightly mentally retarded. He has been sent on several occasions to a Children's Home in the countryside but would come back to Belgrade by himself, since he was a “Belgrade child".

VII 3. “Children at Risk"

Upon carrying out a victim logy research, special attention is paid to the characteristics of victims. In cases of trafficking in children we are dealing with children who, based on analyses of the current expert knowledge, have been singled out as children at high risk of trafficking in children and other forms of exploitation (sexual exploitation, forced begging, forced criminal activity and similar). The part of the population of children that is, according to the in- formation of our respondents regarding trafficking in children as well information on other mentioned social-pathological phenomena, most often mentioned are Roma children, children without parental care as well as children living in educational institutions of open type which offer full freedom of movement outside the institution and which is due to the specific situation that they are in but also thanks to the large number or recruiters who swarm around institutions recruiting girls, very easily become victims of trafficking or other forms of exploitation. As children at special risk are also children with special needs (slightly

134 and moderately mentally retarded children),123 children with behaviou- ral disorders, as well as children from dysfunctional families. One of the most drastic examples of the risk to which children without parental care are exposed is the following:

“A girl from Moldova, victim of trafficking from the age of 14, pre- viously placed in the Home for Children without Parental Care, from where she was recruited, above all because she was a virgin and a higher price is paid for virgins. The girl was found in a night bar in the surroun- dings of Sombor but prior to that she had been on sale in Kosovo, Monte- negro, Bosnia, Republika Srpska to be finally brought to Serbia. She had been exploited for several months in each of those places. When she left for Moldova, she was already 18, which means that her suffering lasted for 4 years."

Ljiljana Ivanisevic, expert coordinator in the Centre for Protection of Infants, Children and Youth in Belgrade talking about risks for chil- dren immediately after being released from Children's Homes said the following:

“Needs of children in Children's Homes are fulfilled while they are under protection. Children have accommodation, food, clothing, shoes, and pocket money and do not have many reasons to enter prostitution except already mentioned naiveté characteristic for children living in ho- mes. Namely, the half-protected position does not train them for indepen- dent life. I believe that children are at the greatest risk of trafficking, pros- titution and similar once they are released from homes. Children's Home makes effort to help children finish secondary school, find employment, lodgings, but it is in fact the independent life itself that presents the big- gest risk for those children"

VII 4. Conclusion

Results of the conducted research according to both direct and in- direct indicators of trafficking in children risk undoubtedly show that trafficking in children is present in Serbia and that unfortunately, this dangerous form of organised crime has reached serious dimensions. As regards trafficking in children, Serbia predominantly figures as a country of victim's origin, especially for Roma children, but also as a 123 Case of the girl from “Dusan Dugalic" Primary school in Belgrade, mentioned previously, page 86.

135 country of transit and temporary destination for minor girls who are in- cluded together with adult women in organised chains of trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Analysis of the collected data show that trafficking in children, mostly citizens of our country, is carried out also within the borders of the Republic of Serbia. This form of trafficking is mostly done from smaller towns toward bigger ones, most often Belgrade, Novi Pazar and Nis. According to the data gathered by the research, most frequent vic- tims of trafficking are children citizens of Serbia themselves (54 in total) — the number of Roma124 and non-Roma children being the same, most of them girls. In addition to those, victims are also children-foreign citi- zens included in trafficking on a trans-national level. According to this research, children who were singled out as being at a high risk of trafficking in children but also all other examined so- cial-pathological phenomena closely connected to it, are Roma children, children living in Homes for Children without Parental Care (especially sensitive immediately after being released from Homes), children with special needs, children from poor or permanently dysfunctional fami- lies. The results obtained by this research relating to indirect indicators (prostitution, begging, forced engagement in criminal activity, forced la- bour, abductions and similar crimes) point to the wide distribution of these forms of exploitation to which children are exposed to and to an increased presence of the organisation of the phenomena mentioned, which further deepens the risk of trafficking in children since it can be skilfully hidden behind them. The analysis presented in this article will hopefully be further ex- amined, supported by the results of future empiric research, and should be used to build an efficient system for the eradication and prevention of all forms of child exploitation. In addition to this, of special signifi- cance is the need for preventive work with those children at highest risk from these types of crime.

124 Data on the prevalence of trafficking in Roma children should be taken with a reserve, having in mind that we are dealing with a very closed Roma community, which very often consid- ers trafficking within the community itself as a culture trait. All indicators point that the number of Roma children involved in trafficking is by far greater and that the dark figure is high here.

136  VIII Trafficking in Men in Serbia

In accordance with the theoretical assumptions regarding the facts of trafficking in male migrants as well as according to empiric knowl- edge so far in this domain, it has been assumed that the study of traf- ficking in men in Serbia would affirm that Serbia presents a dominant country for transfer of migrants from the Afro-Asian complex (Near, Middle and Far East as well as North Africa) for the purpose of labour exploitation in the West. In relation to this, and having in mind that trafficking in male migrants in its appearance can hardly be differentia- ted from the smuggling of people prior to migrants' arrival to the coun- try of their destination where they may possibly end as victims of for- ced labour, enslavement or by the taking away of their organs, it has been expected that this study would provide far more information re- garding indirect than regarding direct indicators of trafficking in people (above all, on male migrants' smuggling). Further, it has been assumed that Serbia represents also the coun- try of origin to illegal migrants who may become victims of trafficking for the purpose of forced labour in Western countries. In that sense it has been counted not only with collecting direct indicators of the distri- bution of trafficking in men in, across and from Serbia as well as within its borders but also on some of “thrusting" factors towards alternative labour markets in the country and outside its borders (smuggling, prev- alence of labour under illegal circumstances and begging). One of the fundamental targets of the research of trafficking in pe- ople relates to the examination of the hypothesis of Serbia as a potential destination country for trafficking in people for the purpose of forced labour. In connection to this, information has been gathered not only on direct but also on indirect indicators of this phenomena — prevalen- ce of foreign citizens working illegally and begging. Finally, not a less important aim related to the insight into the pre- sence and the level of sensibility of respondents (policemen, prosecu- tors, judges, reporters, social care institutions' employees) to the traffic- king in men problem which they could have encountered, directly or indirectly in their work.

137  VIII 1. Direct Indicators and Characteristics of Trafficking in Men

VIII 1.1. Direct Indicators of the Prevalence, and Origin of Victims of Trafficking in Men

The results of the study of trafficking in people in Serbia have shown that during the past two years five respondents, from Belgrade, Sombor and Subotica, have encountered the phenomenon of trafficking in adult men in the course of their work.125 More precisely we are talking about nine cases in which over 100 adult men from China, Afghanistan, Romania, Iraq, Iran, Turkey, Paki- stan, Bangladesh and Serbia have appeared as victims of trafficking in people. In addition to this, indirect or informal knowledge about con- crete cases of trafficking in male migrants in 2002 and 2003 have been described by four respondents from Novi Pazar. These are several cases suspected to be trafficking of citizens of Serbia by luring them to work in western countries, where once there they fall victims to forced labour and enslavement. All respondents who had concrete professional experience with the phenomenon of trafficking in adult men were police inspectors, exclud- ing a female activist of the NGO ASTRA from Belgrade who described a case of a local citizen — victim of trafficking in people and a reporter of “Danas" daily from Belgrade who described a case of trafficking with 10 Romanian migrants as victims. According to the belief of our respondents, each case of trafficking in adult people, known to them either from direct or indirect experi- ence, has been carried out for the purpose of labour exploitation. How- ever, some of the respondents pointed out to the possibility that some of male migrants movements through Serbia had sexual exploitation as their aim, or stealing of organs, which has become a rather immanent phenomenon recently. Dusan Zlokas, deputy commander of the Minis- try of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, the Border Police Admi- 125 Having in mind that incrimination of trafficking in people had been introduced by chan- ges and additions of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia on 11th April 2003, shortly before this research began — only in one case (of May 2003), where six adult male Chinese citizens (ac- companied by two female Chinese citizens) appeared as victims of trafficking in people, where the charges brought for the offence of trafficking in people from the article 111b of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia. In all other cases, criminal charges for other offences were brought aga- inst possible perpetrators, most often for the illicit crossing of the state border from the article 249, page 2 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia or for association for the purpose of perpe- trating offences stipulated by the Federal Law (article 254u v Article 249 page 2 of the Criminal Co- de of the Republic of Serbia). In all these cases, based on their knowledge, respondents expressed their belief that the described cases were practically cases of male migrant trafficking.

138 nistration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, expressed his know- ledge on these phenomena by following words:

“Men from East European countries transit Serbia according to the same principles (as women from these countries). Only a few of them are aware that they will be sexually exploited, since they are only in search of a good job — mostly work in oil plants or construction sites (men apply to those advertisements) They get exploited by labouring under most dif- ficult conditions, in return for minimal wages, live in inadequate accom- modation, get transferred to destinations in a most inhuman way. It also happens that once they reach their destination, they end up imprisoned and forced to sell their kidney. For example, Moldavians sell their kidneys for 1500—2000 Euros, which later resold at a considerably higher price…"

As for the national composition of the victims of trafficking in peo- ple that were described by our respondents based on their own direct professional experience, prevailing are individuals originating from Iran (several dozens), Afghanistan (32). Turkey and Iraq (several dozens Kurds) followed by victims — citizens of China (14), Romania (10), Paki- stan (7), Bangladesh (3) and Serbia (1). As a rule, victims of trafficking in people are young, fit working men in their twenties and thirties. Ac- cording to the evidence given by respondents, the majority of victims, albeit not all of them, were very poorly educated, without the knowl- edge of foreign languages, non-qualified and semi-qualified labourers.

VIII 1.2. Routes and Organization of Trafficking in Men

According to the information relating to direct indicators of the trafficking in people phenomenon provided by this research, it can be concluded that for the past two years Serbia has primarily served as a transit country for male migrants' trafficking and only secondary a country of victims' origin. None of the respondents had any knowledge about direct indicators of adult trafficking in men in Serbia as a destina- tion country, or adult trafficking in men within the country itself. In all cases described, the migrant victims of trafficking were from Afgha- nistan, Iraq, Iran, Turkey, China, Romania, Pakistan and Bangladesh. They were smuggled in the direction of Hungary126 or Croatia towards 126 According to the data provided by the International Labour Organisation, men — victims of trafficking in people with the purpose of forced labour who are transferred via Hungary to Western European countries, mostly come from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Iraq and Pakistan. Sour- ce: ILO (2002) “Forced Labour, Child Labour and Human Trafficking in Europe: An ILO Perspecti- ve", op. cit. p. 7.

139 Western countries among which Germany, Italy and Great Britain are designated as final destination countries. Male trafficking victims' roads of transfer lead mostly between the borders of Serbia and Bulgaria (ne- ar Zajecar) and Serbia and Romania (near Vrsac, around Veliko Gradi- ste and Bela Crkva) at their entrance and borders with Hungary (Subo- tica) and Croatia (Sid) at their exit from Serbia.127 Transport is mostly done by land routes using various means of transport (vans, cars, buses, by foot) or by river traffic (across the Danube). Crossing of borders at both entrance and exit from the country has been performed in both formally legal and various illegal ways: by crossing borders outside the official border crossing points or at the official border crossing points but with forged travel documents, forged letters of guarantee, invitation letters and tourist vouchers. A representative of the Department for Prevention of Organised Crime within the Serbian Ministry of Interior regarding those roads says:

“They enter through Bulgaria, Romania — there gathering centres exist where immigrants are sheltered. Especially famous are the so-called Zajecar and Vrsac group which transport them. They arrive by land route — legally, with the aid of invitation letters, and exit in most cases ille- gally. They also arrive by plane, via Slatina airport in the vicinity of Pristi- na or Belgrade Airport. From Turkey they arrive via tourist agencies — to Pristina and from there illegally for Podgorica, Sarajevo, Belgrade. A num- ber of them enter via “green line" — illegally — by crossing the border by foot. There are sheltering houses near each border, from where they reach the highway and then get transferred by trucks. Romanian border is espe- cially critical, Vrsac the most. Danube also plays a part — they are trans- ported by boats. At some points Danube is so narrow that can be crossed by a boat in 3—4 minutes… For the exit of the country, especially popular are crossings of Hungarian border, Sombor, Subotica… At the border with Croatia, especially known is Sid — victims continue further through Croa- tia to Western Europe".

Respondents who described trafficking in male migrants have ex- pressed their knowledge about the organisation of this criminal activity. They have stressed the trans-national inter-linking of criminals and cri- minal groups, horizontal and vertical systematisation of jobs and roles as well as the organizational involvement of citizens of the country of victim's origin, temporarily residing in Serbia. One of our respondents described a case of trafficking in Chinese migrants that happened in March 2003 as follows: 127 Trafficking in men and smuggling roads are shown on a map enclosed in the Appendix.

140  “The Police received information that a group of Chinese citizens were getting ready to leave Serbia illegally. They were informed where the house was situated in which the Chinese were staying… and there they found 10 adult Chinese citizens, 2 or 3 women among them. Half of them had passports, the other half did not. The house was a weekend cottage and soon afterwards the owner was also found, citizen of our country…It was discovered that he had contacted a men suspected of or- ganising transport of Chinese citizens and who cooperated with a Chine- se man in Hungary… Police waited for the organiser to contact the guide and then they were both caught. The Chinese, on the other hand, legally entered Serbia, via Russia (to Moscow and from there by a regular air line to Belgrade). At the Belgrade airport they were greeted by their compatri- ot with Serbian residency permit. Everything had been arranged previ- ously while still in China. The final destination should have been Lon- don… Citizens of our country, in this chain do their part of the “business" by handing over the Chinese to the man in Hungary, who transports them further to Budapest from where again, via Slovakia, Austria and Slo- venia they reach the countries of Western Europe. Via Slovakia they reach Germany, via Austria — Switzerland, France and England. Some Chinese pay for the trip whilst still in China with the sum depending on the desti- nation country, but mostly around USD 10.000. It happens that families collect money to send their only member to Europe where he then works illegally and pays off the trip fee while barely surviving on the rest of his wages…"

In connection with the case revealed in Belgrade on 11th May 2003, with eight adult citizens of China (six men and two women) as victims, charges have been brought at the County Court of Belgrade against a Chinese citizen suspected of forging identity papers and organisation of transfer of Chinese migrants from Romania to Belgrade, for the criminal act of trafficking in people from Article 111b of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia. At the time of the research, police was still look- ing for one Chinese and several citizens of Serbia and Montenegro sus- pected as accomplices. In this particular case, trafficking in Chinese mi- grants was performed with the aim of labour exploitation in Italy (as a country of temporary or final destination) and the transfer was suppo- sed to be via Croatia. In the Information on Organised Trafficking in People and Prostitution of Women in 2002 and the first five months of 2003 at the territory of Federal Police Department in Belgrade128 issued by The Press Office of the Belgrade Police, it is mentioned that upon di- 128 www.mup.sr.gov.yu/domino/skzn.nsf/fc9e82a3073a74fac1256c3200393d62/$FILE/b_roblje_pro- stit_skr.doc.

141 scovering this case, “more than 50 Chinese travel documents were fo- und, among which diplomatic and business passports as well as Japane- se passports" and one of Chinese perpetrators caught, a 22 year old man who had been living in ‘Belgrade and other Serbian towns for two years working in catering and commerce. In all other events described by respondents included in this study, criminal charges against organisers have been brought for other crimi- nal offences, most often for illicit crossing of the state border (act 249, paragraph 2 Criminal Code of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) or association with the purpose of performing criminal acts stipulated by the Federal Law (act 245, paragraph 1, Criminal Code of the Federal Re- public of Yugoslavia in connection with act. 249, paragraph 2 of the Cri- minal Code of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) while victims were disciplined for legal offence for violation of the rule from the Law on Border Crossing and Movement in the Border Area and the Law on Movement and Residence. Of Foreigners (for illicit border crossing, non possession of travel documents, failure to report residence, etc.). According to the information gathered by this research, Serbia also appears to a certain extent as a country of trafficking in people victims' origin: based on descriptions by the respondents who had the knowl- edge of organized chain of smuggling and labour exploitation of citi- zens of the Republic of Serbia in the countries of Western Europe, it can be concluded that ways of trafficking in male migrants from Serbia most often lead to Germany, Austria and Italy, as final destination co- untries in which they fall victims to labour exploitation or forced labo- ur. In relation to this, a respondent stated:

“I know a case of a large number of people who were smuggled to countries of Western Europe to join the work force. Namely, in most ca- ses to Germany, Austria, Italy… There are also organised groups who smuggle women and men across the border in return for a fee. Many of those people have been cheated, their money taken and they were not transported over the border. Those who do manage to cross the border get employed illegally by their fellow compatriots. They work and hide, sometimes 2—3 months without any wages since they owe this to their employers for accommodation and food. This debt is accompanied by in- terest, resulting in them often working a year only for food and accom- modation (a room which they share with 15 other people sometimes)."

Victims are almost always allured by the promise of a good job and fast and considerable profit. A respondent who had informal knowl- edge on “the smuggling of male migrants for the purpose of illegal la- bour" from Serbia to western European countries, gave the following description:

142  “Men are easily recruited by compatriots' promise of great profits. There are people who introduce themselves as building contractors abroad (in Germany, Austria, Switzerland), they provide forged visas and other travel documents and in return for a certain fee, which does not always have to be paid immediately (sometimes they make a kind of a written contract) take those men with them. It happens that those people work several months without being paid, even those who are not in debt bond- age… victims of smuggling for the purpose of illegal labour are most of- ten men 25 to 40 years of age. Mostly citizens of Serbia, Montenegro, Tur- key and Albania. Among them there are many men from Sandzak."

Indication that Sandzak could be the area where the recruitment of men for work abroad is especially prominent, has been provided by ot- her respondents as well. One of them, while telling of his indirect knowledge on exploitation and forced labour of citizens of the Republic of Serbia in Western European countries, among the rest added:

“I know several cases of men borrowing money (2000 to 3000 Euro) to be transferred illegally, most often to the countries of Western Europe. There they are provided work by the “employers". They work several months for those employers, sometimes even a year, in the beginning they receive one or two salaries and then, the “employers" start promis- ing that the rest will be paid at the end, upon finishing their work. Those promises turn out to be empty; workers do not dare report their employ- ers, being themselves without work permits. Sometimes they are happy if the “employers" do not turn them over to the police who would deport them. In most cases those men left their families at home in a very diffi- cult financial situation… And there are “employers" who offer jobs abroad promising everything. They take a group of people, arrange visas for them free of charge and so they end up being forced to work without be- ing paid. Since the employer holds all documents and they themselves have no money, they are left with no choice but to keep their mouth shut and work"

A case described by Marija Andjelkovic, law clerk at the City Magi- strate Court in Belgrade and an activist of the NGO “ASTRA", points to Italy as a destination country in trafficking in male migrants — citizens of Serbia. A young man who during 2002 called the SOS phone line for victims of trafficking in people and reported his own victimisation as he was forced to engage in criminal activity in Italy, in the meantime dis- appeared and Astra activists are still after any information regarding his fate.

143  Sensibility to the problem of trafficking in adult men was clearly visible only with a few respondents, mostly those who encountered this problem directly in the course of their work. Namely, only a couple of respondents pointed to the possibility that trafficking in male migrants really presents a serious problem, and that behind numerous cases of smuggling of people we are actually dealing with their own victimisa- tion by trafficking in people. On the problem of differentiation between smuggling of people and trafficking in people, a representative of Bel- grade police says:

“Trafficking in people is the result of financial situation — poverty, people from less developed parts of the world travel to more prosperous countries to work… Victims of trafficking are in a special position: not by their own will, but by deception and false promises or force, they end up in this situation. In the definition of the act itself, it says: “by using the special position" — meaning financial position, people accept anything just to be able to live better. It is hard to differentiate, prove whether the concrete case is actually trafficking in people or illegal migration… People try everything to enter a country where they will have better opportuniti- es and this is used by organised criminal groups."

The majority of respondents, however, see the illegal migration of male individuals exclusively as a problem connected to illicit border crossing or smuggling.129 Therefore, asked about any knowledge on trafficking in men the following answers were received: “As regards men we can only talk of the cases of smuggling", “I do not believe that men can be forced to do something they would not want to." “It is hard to talk on trafficking in men since there is a high level of volunta- rism there." and similar, while a considerable number of respondents of both sexes implicitly but clearly expressed his/her understanding of the phenomenon of trafficking in people as gender based connecting it (in a concrete and hypothetical way) exclusively to victimisation of wo- men.130

129 It has been observed that a large number of respondents (more that one third) explicitly and implicitly recognises trafficking in people as a phenomenon exclusively of trafficking in women and children with the purpose of sexual exploitation. 130 It is a general conclusion that by far highest level of sensibility to recognising phenome- na of trafficking in men among respondents has been shown by police officers and then journal- ists. Almost all interviewed policemen expressed clear understanding and differentiation of pheno- mena of trafficking in people and smuggling and by far less then other professional categories in- volved in this study, verbally expressed prejudices like “victims is to be blamed himself" in connec- tion to trafficking in men.

144  VIII 2. Trafficking in Men: Indirect Indicators (Markers)

The fact that it is impossible to study any form of organized crime by implying traditional techniques is the reason why estimates on the distribution of trafficking in people have to rely on its indirect indica- tors — markers.131 The phenomenon of trafficking in people is hard to investigate based on direct indicators, not only because it is an organi- zed criminal activity but also due to some other reasons. First of all, vic- tims of trafficking in people, as a rule, are controlled by physical and psychical forms of coercion and therefore only in rare cases do they re- port their own victimisation. In addition to this, male victims of traffick- ing with the purpose of labour exploitation are, independently from ex- ternal control, most often in hopeless situation controlled from “with- in": by reporting the perpetrator, they would put themselves in danger having in mind their illegal sojourn in the country to which they wanted to come and would risk deportation, which would further les- sen their total life choices as well as those of their families, making the situation worse that the one that preceded their decision to migrate. Pressure to stay in the destination country “at any price" becomes strongest exactly at the time when the victimisation starts taking place — critically high numbers of trafficking in male migrants are a compo- nent of this phenomenon that clearly calls for the need of indirect indi- cators, markers of this phenomenon to be examined. Distribution of the smuggling of male migrants, illegal labour and adult male vagrancy were taken as markers of trafficking in men thro- ugh/from/and to Serbia. These phenomena are in close association with the phenomenon of trafficking in people. Smuggling of migrants is a solid marker of trafficking in people most of all because it often prece- des or coincides with trafficking. In addition to this, smuggled migrants do not have much choice in their destination country: their roads al- most always lead to illegal labour market and the victimisation of being exposed to the risk of trafficking in people even in cases where they en- ter the country as free individuals.132 Further, smuggling is a problem arousing far more interest and sensibility in the countries of transfer and especially in the destination countries, since, in the broadest sense, 131 Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (2003) “Trafficking in People and Organized Crime: definition of basic concept and methods of data collection", in: V. Nikolic-Ristanovic, S. Copic and B. Mihic Traf- ficking in People: Concept, Characteristics and Legislation, Institute for Criminological and Sociological Research, unpublished. 132 By the words of Schloenhardt, “They [illegal migrants] have no choice but to work illegally to survive. Many of the migrants find themselves in the black labour market, and, in more extreme cases, they engage, or are forced to engage, in criminal activities…. often organized by the same criminal group that brought them into the country." Schloenhardt, A. (2001) “Migrant Trafficking and Regional Se- curity", op. cit. page 86.

145 smuggling of people is an act against the state (unlike trafficking in pe- ople which presents merely a human rights violation).133 Due to that fact, far more empirical data on smuggling exist, based on which it is possible to make an estimate on phenomenal and other characteristics of trafficking in people. Finally, having in mind that with trafficking in men for the purpose of labour exploitation, victimisation in most cases practically begins only when the smuggled migrants arrive to their des- tination countries,134 for investigation on the trafficking in male mi- grants in Serbia, which is primarily a transit country, information on the smuggling of male migrants can be of great importance. Illegal work is strongly connected with the risk of trafficking in pe- ople, qualifying it as a strong mediator of this phenomenon. Firstly, ille- gal labour as well as work under illegal conditions, under certain cir- cumstances can acquire forms of exploitation in the sense in which it is defined as an element of trafficking in people, and having in mind that the demand and offer of illegal labour are mediated by the illegal labo- ur exchange which acts as a profitable “entrepreneurial activity" (whose vital interest is to “recruit, transport and smuggle" offerers of labouring services), it seems sufficiently justified to assume that a positive connec- tion exists between the distribution of illegal labour and trafficking in people. Secondly, distribution of illegal labour serves as an indicator of the level of inaccessibility to rightful and legal jobs on the labour mar- ket as well as an indicator of country's strength and the strength of its regulatory mechanism to guarantee fulfilment of basic rights to its citi- zens. It that sense, distribution of illegal labour is in fact an indicator of the level of inhabitants' structural victimisation, weakness of financial and social position of the whole levels of underprivileged citizens (espe- cially those low qualified ones) and as a consequence, their readiness to take a risk on alternative labour markets within their country and even more so in other, richer countries.135 133 A better efficiency of the state in catching perpetrators of trafficking in people for the purpose of labour exploitation would involve, among the rest, the need of extensive assistance (of- fering a possibility of temporary or permanent residence, financial support, legal, medical, psycho- logical and social aid, etc.), restitution, reparations and rehabilitation of victims of trafficking in men by the destination countries (in which their victimization takes place, after all). These measu- res would, on the other side, serve to increase (non desirable) illegal economic migrations. This is one of the reasons due to which the “fight against trafficking in people" practically interferes with “the fight against people smuggling" with the latter turning out to be more prioritised as multiply effective, more useful and cheaper. 134 See: Aronowitz, A.A. (2001) “Smuggling and Trafficking in Human Beings…", op. cit. page 167. 135 For a person who is not able to avoid working “illegally" in his/her own country, with- out a possibility to receive social insurance and medical care or other rights which belong to him based on his/her work, the decision to take a chance with alternative labour markets does not pres- ent a great risk at all. On the contrary: “pulling" factors in such case function a lot stronger than any perception of possible risks.

146  Organized begging is often considered a relatively profitable and low-risk criminal activity. On the other hand, its potential work force is numerous and without the choice, due to a difficult financial position and high social marginalisation. The profitability of organized begging, combined with the complete non-protection and hopeless situation of individuals who serve as organized beggars, leads to a potentially high dark figure of exploitation by forced begging as well as by trafficking. This further justifies examining the distribution of begging and espe- cially the presence and spread of its organized forms as indirect indica- tors of these phenomena.

VIII 2.1. Distribution and Criminal Characteristics of the Male Migrants Smuggling

Results of the study of trafficking in people in Serbia confirm as- sumptions on distribution of male migrants smuggling: 15 respondents had direct knowledge of this phenomenon encountered in the course of their work. These were mostly police inspectors, magistrate judges, district court public prosecutors as well as district court judges from Belgrade, Nis, Zajecar and Subotica. For smuggling of male migrants, Serbia is primarily a country of transit towards the Western European countries: by cutting the male migrants smuggling chain through Serbia during 2002 and in the first half of 2003, several hundreds of illegal mi- grants have been caught.136 In the Shelter for Foreigners in Padinska Skela (which temporarily shelters smuggled migrants found without any personal documents) only, 222 persons were admitted in the course of 2002, while during the first half of 2003, 177 illegal migrants mostly from Afghanistan, Tunis, Iraq, Iran, Turkey, China and Pakistan were sheltered. Migrants enter Serbia as a transit country by various means of tran- sport and in various ways: by air, land and river, by foot, either cross- ing the border illegally or entering in a formally legal way. In connec- tion to this, the Report on the Activities of the Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Serbia in 2001 quotes as follows: “It has been noted that the citizens of Afro-Asian countries often use invitation letters of local companies posing as business people in order to be granted Yugoslav 136 In the report on the activities of the Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Serbia in 2002 it is stated that during 2002 on the territory of the Republic of Serbia “15 channels for illegal trans- fer of foreign citizens were cut and 289 individuals uncovered (91 Afghans, 70 Iraqis, 57 Turks, 20 Iranians, 19 Tunisians, and so on)" It has been estimated that “cutting off these channels prevented the entry of over 1000 possible illegal migrants whose destination countries were countries of Western Europe". http://www.mup.sr.gov.yu/domino/skzn.nsf/fc/fc9e82a3073a74fac1 256c3200393d62/$FILE/izvestaj2002.doc.

147 visas and enter our country legally, only to be caught afterwards at- tempting to cross the border illegally with the purpose of further entry to the countries of the Western Europe."137 Migrants who were using illegal channels on their way through Serbia towards Western Europe and who were known to respondents from their direct experience, in most cases entered Serbia illegally (or were smuggled in), crossing the border between Bulgaria138 or Romania and Serbia hidden in a specially adapted trucks, transporters, car boots, boats across the Danube or by foot. However, we have gathered infor- mation that it is not a rare case that migrants enter the country legally, by regular airlines or land routes, with formally regular tourist or busi- ness visas.139 Similar to trafficking routes, routes of male migrants smuggling through Serbia mostly lead from east towards west and northwest of the country, or from Serbian border with Bulgaria and Romania (aro- und Negotin, Knjazevac, Zajecar, Vrsac and Donji Milanovac) upon the- ir entry and Subotica, Sombor (towards Hungary) Sid (towards Croatia) or Sabac (towards Bosnia and Herzegovina) upon their exit from Serbia. Absolutely most endangered in that sense are the borders of Serbia with Romania and Bulgaria at the entrance and the border with Hun- gary at the exit from the country: an estimate has been given by several respondents that for the past two years several thousands of migrants from the Middle and Far East have been smuggled towards the West of Europe using this route. Having in mind the transit smuggling routes, particularly signifi- cant is the information provided by the respondents from Zajecar, Po- zarevac (transit area for smuggling migrants from the direction of Ro- mania and Bulgaria) and Subotica and Sombor (transit area at the exit towards Hungary). During 2002 and the first five months of 2003, re- spondents from Zajecar encountered ten cases of male migrants smug- gling in organized attempts at illicit border crossing in groups of among 15 to 20 people from Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran who entered the terri- tory of Serbia from Bulgaria. A respondent who shared his knowledge on male migrants smuggling via Serbia added the following: 137 Can be viewed at http://www.mup.sr.gov.yu/domino/02arh.nsf/5e2a05a384a84a4dc1256c3e0052e9de/$FILE/izvestaj.doc. 138 Several examinees pointed to camps (“gathering centres") for illegal migrants in Bulgaria, in which a market for illegal transfer services functions in an informal way and where “the price is known for individual as well as group smuggling". 139 Cases have been described in which smuggling of people from the East to the West had been organised by persons from the migrants' countries of origin (Pakistan, China) who tempo- rarily lived in Serbia where they would open “phantom" companies, based on which they would send invitation letters to their compatriots in order for them to obtain visas and enter Serbia le- gally. Then, they would be transferred, illegally, further, most often to Italy across Croatia and Slo- venia or other Western European countries via Hungary.

148  “Victims have entered Serbia via Bulgaria and further following de- termined channel-points to Subotica, from where, again illegally, they cross to Hungary. In Bulgaria there are so called camps for sheltering smuggled people who also receive a refugee status and their accommoda- tion and food are provided. However, victims contact people who transfer them further, to Serbia and from there to the West… Organized groups of smuggled people cross border illegally at border crossings or outside of them, mostly in trucks, cars, transporters, aboard ships while a number of them cross borders by foot being led by a guide — they are met at the ot- her side by a “contact person". Sometimes they cross several miles by foot though forests. To be assisted in their attempt to reach certain countries of the West Europe, victims pay between USD 3000—5000."

A case of smuggling of migrants via Serbia revealed in the territory of Pozarevac municipality in 2002 has been described by a respondent who had a direct professional experience in connection with it:

“In 2002 we discovered a case of smuggling of 43 adult men: 23 Tu- nisians and 20 Afghans. Prior to their arrival to Serbia they took shelter in a refugee camp in Bulgaria. Of the total group of 43 of them, 33 possessed refugee ID cards while the rest 10 possessed no documents at all. Due to the difficult conditions in the refugee camp, with the aid of connections from Bulgaria and Serbia they paid to be assisted to cross the border by foot. In a village on our side of the border there is a gathering centre. From there they were transported in two vans loaded with wood which had been purchased by their transporters from the Department for For- ests for the purpose of camouflage. They were supposed to reach Hunga- rian border. However, they were stopped by the traffic police as part of their regular check ups, near the highway branching on for Pozarevac. The drivers missed the road and traffic police suspected they were smug- gling goods. Among wood that was transported, the traffic police discove- red also hidden passengers who were arrested and sent to prison for 10 days. They were all in possession of money, between 10 and 600 dollars. After serving the sentence, all 43 were handed to the High Commissariat of UN for refugees while criminal charges have been brought against or- ganizers and transporters."

“Mokranje" border crossing between Bulgaria and Romania (near Negotin), according to the testimony of a respondent, is the one used most for migrants' illegal crossing.

“The territory there is very convenient for all sorts of machinations, smuggling and trafficking in people. Densely populated, very forested.

149  Excellent conditions for illicit border crossings… Two additional directions are used: Majdanpek—Kucevo and further towards Belgrade—Nis high- way and the other — Donji Milanovac—Golubac—Veliko Gradiste—Poza- revac highway. These are ways used also by women and Afro-asylants."

This study, among the rest, confirmed the rule that smuggled mi- grants are at high risk of various forms of victimisation on their way to a “Better Future". According to some respondents' testimony, “guides" usually take away money from smuggled people for “security reasons". It often happens that they run away, leaving their victims cheated and robbed of their possessions. A respondent who described a case of smuggling a group of Iraqi migrants caught in the territory of Serbia in 2003, added:

“A group has been caught of 8 Iraqis who planned to cross the bor- der towards Hungary, having spent time prior to that in a camp in Bulga- ria as refugees following the events in Iraq. They paid USD3000 each to a Bulgarian citizen who transferred them in a lorry across Bulgarian border. He tricked Iraqis by telling them they were crossing a border with Hun- gary then with another country and yet with another one every time they passed a toll payment point or something similar. Finally he left them in a field in the municipality of Sombor informing them they arrived to Ger- many. You could see that Iraqis were extremely poor. When they do re- ach Germany it often happens that they sell their kidney for USD 4000— 5000 to cover those travel expenses, transport and similar. The same kid- ney reaches later the price of USD 120000."

Belgrade journalist Vanja Bulic, editor in chief of the “BK Televi- sion" satellite program, described his knowledge of the risks that smug- gled people are exposed to as follows:

“A smuggler who was a guest in my program, talked about his busi- ness of transporting Kurds from Turkish border to Greece by a boat. The profit was USD 2000 per smuggled person. According to his words, if a boat sank — it sank. An unbelievable story indeed…. He also said that they would beat them with rows in order to get rid of those who were excessive to prevent the boat from sinking…."

All respondents who had direct or indirect knowledge on male mi- grants smuggling expressed their belief that Serbia rarely appears in such cases as a country of destination. Even though illegal entries to Serbia of migrants from Romania, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia with the aim of working illegally are not such a rare ca-

150 se, according to respondents' opinion, these are in most cases not car- ried out in an organised way.140 On the phenomenon and ways of smuggling migrants from Serbia as the country of origin, respondents included in this study almost had no knowledge or disposed of only uncertain and informal information. One of them who did have the knowledge of this phenomenon said:

“Our migrants travel towards the countries of Western Europe. Des- tination countries are in most cases: Germany, Austria, Switzerland and Italy. They use various ways to get there. From Serbia and Montenegro via Hungary they reach Italy, via France they arrive to Germany or from Hungary to Austria and then Germany. The third route is Hungary—Slo- vakia—Czech Republic—Germany…"

Smuggled male migrants, according to testimonies of our respon- dents, are mostly younger individuals, capable of working, between 20 and 40 years of age, relatively low educational level and most often without the knowledge of any foreign languages. In all cases where groups of smuggled migrants were discovered, smuggled persons were fined for violation of the rule from the Law on Border Crossing and Movement in the Border Zone or the Law on Movement and Residence of Foreigners, along with pronouncing protective measures of deport- ing foreigners from the territory of the country, as stipulated by the Law on Misdemeanour which violate the Federal Rules.141 Organisers of smuggling and other perpetrators in the organizatio- nal chain caught in the territory of Serbia, have all been accused of of- fence of illicit border crossing or association for the purpose of perform- ing this offence. According to our respondents' testimonies, perpetrators are in most cases local citizens, males, between 25 and 40 years of age, with a criminal record and involved in other forms of organized crimi- nal activities, such as: black-marketing and smuggling of arms, petrol, drugs and motor vehicles. Some respondents stressed that in these ca- ses we are practically dealing with the same group of perpetrators as well as the same methods of smuggling. Criminal groups dealing with organisation of smuggling of people are interwoven on a regional and trans-national level and in most cases are not specialised only in smug- gling of people but are rather flexible and with changing business affin- 140 According to certain recent estimates, Serbia appears as a destination country for some 10% of illegal migrants. See: SCEPP (2002) “Advisory Report on the Justice and Home Affairs in Yugoslavia/Serbia in the Context of the EU Stabilisation and Association Process", final Report, Pre- pared by Gordana Ilic, Counselling Centre for Economy and Legal Issues, Belgrade, page 15. 141 Published in the “Official Gazette of the SFRY" issue 4/77, 36/77, 20/82, 14/85, 74/87, 57/89, 3/90, and 35/91 as well as “Official Gazette of the SFRY", issue 27/92, 50/93, 24/94 and 35/91.

151 ities, depending on market demands and the calculation of profit and risk. As has been stressed by a respondent:

“Smuggling of people is organised on an international level, synchro- nised… Smuggled persons mostly move with organisers from Asian coun- tries — Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, China, across Turkey towards Bulgaria. In Bulgaria a large number of those people gather where they are issued ref- ugee I.D. cards by the Agency for Refugees. In Bulgaria there are also many criminals who deal with smuggling of people, they offer those peo- ple their services of illegal transport to countries of Western Europe. Bul- garian criminals are closely connected with our and Hungarian criminals. They transport groups in organised ways and charge for their services for each country separately. There is a high level of trust here, since the con- sequences that they would have to bear should the action fail, would be dare. Money for the payment of these services is usually kept by the Bul- garian smugglers and only when they are informed from Hungary that the group has been transferred successfully, do they share the money with all other organizers of this business."

The transport of people across the border itself is mostly done by local inhabitants of border areas, local drivers, persons who in most ca- ses have no direct contacts with or knowledge of the main organisers. After crossing the border, illegal migrants are taken over by a “guide" and get transported further towards the north or northwestern borders at the exit of the country. According to descriptions of our respondents, guides most often get arrested together with victims although it is not a rare case that they travel separately, making it more difficult to catch them. Organisers at the “top" level and main smuggling profiteers are often out of reach of the organs of formal criminal control. Most respondents are in no doubt that there is a connection be- tween criminals and criminal groups organising smuggling of people and corrupt policemen, border officers, employees of consular sections, embassy staff, tourist agencies, transporters and other legal execution- ers. The problem of corruption at the level of customs and in the police, especially in border towns on both sides of borders between Serbia and Romania and Bulgaria, was pointed out by interviewed police officers: several of them stressed that the organisers of smuggling had “their own people" (corrupt customs officers and policemen) who expose all police actions before they even take place. In general, low efficiency in discovering smuggling of people is a circumstance that most respon- dents marked as a serious problem of our country. Speaking of that, Di- rector of the Institute for Criminological and Sociological Research in Belgrade, Dobrivoje Radovanovic, PhD, says:

152  “Recently we have experienced a drop in the number of discovered migrants and smuggling of labour force. A strange phenomenon is appar- ent — destination countries register an increased influx of illegal labourers who passed via Serbia while simultaneously in our country we register decrease in their number. There is a large disproportion between the number of migrants who are waiting in dispensaries in Bulgaria and regi- stered illegal entries to Serbia. The dark figure is therefore high. The num- ber of illegal crossing via Serbia ranges from 800 to 2500 annually."

Reasons for inefficiency in the control of smuggling of migrants via Serbia, as pointed out by our respondents are in the first place corrup- tion of legal officers, lack of people and technical resources necessary for adequate control of borders by the police and Army of Serbia and Montenegro and insufficiently intensive cooperation between various organs of the state in the network of criminal control on both national and international level.

VIII 2.2. Illegal Work and Begging — its Prevalence and Connection with Trafficking in Men

Illegal work as a phenomenon has already been present in Serbia for more than a decade: since our country entered the period of so- cio-economic transition and selling of the so called “public property", driven by pressures of “transitional profiteers" in search of fast capital accumulation on one side and the need for basic sustenance of “transiti- onal losers" on the other, an informal order has been established in which labour exploitation of hundreds of thousands of people became a common occurrence, over the years tolerated and passively approved by the pauperised, weakened and criminalized state. In such a context, Serbia has become a country with a large illegal labour market: employ- ers were encouraged by the low risk and a large black market labour force to offer alternative jobs and ever worse conditions of work while desperate workers, chronically desensitised to their rights to which they are entitled to based on their work, did not seek the legal protection they were and are due.142 As has been expected, results of this study show that almost all re- spondents have mentioned illegal labour as a very serious and very widespread phenomenon in Serbia: when talking about illegal labour of 142 According to the estimate made by the Republic of Serbia Minister for Labour and Em- ployment, during 2002, some 600000 people worked illegally in Serbia. From the Minister's state- ment, broadcasted by Tanjug on 8th November 2002, can be viewed at: http://www.mfa.gov.yu/Srpski/spopol/Bilaterala/SAD/activities_s/081102_s.html.

153 local citizens of the male sex, it is a general estimate that it is especially widespread in the field of private entrepreneurship, mostly in construc- tion and commerce section, agriculture and catering. Labour exploita- tion is performed, according to respondents' knowledge, by violating all rights based on work, including the right to earn, social and health ca- re, right to daily rest hours, weekly rest days and holiday. Some of re- spondents described illegal labour in Serbia in general sense as a speci- fic form of forced labour. According to the words of Predrag Vidanovic, of the Municipality Magistrate Court in Nis: “illegal labour is a form of forced labour since certain people are forced to work having no other choice, whereas on the other hand, employers abuse their situation and practically exploit employees who work without social security and pension contributions, social care or minimal wages. A considerable number of respondents mentioned an estimate that illegal labour dur- ing the previous decade has reached participation of 80—90% of the to- tal labour market, and that by introducing a stricter former control of employers, this number has dropped over the last few years for some 50%.143 According to the information received by respondents, during 2002, some 1000 employers were fined for employing illegal labourers in Belgrade, more than 300 of them in Novi Pazar, some 100 in Velika Plana and around 20 in Zajecar. All penalized employers were citizens of the Republic of Serbia, whereas workers whom they engaged were predominantly local citizens of both sexes, with the exception of a smal- ler number of foreign citizens (mostly Romanians and Bulgarians). When talking about migration of workers with the purpose of ille- gal labour, Serbia appears not only as a country of transit from East to the West but also as a country of origin and to a smaller extent, destina- tion of migrants. As destination countries for migrants from Serbia with the aim of illegal labour, respondents most often named Greece, Italy, Austria and Germany. According to the information provided by the re- spondents included in this study, migrants from Serbia most often get engaged for illegal labour in construction (Germany) and agriculture (Greece). In Serbia, however, according to the evidence of respondents included in this study, illegal labour of migrants from Romania, Bulga- ria, Moldova, China, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia is present 143 The Ministry for Labour and Employment of the Republic of Serbia during 2002 intensi- fied their campaign of the stamping out of illegal labour — in addition to the preparation of a New Law on Employment and Insurance in Case of Unemployment which stipulates serious sanc- tions for the unemployed who accept to work illegally, control of employers by inspectors has been increased as well as fines for those who employ workers under illegal circumstances. In the public statement of the Ministry for Labour and Employment of the Republic of Serbia issued on 19th September 2002 it says: “number or workers who are registered with authorities by their em- ployers has increased for almost 470% in relation to year 2000.. Thanks to fines introduced for ille- gal labour, influx of financial means into budget has increased for 813%. http://www.srbija.sr.gov.yu/vesti/2002-09/19/329498.html.

154 to a large extent. Romanian and Bulgarian workers most often get enga- ged for seasonal work on farms and for construction work, especially in the territory of east Serbia and Sumadia (Romanians) and in central and southern parts of the Republic (Bulgarians). Most often they enter the country legally (as visitors, tourists, seasonal workers), in smaller groups or individually. Romanian and Bulgarian citizens, engaged for seasonal physical labour, work illegally on farms or with private entrepreneurs in Serbia, in most cases for daily wages that range between Euro 5 and 15. However, according to some respondents, some of those workers work “only for food and accommodation" and they work “12, 13, 14 ho- urs or more daily" in most cases “jobs for which it is hard to find man- power in Serbia itself". Several respondents pointed that, despite hav- ing the advantage of the cheaper work of Romanian workers, it hap- pens that local employers after a job has been done, refuse to pay agreed wages and report workers to the police since their stay in the country is illegal.144 Legal protection of immigrant-workers in Serbia is on a rather low level: despite the fact that it is widely known that thousands of immi- grants perform illegal seasonal and other jobs all over Serbia, the state remains tolerant towards illegal labour by foreigners while at the same time absolutely passive in relation to their status which is completely at their employers mercy. Campaign for stamping out work under illegal conditions in Serbia, similarly to the situation in the West, relates exclu- sively to local work force. Talking about the attitudes of organs of the state toward foreign citizens who work illegally, one of our respondents says:

“An impression is gained that the authorities do not have any rela- tion towards illegal labour of Romanian citizens. Almost everybody belie- ves that their work brings more benefit than damage and everybody tole- rates this phenomenon, which is not characteristic only of this period but has been present for decades."

Same impression has been shared by the majority of other respon- dents: local employers who employ foreign workers (especially employ- ers on private farms and on construction sites) are very rarely sanctio- ned. Illegally working foreigners in Serbia are obviously characterized by a high unknown figure, while ignorance consequently also surro- unds conditions under which they work. 144 Nelson describes similar phenomenon in English villages in which employers report to authorities illegal migrants who worked on their land in case workers complain about low wages. According to: Ruggiero, V. (2000) Crime and Markets: Essays in Anti-Criminology, Oxford: oxford University Press, page 95.

155  Workers from Moldova in Serbia work most often on construction jobs all around the country, legally or illegally. According to the infor- mation gathered by this research they enter Serbia legally or illegally, in smaller or larger groups as into a country of temporary destination or transit on their way towards the West.145 The story told by one of Mol- dovian illegal migrants who were interviewed, within the frame of this research, in the Shelter for Foreigners in Padinska Skela, is very indica- tive in relation to the problem of the connection between illegal labour and trafficking in people, since it relates to certain issues regarding fac- tors of illegal migration, above all their relation with the situation on the formal and informal labour market in the country of origin as well as in the destination country:

“I was arrested for the attempt of crossing the border illicitly and for non-possession of travel documents in June 2003 by the military border patrol on the border crossing between Serbia and Croatia, together with my friend who is also from Moldova… We were crossing Romania, Serbia and Croatia on our way to Italy where we were supposed to work ille- gally at a building site… I am 40 now and become unemployed immedi- ately after the disintegration of the USSR…. I wanted to go to Italy since I had been there before. I worked illegally in Turin as a construction worker and was earning very well (some USD 1000 a month). I was hel- ped with the job search by some friends from Moldova, who are living in Italy in large numbers and who most often themselves work illegally… The situation in Moldova during the last decade has become unbearable: there are no conditions for bare sustenance, food is scarce and money is extremely difficult to earn. I have a wife and a 12-year old child and yet do not have a permanent job. I work only from time to time illegally as a mason, since the situation has been very difficult in Moldova since the disintegration of the Soviet Union and it is almost impossible to find a le- gal job… I would be most happy if by some miracle I could reach Italy or any other Western country where I could work and provide better life to my family…"

The decision to migrate by smuggling channels, relying on “com- patriot-friends" in the destination country who themselves work ille- gally and intention to leave at any cost the country in which “there is no life", to go “anywhere" where money could be earned, practically re- flects some of possible close connections between limited access to the legal work market and life opportunities in the country of origin, alter- 145 A respondent described a case of 25 male Moldovian citizens who, according to their own words, set off to Serbia with the purpose of finding work, only to be caught at the border with Hungary and refused entry due to irregular visas.

156 native markets for which, apart from others, mediators are “compatri- ots" (so called self victimisation phenomenon146), smuggling and the risk of trafficking in people. A person who succeeds to reach the destination country wishing to work “any job", with very limited possibilities of communication due to the lack of foreign language skills and with very limited financial reso- urces, is in fact inexorably referred to the illegal labour market, illegal jobs and “compatriots" who probably have some financial interest act- ing as “mediators" — in the best case, illegal immigrant “owes" to his “compatriots" (either favours or money) from the first moment of step- ping on the destination's country ground, if not even before. How thin the line is between such exposure to victimisation of trafficking in peo- ple and concrete victimisation, is a question of estimate.147 For the territory of Novi Pazar Municipality it is characteristic that among economic sections where illegal labour exist, in addition to com- merce, construction, catering and agriculture — industry is also present: some respondents have expressed their belief that illegal labour is un- doubtedly present in Novi Pazar private factories, at least to some ex- tent. Foreign workers who were engaged in illegal labour in this terri- tory during 2002 and in the first half of 2003 mostly carried out seasonal jobs in agriculture and construction (workers were predominantly from Bulgaria and Romania). Several respondents expressed their belief that many Chinese mi- grants in Serbia work illegally, not excluding the possibility of forced la- bour. However, they could not provide concrete information regarding this, stressing the problem of ethnic isolation within which possible vic- timisation of Chinese migrants exists. Having in mind the strict control of potential victims, possibilities of discovering these phenomena are dramatically limited. In relation to this, a respondent says: 146 “Self Victimisation" Phenomenon has been described by Ruggiero explaining the victimi- sation of migrants in their destination country by ethnic criminal groups which function within mi- grant communities. (Ruggiero, V. (2000), op. cit.). Victimisation by one's own compatriots in the de- stination country is one of the rules connected with trafficking in people, which has gained recog- nition also through the results of this study. Based on gathered information on people trafficking in Serbia as the country of victims' origin and transit, “compatriots" play the roles of executioners of all functions from the description of people trafficking, starting from recruiting, through organi- sation of smuggling, mediation for illegal labour market, all the way to the labour exploitation it- self, forced labour and holding victims in slave like position in destination country. 147 Recent gender aspect research of trafficking in people from Moldova conducted by the International Labour Organization, has shown that men-victims are most often transported to em- ployers in Germany, Greece, and Italy where they get engaged predominantly on construction work. In the destination country, they are first obliged to pay off by their work the travel expensed incurred. Once the job is finished, they are released but without wages or are threatened by de- portation. Identified also are certain cases of migrant workers' sale to employers — in those cases victims were brought in the situation where they had to “buy off" their own freedom. According: ILO (2002) “Forced Labour, Child-Labour and Human Trafficking in Europe: An ILO Perspective", op. cit. pages 6—7.

157  “Regarding the Chinese (in Serbia) forced labour may be present but the dark figure is high. Chinese mafia arrived with the Chinese; there ha- ve been cases of abduction… Mafia organizes their transport to our coun- try."

Generally speaking, specific cases of forced labour of individuals of male sex have not been known to any of the respondents included in this research. However, in addition to the fear that forced labour victi- misation is present among Chinese immigrant community in Serbia, so- me respondents have singled out the possibility of the presence of this kind of exploitation in cases of organised begging. Opinion that organi- zed begging exists in Serbia with adult individuals of male sex taking part among the rest, was shared by approximately one third of respon- dents. Especially vulnerable categories among adult men are disabled persons, the homeless, Roma and refugees from areas affected by war in the territory of the ex-Yugoslavia. Several respondents expressed the- ir impression that among adult men who beg in Serbia (mostly in Bel- grade) there are people with residence in other places within the coun- try, as well as foreign citizens (mostly Romanians). Begging by local and foreign migrants, most of respondents observed as “institutionalised" and “organised",148 despite the fact that they were not able to support their observation with concrete indicators of dimensions and characteri- stics of these phenomena149 Dragan Grinvald, Director of the Gerontol- ogy Centre — Shelter for Adults in Belgrade, expressed some of his knowledge of the organised and migrant begging phenomena with the following words:

“According to our estimates, 80% of beggars are begging in a profes- sional and organised way — begging is a very profitable business. Beg- gars mostly work in groups of 10 to 15. Every beggar is to obtain from begging some 100 Euros daily, which means that a group obtains 1500 Eu- ros daily by begging, which is a considerable sum. Beggars are organised by territory. Brutal rules exist that beggars have to abide by: if not — the

148 Their assumptions on the existence of organised forms of begging, respondents have mostly founded on their direct and informal observance: namely, several of them stated that they had a chance to witness beggars being “transported to", “distributed" and “gathered" in certain ho- urs and on certain places in the city. 149 It has become a general practice for begging, as a violation of Article 12 of the Law on Public Order and Peace of the Republic of Serbia, to be penalized in rare cases, having in mind that state organs have a rather tolerant attitudes toward this phenomenon, “due to a general situa- tion". Therefore, it is very difficult to offer any estimates on distribution of begging, organised beg- ging and possible victimisation of adult men (local as well as foreign) by forced begging. However, it should be noted that the majority of examinees who expressed their belief that begging is to a large extent carried out in an organised way, gave positive answer on the risk of victimisation by forced begging.

158  punishment is cruel and in front of everybody, as a lesson to others… Towns from which the majority of beggars are recruited are: Zvornik, Sremska Mitrovica, Tutin, Vlasenica, south Serbia… In recent years an in- vasion of beggars from Romania has been observed, becoming a serious competition to local beggars… Conflicts with the so-called freelancers — those who beg out of necessity, are frequent. There are categories of tav- ern beggars, tourist beggars (during tourist season a large number of beg- gars leave for the seaside and other tourist resorts) and foreign currency beggars (two-three families, mostly Roma with many children, gather and leave for Italy and Austria to beg there). Prior to departure they become acquainted with the laws of the country of their destination and have so- me sort of education. In the destination country their passports are taken away (although recently since the visa regime has become stricter, they have been crossing borders illegally). There in most cases they beg for one part of the day while during the other part, they cheat and steal…"

In general, begging is mostly prevalent in bigger cities of Serbia, es- pecially in Belgrade. In smaller municipalities included in this study, the number of those registered and especially penalized ones are rather low and in 2002 ranged mostly under 10. Organised begging of adult men and certain presence of foreigners among beggars has been obser- ved almost exclusively by the respondents from Belgrade,150 even tho- ugh certain doubts were expressed by some respondents from Novi Sad as relates to organised begging. According to the statement by Sonja Krajnovic, a pre-school pedagogue in the Youth Centre in Novi Sad, the operation of sheltering adult street beggars recently organised by the Gerontology Centre in Novi Sad, has been accompanied by anony- mous threats to the Centre employees. Among forms of adult men begging in Serbia, dominating are as follows: washing of windshields on crossroads, handing out pieces of paper asking for “aid to a handicapped person" in restaurants and cafés, pleading for a smaller sum of money “missing" to pay for trans- port back home “in the countryside", on bus and railway stations, and classic begging of adult, visibly handicapped men in busy city spots. Despite the fact that the majority of respondents gave an estimate that “there are more women and children than adult men among beg- gars (including the cases of organized begging), gathered information shows that adult men absolutely dominate among the homeless: in the course of 2002 the Gerontology Centre — Shelter for Adults in Belgra- de, according to the words of its Director, Dragan Grinvald, offered 150 According to the information provided by Marija Andjelkovic, law clerk with the County Magistrate of Belgrade, on the territory of Belgrade during 2002, out of 1413 requests for bringing charges for begging, some ten related to foreign citizens (mostly Romanians and Bulgarians).

159 shelter to a number of homeless persons from the streets of Belgrade and Kalemegdan, mostly adult men, among whom there were handi- capped persons and those suffering from mental disorders, and in the total number of beggars and the homeless sheltered in the Gerontology Centre, the number of men was double that of women.151 Having in mind all information gathered, risks of forced adult men begging is undoubtedly present in Serbia for both local citizens and for- eigners. Participation of adult men among beggars, and especially those who belong to specially vulnerable categories (handicapped persons or those with mental disorders, the homeless and refugees) according to the above mentioned is not minor. In addition to this, observations of respondents speak in favour of assumptions that begging in Serbia, es- pecially in larger cities, is performed to a great deal in an organised way. Organisation of begging on one side and involving of specially vulnerable categories of adult men, clearly implicate the existing risk of trafficking in people.

VIII 3. Conclusive and Overview: Serbia on the Road of Illegal Migrations and Trafficking in Men

Regardless of the fact that on the roads of illegal economic migrati- ons Serbia represents primarily a transit country, which consequently li- mits the possibilities for an estimate of the distribution of male migrant trafficking, information on indirect indicators of the risks of trafficking in people, gathered by this research, still offers foundation for stating that problem exists and in a not irrelevant extent. Namely, these results point to the risk of trafficking in male migrants both in cases of smug- gling via Serbia, and in cases of illegal economic migrations from Serbia as a country of origin and into Serbia as a destination country. Serbia is a country that undoubtedly still abounds in factors that favour illegal economic migration movement of people in all directions: inefficiency of both the control of the state border and the control of crime, favour transit. Financial difficulties of a country in transition as well as political insecurity still represent strong factors of “pushing" people from Serbia to set off in economic migration while the high demand for cheap sea- sonal work force results in the influx of worker-immigrants from some of our neighbouring countries into Serbia. Even to this day some of the important routes of illegal econo- mic migrations lead from Middle and Far East through Serbia towards 151 In the Shelter for Adult Persons in Belgrade, during 2002, among sheltered homeless pe- ople and beggars, there were 130 men and 77 women.

160 Western European countries (Germany, Italy, Austria, Switzerland, Gre- at Britain and others). Trevor Pearce from The National Criminal Intelli- gence Department in Great Britain at one time named Bosnia and Her- zegovina and Yugoslavia to be “the main Balkan countries for transit of illegal immigrants", As the most important factors for these circumstan- ces, he named an inadequate border control system and “difficulties in the years following the disintegration of ex-Yugoslavia. He added: “These are the main countries, but transit happens via all European co- untries and people living in these territories should bear in mind that organized criminals will try to push people over any border that is easi- est for them to cross."152 Adequate control of no less than six state bor- ders (with Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herze- govina and Croatia) and two administrative borders (with Montenegro and Kosovo which are currently under the protectorate of the United Nations) which, according to all information available, are all more or less intensively used for illegal migrations of men, women and children, for years now has not been an easy task for Serbia. Corruption in the police and among customs officials, relatively high receptiveness of the pauperised local inhabitants for “opportunity criminal" plus easy and high profit for getting migrants across the border, existence of organiza- tional infrastructure for smuggling of all kinds which has been operat- ing smoothly ever since the war conflicts in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, border police suffering from the lack of staff and technical equipment and weak cooperation with neighbouring countries regard- ing the control of international borders, explain for the fact that an ex- tremely high black market figure does not represent a phenomenon only for trafficking of male migrants via Serbia, but also for smuggling of people itself. Inefficient control of borders with Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary, which are also considered as “ideal" “gathering" and transit countries for smuggling migrants from a number of countries of the Afro-Asian complex, is no doubt a main precondition for Serbia to remain at the top of the “most desirable" transit countries of the Balkans for smug- gling of people and goods by routes that connect Asia and Europe.153 Kurds from Turkey, Chinese, Iranians, Pakistanians, Iraqis, Afghans and Bangladesians who for a number of years have been the majority of Asian immigrants to the countries of European Union, during recent 152 Quotations according: Vintleanu, I., Babovic, B. (ur.) (2001) Smuggling of People, Smug- gling of Women and Children, Belgrade, Centre for Advancement of Legal Studies, page 153. 153 SCEPP (2002) “Advisory Report on the Justice and Home Affairs in Yugoslavia…", op. cit. page 15: Jane's Information Group, “People trafficking: Europe's new problem", Jane's Information Group, September 23, 2000. http://www.fsa.ulaval.ca/personnel/vernag/EH/F/noir/lectu res/people_trafficking_europe.htm.

161 years, and in more recent time, have been smuggled via Serbia by diffe- rent routes and in different ways, despite the fact that the Ministry of Interior or the Republic of Serbia in recent years has undertaken vario- us organisational and practical measures and activities with the purpose of increasing the qualities of its own men, financial and other resources and cooperation with the police of neighbouring and other countries with the aim of stronger border control and stamping out trafficking and smuggling of people.154 Undoubtedly, some long time ago installed and well worked out organisation networks, ways and routes of smug- gling of people have remained resistant to said measures. Having said this, special attention should be drawn to the problem of illegal migrations of Chinese citizens through Serbia: estimates are that Serbia during the period of Milosevic's regime became the “most popular" and “easily accessed" entrance to Europe for Chinese immi- grants.155 It is believed that, due to the special relations nourished be- tween the Chinese establishment and Milosevic's regime, during the se- cond half of the 90's, tens of thousands of “tourist visas" were issued to Chinese citizens and that in those days, every week two to three planes would land on Belgrade airport full of passengers from Beijing — the same planes would be returning to China almost completely empty.156 Despite the fact that in 2002 the direct line Belgrade—Bejing was can- celled, channels for illegal migration of Chinese citizens via Serbia, as it seems, survived and the transfer has partly been moved to Mos- cow—Belgrade air route. For Chinese migrants, Serbia is a country of transit towards the Western European countries which they enter ille- gally: the most used route is via Hungary to Austria.157 The experience of Hungary itself, which is seriously facing the problem of illegal migra- tions of Chinese citizens not only due to its geographical position but also thanks to the fact that in Hungary a relatively numerous and strong community of Chinese immigrants exists, within which ethnic criminal groups act,158 is sufficiently indicative for Serbia as well. Hav- ing in mind that the community of Chinese immigrants in Serbia num- 154 See: Reports on the Activities of the Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Serbia in 2001 and 2002 and the Information on the State of Security on the Territory of the Republic of Serbia and Results Accomplished by the Work of the Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Serbia in the period from 1st January to 30th June 2003. Op. cit. 155 Centre for the Study of Democracy (2002) “Smuggling in Southeast Europe", CSD Re- ports 10, page 47, http://www.csd.bg/publications/book10/smuggling.eng.pdf. 156 ibidem, page 49. 157 In June 2000, the Hungarian Minister of Interior, Sandor Pinter, informed that “during recent months an average of 100—150 Chinese citizens have been arrested in attempts to illegally enter the country from Serbia." According to Jane's Information Group, “People trafficking: Euro- pe's new problem", op. cit. 158 It has been observed in Hungary that Chinese Mafia return travel documents of legal im- migrants to China, to be used for smuggling of new immigrants. According: ibidem.

162 bers several tens of thousands of people, and taking into account the rule that with the immigration waves into the country of temporary or final destination criminal organisations from the country of origin arrive as well,159 it is possible that Serbia also faces seriously not only the prob- lem of smuggling and transit on the way of trafficking in people,160 but also possibility that labour exploitation, debtor and forced labour of Chinese immigrants are performed to a certain extent in Serbia itself as a country of temporary destination.161 Theoretical assumptions and practical observations that smuggling of male migrants is organised by criminal groups that already have ex- perience with smuggling or drugs, arms or “assistance" to war refu- gees in leaving dangerous areas, were confirmed by this study as well: smuggling of people is carried out by the same “partners" on both sides of the border and same routes are used as in the case of goods smug- gling. Smuggling of male migrants via Serbia, meagre control and high porosity of international borders (especially the border of Serbia with Romania, Bulgaria and Hungary), were understood by the respondents from all parts of Serbia as very serous problems, especially by respon- dents from Zajecar, Subotica, Sombor and other towns in border regi- ons who are directly faced with them. According to the information gathered by this study, a conclusion can be drawn that, to a certain extent, Serbia is also a country of origin as well as a country of destination for illegal labourers. In both cases, we are dealing with jobs in the same fields: agriculture and construc- tion. For illegal labour there is a demand and offer of mostly cheap, low qualified work force, engaged to do physical jobs (masonry, digging channels, picking fruit, tending cattle, etc). While illegal labourers from Serbia mostly leave for Germany, Austria, Italy and Greece, in Serbia it- self mostly immigrants from Romania, Bulgaria and more rare, Moldova work. 159 Regarding this: Freeman, R., Andreas, P. ed. (1999) The Illicit Global Economy and State Power, Lanham, boulder, New York and Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, inc.: Ni- kolic-Ristanovic, V. “Illegal markets, human trade and transactional organised crime", op. cit, and others. 160 Previously described event of 11th May 2003, which relates to the arrest of a Chinese citi- zen who had lived legally in Belgrade for two years, on the charges of organised trafficking of Chi- nese migrants with the purpose of labour exploitation, on which occasion some tens of forged pas- sports and equipment for forging documents were confiscated, strongly confirms these doubts. 161 This assumption has been strengthened by the fact that in most cases it is not possible to carry out the transfer to destination country according to envisaged plan but depending on a spe- cific course of events, “security" and other circumstances. It is an empiric fact that a transfer of ille- gal migrants into the same country of destination can vary from several days to several months or even years: in that sense, countries through which this transport is carried out turn also to places in which victimization of people trafficking (forced labour or some other form of exploitation) may begin in a specific sense as well.

163  Information gathered on this occasion regarding the illegal labour of our citizens in Western European countries, points to the possibility that their labour exploitation is carried out by mediation of or within “ethnic circles" or “immigrant communities of persons originating from Serbia in the countries of destination". To look for illegal labour abroad, workers are often recruited by “cousins", “acquaintances" and “compa- triots", not rarely only to find themselves cruelly exploited and exposed to forced labour in destination countries. As a country of destination to thousands of immigrant workers from Romania and Bulgaria, and at the same time as a country with meagre system of law protection of immigrant workers, Serbia is poten- tially also a country within which there is a certain risk or trafficking in people for the purpose of labour exploitation. In that sense, especially indicative are data on illegal labour of Romanian immigrants in Serbia. Despite the fact that no specific information on coupling of smugglers and employers has been gathered by this research, nor information on forced labour or keeping immigrant labourers in debtor bondage, there are hints that such phenomena exist, especially having in mind the in- formation received on hours of work, value of wages, accommodation and treatment of immigrant workers. In Serbia there is relatively high demand for cheap work force (especially the seasonal one), mostly in agriculture and construction. Indeed, many employers prefer to employ an immigrant in order to be able to lower the wages to a minimal level and exploit their work in other ways using the advantages stemming from their unprotected status. Such circumstances produce very dange- rous foundations for existence of trafficking in people and it is realistic to assume that some of traffickers function through numerous informal seasonal labour markets in Serbia which offer work to citizens of neigh- bouring countries in Serbia, as well as Serbian citizens in Western Euro- pean countries, most of all Greece, Italy and Germany. Information gathered on adult men begging in Serbia points to the risk of exploitation by forced begging especially of the homeless and handicapped persons. International seasonal migrations of beggars, as well as a certain presence of beggars from other countries (Romania, Bulgaria, etc), strengthen assumptions that adult men begging is to a certain extent carried out in an organised way and that many of beg- gars are potential victims of forced begging and then highly exposed to the risk of trafficking in people victimisation.

164  IX Individuals and Criminal Groups involved in Trafficking in People

According to the words of Dusan Zlokas, deputy commander of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, the Border Po- lice Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs, during 2002, 31 criminal charges were brought against 47 persons (owners of restaurants and other individuals), for the total of 62 offences in con- nection with trafficking in people, most of all for intermediation in ex- ercising of prostitution (24), and unlawful deprivation of liberty (11). During the first five months in 2003, 9 criminal charges have been bro- ught against 30 individuals for 72 offences committed. On the other hand, in the territory of Belgrade, according to the data of the Section for Foreigners within the Department of Border Police for Foreigners and Administration of the Belgrade Police, during the first six months of 2003, criminal charges were brought against 17 individuals for some 40 offences committed relating to trafficking in people. So far, especially in the course of the operation “Saber", 20 people traffickers were temporarily arrested and several individuals from Jago- dina, Novi Pazar and Kraljevo were detained.162 However, according to the words of a female respondent “the arrested represent only the tip of the iceberg, since a very well coordinated international team, most often under the leadership of the top level of organised crime itself de- als with trafficking in women". Having the above-mentioned in mind, a question is imposed of who the individuals and criminal groups involved in the chain of traf- ficking in people are, what their organisation is like and whether they are in any way connected to other forms of organised crime, on the one, and legal actors on the other hand. Here follows the analysis of the data gathered by the study in connection to these questions.

IX 1. Individuals involved in the Chain of Trafficking in People

Information regarding the individuals involved in the chain of traf- ficking in people has been obtained by the analyses of specific cases 162 According to; “Most Members of Criminal Organisations Arrested", Blic, 25th March 2003: page 5.

165 which our respondents encountered in practice as well as based on the- ir indirect knowledge of the phenomenon. Despite the fact that several respondents stated that it was difficult to present a general picture of traffickers in people, i.e. that there is no typical profile and that those can be individuals of various age, nation- ality, citizenship, based on the experience of the majority of respon- dents who answered the question who human traffickers were, we ob- tained the following data: these are mostly men, middle aged (between 30 and 50 years of age), citizens of Serbia and Montenegro, owners of restaurants, bars and other similar objects where victims were held or were exploited, then owners of transport companies, taxi drivers and si- milar. Mediators, i.e. those who transport victims, buy and sell them are, according to some respondents, mostly younger people who al- ready posses a criminal file. However, foreign citizens are also invol- ved in the chain of trafficking in people (especially for recruiting the victims in their countries of origin and their transport to Serbia and Montenegro) and they are as follows: Romanians, Albanians, Russians, Ukrainians, Moldavians, Bosnians, Bulgarians, Hungarians, Roma, Ma- cedonians, Afghans, Turks but also citizens of the countries of western and central Europe: Italians, Austrians, Germans, French, Slovaks and Czechs. However, the information gathered points that many women fea- ture among traffickers (especially in cases of trafficking in women), mostly as recruiters, since “women are trusted by victims" but also as assistants,163 organisers of the business, transport across the border or, still, as those in charge of the technical part of the business (provision of forged documents, accommodation search and similar). In trafficking in women, friends, acquaintances or women who were involved in the chain of trafficking, ex prostitutes appear as recruiters. Jelena Tusup, re- porter of the “Danas" daily, has the information about “a woman from Temisoara (Romania), who helped some 80% of trafficked women to re- ach Serbia". Or, as Sandra Ljubinkovic, coordinator of the NGO ASTRA from Belgrade, points out, “there is a woman in Zemun who serves as a recruiter, she has a bar there…the police still does not have sufficient evidence against her and she remains at large". On women involved in the trafficking chain a respondent, a police officer says:

“Women figure mostly in rural areas — they work as recruiters… Women often organize transport across the border. Romanian and Moldo- vian women do that. It is not a rare case that couples are involved in this

163 It should be noted that according to respondents from the Section for Foreigners of the Border Police Administration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs of the Police in Belgrade, there were cases with elderly women acting as assistants.

166  story. Here, in a large number of cases, organisers are married to Romani- ans and Moldavians who work on the transport of girls."

A respondent stated that he worked on forming the profile of women-traffickers, in people based on which some women from the countryside have already been arrested on the charges of trafficking. The profile looks as follows: a woman, with no children or with no fe- male children, 38 to 45 years of age. In the trafficking chain women play the role of apartment, houses or weekend houses caretakers into which first of all women victims of trafficking are brought to and kept until their further sale. On the role of women in the chain of trafficking in women a respondent said the following:

“They (the victims) are recruited by their own people. After that, they connect them immediately with our people who are already in Mol- dova and who are involved in this business — as job providers for those women. In most cases a woman is involved in negotiations dealing with departures and arrivals. Which means that not only men but also very of- ten some women to whom those women (victims) trust are involved. It is usually a friend or sister's friend and in most cases they believe that it is all right since they have already known this woman. Women are also acti- ve in the chain of trafficking even when women victims arrive here in the country, in Belgrade apartments, which I would name as gathering cen- tres, and where some 20 women co-habit before being distributed all over Serbia. Women are those who keep them locked, threaten them, deprive them of food and similar."

Appearing in the role of recruiters, especially in cases of women victims of trafficking are also married couples (men and wife), agencies (for models, beauty competitions, tourist agencies), even some sport clubs and companies, while in smaller number of cases these are fri- ends, acquaintances, cousins, boyfriends, parents. As regards children victims of trafficking, parents often serve as re- cruiters (mostly for younger children of Roma nationality), then also male and female acquaintances, 14—15 year old girls' boyfriends, stran- gers whom they have met in a disco, bar or in front of schools, girlfri- ends or sometimes employees of various model agencies or tourist agencies. According to the experiences of our respondents, most recruiters are citizens of the victims' country of origin.164 164 More on recruiters of women, children and men can be found in parts of the research dealing with trafficking in women, trafficking in children and trafficking in men, through and from Serbia.

167  In the role of male migrant traffickers, according to the words of an respondent from Novi Pazar, appearing most often are: “Tourist agencies, agencies assisting in finding jobs abroad, building contractors, cousins, neighbours, acquaintances". It is interesting to mention that, according to the words of the same respondent, “some of those tourist agencies are very successfully managed by women who have proved themselves as very good organisers of trafficking in people." Next in the chain of trafficking in people are those who help vic- tims to cross borders or transport them over the border. These can be individuals but also organisations that deal with passenger transport. Individuals hired for transfer and transportation of victims are often not aware for whom they work, nor who apart from them is included in the chain of trafficking and sometimes they are not at all aware that they are dealing with trafficking in people. In connection to this, a re- spondent stated:

“Many of them have been arrested. Including Zarubica who was in- volved in trafficking in women from the East Europe to Italy. Most often arrested are drivers, who transport victims…. Arresting drivers does not mean a lot to them (the police) since they have no knowledge of the com- plete chain, and are often not aware who they are working for."

According to the words of a female respondent, “the border is cros- sed illicitly in most cases by horse-drawn vehicles, with the aid of our citizens, mostly elderly people from rural area, who do not even know what exactly that is all about and accept, for a small fee to transport women to Kosovo. This is mostly done over night, crossing via Vlaso- tinci without stopping." However, certain tourist agencies are involved in transporting vic- tims of trafficking and their owners are aware that they are dealing with illegal border crossing, mostly of women. This is confirmed by the words of a respondent, police officer, from Belgrade:

“There was a tourist agency that dealt with transport from Yugosla- via to Italy. The agency's owner received a fee for transporting girls. He knew that they did not possess travel documents and he knew who was behind the organisation but he accepted to do the job in return for the fee. He was arrested and criminal charges were brought against him, however he is still remains at large."

In addition to this, there are groups that deal with transporting victims across the border, which is especially interesting in cases of men (migrants). For example, according to the words of a respondent from

168 Belgrade (police officer) “especially known are the so called Zajecar and Vrsac groups that transport migrants." At the end of the trafficking chain are those who buy victims, ex- ploit them and then sell them further. These are mostly owners of bars, night clubs, brothels and similar (especially in cases of trafficking in women), as testified by some examples from the court. Respondents from Sabac mentioned a case from the Municipality Court during 2002, in which the owner of a brothel, to whom a Romanian female citizen had been sold, was sentenced to one-year imprisonment for the of- fence of intermediation in the exercise of prostitution. Or, in Sombor where an owner of one of the night clubs where foreign female citizens “worked" was sentenced to 2 years and 5 months in prison for interme- diation in the exercise of prostitution. The woman who helped him to manage the business (collected fees for services from clients) was sen- tenced to 2 years and 6 months for collaboration.

IX 2. Organization of Criminal Groups

Trafficking in people is a multilevel, complex and dynamic social phenomenon whose invisibility, mobility and organisation on an inter- national scale,165 increase the seriousness and danger of this type of cri- me. According to police reports, two criminal groups and 22 procurers in Serbia dealt with trafficking in people, with Sabac being identified as a town in which 10 criminal groups consisting of 52 members and 6 in- dividuals operated and who in addition to drug and car resale also de- alt with trafficking in people, cooperating with groups from Belgrade, Novi Sad, Loznica, Sremska Mitrovica and Republika Srpska.166 Our re- spondents' knowledge relating the ways in which people traffickers are linked and organised are shown by the following data. Out of the total number or respondents (123), 60 provided an an- swer regarding the way in which traffickers in people were organised and how their roles were distributed as well as regarding the distribu- tion of tasks within the organisation. Based on this, it has been obser- ved that respondents have identified three types of organisations: orga- nisation as a network, organisation with a strong hierarchy, i.e. accord- ing to the “pyramid principle" and ad hoc organisations. 165 Zamfiresku, D.G. (2001) “Harmonization of National Legislature in Accordance with the Standards of the Union in Relation to Human Trafficking", in People Smuggling — Smuggling of Women and Children Belgrade: Centre for Legal Studies Advancement, Ministry of Interior of Roma- nia and Centre for Legal Issues: page 15. 166 After: “Mafia in the Mouse Hole", Blic, 15th March 2003: page 9: “Mafia Organisations in Serbia Destroyed", Blic, 22nd May 2003: page 4.

169  According to some of our respondents, criminal organisations in- volved in trafficking in people “function according to the network prin- ciple, no hierarchy exists; they are unstructured and therefore more dif- ficult to expose".167 On the other hand, other respondents believe that these are organisations “with no strong organisation, but function ac- cording to ad hoc principle or business cooperation, from one case to another." The third group of respondents consists of those who stated that traffickers in people are very well organised, interlinked and that the organisation itself has a clear, precise and complex structure. Namely, these are criminal organisations with strict hierarchy and clearly distrib- uted tasks, or, as a respondent added, “they function according to the pyramid principle". In that sense, at the head of organisation is a boss who is the main organiser of the business and at the same time the one whose profit is highest. According to a respondent from the Sombor Police, “bosses are interlinked on the Eastern European level". Below are all the others who carry out for him the following tasks: ones recruit victims in their countries of origin, others transport and transfer victims across the bor- ders (transfer, transport), they are followed by those who chose, buy and sell of victims, negotiate (with police, courts and similar), as well as by those who forge documents, invitation letters, seals, signatures, and those who obtain forged documents, hide and take care of victims, and, finally, in the end are those who exploit the victims (owners of night bars, brothels and similar). This is very well described by the following quotes of our respondents:

“Every person in the chain has his/her role and task. Bosses maintain and control the group, negotiate the trafficking and decide on further fate of women. Within the groups there are victim recruiters, they take over and transport women further through the determined channels." “Everybody involved in these criminal activities have his/her own tasks. Hierarchy is respected. The main organiser has to be informed of all details regarding the trafficking and in cases where internal untruths and lies occur — cruel punishment ensues." “The organisation of the trafficking chain is an internal thing — it is precisely known who does what, those who are involved in the business in our country are known to each other, they are very skilful. However those transferring across the border get changed so that it is never the sa- me person from Romania to contact the same person from our country

167 According to the information by Dobrivoje Radovanovic, PhD, Director of the Institute for Criminal and Sociological Research in Belgrade.

170  while transporting and waiting for… Everyone does his part of the busi- ness, takes a fee and is not interested as to what happens next." “I think that people traffickers are very well linked and organised — they operate in a chain with clearly distributed roles and rules of behavio- ur both within an organisation as well as between organisations. It is ex- actly known within each organisation whose task is to recruit, transfer, sell, control and so on. Between themselves, organisations distribute “bu- siness" according to the principle of territory and they have worked out mechanisms for solving various conflict situations. The chain of trafficking in people and cooperation between criminal organisations is carried out also on a trans-national level: women traffickers from victims' countries of origin, transit and destination are interlinked." “As regards their organisation, when talking about trafficking in wo- men, distribution of tasks looks as follows: there are individuals in their countries who recruit them (some of them enter this business although being aware what it is, for the purpose of involving in prostitution), to work as bar tenders, waitresses, baby sitters. Then there is a circle of peo- ple who provide forged papers for them. Next, they cross borders. For ex- ample, Moldovian women cross to Romania, stay there for 2—3 days, and then others buy them from recruiters and later our people take them over or Romanians organise transport to border and from border to their desti- nation… When they reach our country, auctions are organised — public sales of girls and they leave further for Kosovo, Macedonia and Hungary. Such public sales took place in Belgrade, too. Even today there are camps where girls are gathered and their sale organised".

Experiences of some respondents testify that there are cases of complete families involved in this “business". One of our respondents says:

“…In our country as well as in other countries entire families are in- volved in trafficking. I had a case in Kraljevo where a wife and husband and other family members worked together and each of them had his/her specific task."

Another respondent added something similar:

“…they are well organised and there are cases that trafficking in pe- ople is a family business — for example, a family in Veternik (mother, fat- her, son and daughter are involved); in Sremska Mirtovica in addition to father his son is also involved, in the case of “Mozart" bar in Leskovac, two brothers worked together etc."

171  IX 3. Connection between Trafficking in People with Other Forms of Organised Crime

The following information gathered by this study serves as eviden- ce for the connection between trafficking in people in Serbia and other forms of organised crime. Out of the total number of respondents (123), 69 have answered the question whether connection between trafficking in people and ot- her forms of organised crimes exist — 66 of them confirmed that such connection exists, i.e. that criminal groups and individuals are interlin- ked and well organised. Talking about this, Djordje Ignjatovic, PhD, from the Belgrade University Law School, adds:

“Those connections are almost certainly direct. Trafficking in people is a form of organised crime and has to be performed by using channels, connections and methods characteristic in general for “doing business" within the domain of organised crime and illegal market of goods and services."

Three respondents explicitly stated that although this connection exists, there is also specialization for dealing with one form of organised crime, so that criminal groups do not interfere with each other's sphe- res of interest. Two respondents do not have knowledge of the exis- tence of such connections, whereas a respondent stated that he belie- ved that direct connections between trafficking in people and other forms of organised crimes do not exist. The data gathered show that trafficking in people is connected with narcotics trade (30 respondents), arms trade (15), trade in stolen cars (9), then prostitution (5), forging of documents (3), cigarette trade (3), smug- gling of people (2), trade in human organs (1) and war crimes (1). The majority of respondents who answered this question believed that trafficking in people was connected with narcotics trade (30 re- spondents). Namely, as Dusan Zlokas, deputy commander of the Minis- try of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, the Border Police Admi- nistration, for Foreigners and Administrative Affairs added “at the top of the “business" in Europe are terrorism, drug trade and trafficking in people". Talking about this connection, a respondent says:

“There are most certainly connections between trafficking in people and other forms of organised crime, like drug trade — women that are trafficked (local and foreign) from Serbia (travelling mostly by plane) lea- ve from Surcin Airport carrying as a “gift for the mother in law" half a ki- lo or a kilo of cocaine for the mother in law living in Bologna since one of local trafficking in people bosses has in-laws in Bologna."

172  Examinees have stressed also the connection between trafficking in people and arms trade.

“There are connections between trafficking in people and drug and arms trade. Namely, sometimes it is easier to trade with arms and drugs then with a human who is not small, he needs to be hidden, transported over the border. But on the other hand, police pays more attention to drugs/arms and it happens that it is easier to trade with people."

In addition to this, a number of respondents is of the opinion that this form of organised crime is connected with the trade with stolen cars, prostitution, forging of documents, cigarette trade, smuggling of people, trade in human organs or war crimes. Talking about some of these connections, Brankica Grupkovic, Ad- viser to the Republic of Serbia Minister of Interior for International Coo- peration, says:

“Our experience, after the assassination of Prime Minister Djindjic, shows that criminals are connected and financed from the one source and that all this has a political dimension. War crimes and organised crime are the same thing, or were carried out by the same people. The London sta- tement of the last year which defines the most important kinds of organi- sed crime points to the said as well. In our region that is trafficking in pe- ople, followed by drug dealing and arms trade. The statement also reveals the way in which all this is connected to war crimes and how criminals were attributed a patriotic dimension while they were in fact only guard- ing their own markets."

However, connections between individuals and groups dealing with various forms of organised crime, is confirmed by some of our respon- dents' experience that these are the same people or people who origi- nally dealt with drugs, arms and stolen cars trade, and only later chan- ged to trafficking in people. This is mostly explained by the fact that trafficking in people is a “more profitable business", i.e. brings in higher profits accompanied with lesser risk. A respondent from the Depart- ment of Border Police, for Foreigners and Administration of the Zajecar Police, regarding this adds:

“These are mostly people who were previously involved in some form of organised crime — stolen cars trade or drug dealing, who then switched to other “business" because the profits are higher and the risks lower."

173  Dusan Zlokas, deputy commander of the Ministry of Internal Affa- irs of the Republic of Serbia, the Border Police Administration, for Fore- igners and Administrative Affairs explains this kind of connection as follows:

“This connection most certainly exists. If profits are so high, since one girl a month can bring a profit of some 10.000 Euro, brothel some 100.000 Euro while risks being small — girls are scared, they are in a fore- ign country, frightened by pimps and traffickers to report them to the po- lice (who would put them in jail). We are dealing with a criminal activity bringing the highest profits accompanied by the least risk. Usually money from drugs and arms trade also pours into this activity, but there is no sufficient evidence for this in our country."

In connection to this, the quote of one respondent is interesting. He says “in the territory of Golubac there are those who became specia- lists for the transport of goods, petrol, cigarettes, the same towards Bo- snia, so that there is also an existing infrastructure here for smuggling of people and trafficking." A police officer also stressed:

“The same circle of people who use border to transport people deal with arms as well. The group towards Romania, on the Romanian border, trades in drugs and cigarettes in the direction of Romania and traffics pe- ople in the direction of Serbia. These are criminals who operate at the border and they deal with anything which, to use their slang “goes", me- aning which is profitable and forbidden. Terrorists also use these chan- nels. Trafficking in people is more profitable than other forms of organi- sed crime: risk is lesser, profits good, organisers are often not involved di- rectly, it is hard to prove it, they have their own customs officials and po- lice officers, meaning that the risk is really minimal."

IX 4. Connections between Trafficking in People and Legal Actors

Trafficking in people is a form of organised crime which is, espe- cially in a contemporary society, characterised by “professionalism, flexi- bility and relying on individuals outside the organisation (businessmen, politicians and bureaucrats)".168 In the view of this, asked whether the 168 Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (2003) “Trafficking in People and Organized Crime: definition of basic concept and methods of data collection", in Nikolic-Ristanovic, V.; Copic, S.: Mihic, B. (2003) People Trafficking: Phenomenon, Characteristics and Legal Regulations". Belgrade: the Institute for Criminal and Sociological Research (unpublished): page 5.

174 connection between trafficking in people in Serbia and legal actors ex- ists, out of 64 respondents who answered this question (from the total of 123), 52 respondents gave positive answer. It should be noted that some respondents answered that such a connection definitely existed since trafficking in people could not exist without it (especially not to this extent), whereas others believe that such a connection probably ex- ists but do not have any direct knowledge of it or are of the opinion that it is difficult to give an estimate of its dimension. Two respondents answered that such a connection does not exist while the other ten sta- ted that they had no specific knowledge as to the existence of this con- nection. The experience of our respondents shows that connections and co- operation exist both with the state structures, i.e. some organs of the state, as well as with other legal actors. As for the organs of the state, the most often mentioned connec- tion is that between traffickers in people and police, which is illustrated by the following example:169

“The worst thing is that the bar is situated 50 meters away from the police station and that policemen themselves took part in the transport of girls to points where their sale to interested bosses from other towns in Serbia, from Kosovo and Albania took place. The policemen did not take part in their transport, it was done by the bar owners, however it would have been practically impossible to do that without the feedback from the police. They provided “business security", since trafficking was made ex- actly next to the police checkpoints."

Vesna Stanojevic, Coordiator of the Counselling Centre Against Family Violence Office and Shelter for Women — Victims of Traffick- ing, as one of the reasons making uncovering of traffickers in people difficult, mentions the cooperation with the police, describing it as fol- lows:

“Cases of trafficking in women that end in the Shelter are uncovered exclusively by the aid of raids. However, an obstacle to this way of uncov- ering, according to girls' stories, prior to the “Sabre" operation, was the existence of informers within the police who would inform traffickers of the forthcoming raids and they would hide, usually somewhere in the countryside, only to come back once the danger is over."

169 Also, check examples mentioned in the chapter “Method of Functioning and Assessment of Mechanisms of Operation of Governmental, Non-governmental and International Organisations in relation to Trafficking in People".

175  Secondly, there are connections with the customs officials, as one female respondent adds:

“First there is the connection with border organs, police or customs, since crossings are not only illegal. It is possible to cross only at certain ti- mes when certain custom officials are present…"

These are followed by the connections with various agencies: for example, real estate agencies, agencies for models, tourist agencies, then sport clubs, the estrade, folk dancing groups, transporters and similar, by the aid of which women are mostly recruited, or who promise to provide various documents, certificates and similar (vouchers, invitation letters and similar), or those who organise transport to a certain desti- nation. An example for the connection with legal structures has been mentioned by Dobrivoje Radovanovic, PhD, Director of the Institute for Criminological and Sociological Research in Belgrade:

“Legal Businesses that maintain a connection with trafficking in peo- ple have several levels: bar owners who are final buyers of women try to make it legal by owning restaurants in which they employ women as cle- aners, waitresses and then they are under a very strict control."

The same connection has been described by another respondent as follows:

“Firstly, women can enter our country legally, to stay for a certain period. For example, she is coming to visit her sister married to our citi- zen who is at the same time an owner of a restaurant — it is very hard to prove that prostitution, trafficking and similar exist due to covering it with legal activities. Further, there is corruption, bribing of everybody necessary by criminal organisation: for example, police to issue passports, officials issuing visas, others to obtain business travel documents… Furt- her at border crossings, corrupted transporters who provide regular lines in order to make the job of transport and border crossing easier…"

Very illustrative is the example from the experience of the Border Police Department, for Foreigners and Administration of the Subotica Police describing the connection of traffickers in women with railroad staff:

“…Police had been waiting for the landlady but in the meantime a man appeared, a railroad worker, followed by another one so the police held them. When the landlady arrived, they were all taken to the police

176  station. The railroad workers' task was to board girls on an empty freight car in order to avoid passport and customs control. Namely, as those rail- road workers were in charge of railroad cars control, they knew when the control was supposed to arrive and leave (they also used mobile phones), and they would board girls in one of those cars. They were supposed to be transported to Hungary where they would have been waited by a Hungarian railroad worker who would transport them further. The same principle was applied for transport in the opposite direction, from Hun- gary to Serbia and Montenegro. Otherwise, this group from Subotica (a woman and two men) had transported over 30 girls according to the sa- me principle and there was another citizen of ours who would wait for girls arriving from Hungary and would transport them to Belgrade."

IX 5. Conclusion

Trafficking in people, as a form of organised crime, is characterised by a whole series of different forms of behaviour, committing acts, of- fenders and purposes, which is to a great extent confirmed by the re- sults of the study of trafficking in people in Serbia. A large number of individuals are included in the trafficking in people chain and they all have defined jobs and tasks within the crimi- nal organisation: beginning with the organiser (a “boss" organising the complete “business"), with the aid of mediators who are in charge of certain tasks in the phase of recruiting, transport and transfer of vic- tims, ending with exploiters, i.e. owners of bars, night clubs, companies, hotels and similar where victims arrive to get exploited.170 In the role of the traffickers in people in Serbia, mostly middle aged men figure, citizens of Serbia. However, it is not a rare case that women enter this “business", most often as recruiters in the cases of trafficking in women. In addition to this, various agencies are involved in trafficking in people: tourist agencies, employment agencies, agencies organising beauty competitions, modelling agencies but also sport clubs, some companies and similar. 170 For the sake of comparison, we should point here to the typology of those involved in the chain of trafficking in people as described in a Croatian study. According to that study, the first and the most important group consists of organisers who belong to the organised criminal network; they are followed by mediators who perform at exactly determined locations and are in charge of recruiting, transport and sale of women (certain tasks from this level are assigned to cer- tain individuals). The next level consists of managers, i.e. owners of bars, nightclubs, hotels, brothel and pimps. Finally, there are assistants or individuals with certain status in government, adminis- trative departments, police, who provide information and/or legal papers in return for money and who can also intervene in various ways to protect interests of others involved in the chain (for ex- ample to stop criminal charges from being brought against them, to “lose" evidence and similar). Stulhofer, A.: Raboteg-Saric, Z. (2002) Sex Trafficking in Croatia: An Assessment Study. Geneva: IOM, after Kelly, L. (2002) op. cit. page 43.

177  The organisation of the groups involved in trafficking in people, according to our respondents' experiences, is threefold: based on net- work principle, pyramid principle, i.e. with strong hierarchy and clearly distributed and defined tasks, and finally, as an ad hoc organisation. Trafficking in people is closely connected to other forms of organi- sed crime, especially narcotics and arms trade. Those connections can be explained by the fact that same channels, methods and connections are used for trafficking in people as in cases of other forms of organised crime or illegal goods and services markets. On the other hand, judging from the response of our respondents, it can be concluded that same people deal with trafficking in people, i.e. those who were previously involved in drug dealing or arms trade and then “switched" to a more profitable activity carrying lesser risk, which further explains the exis- tence of connection with other forms of organised crime on our territo- ries. However, in order for trafficking in people to survive as a form of organised crime, an adequate support is necessary from legal, social and state structures and according to the knowledge of the interviewed pro- fessionals, such connections do exist in Serbia. In the view of this, as “assistants",171 i.e. individuals belonging to state structures and other le- gal actors with whom traffickers in people are connected, identified were as follows: police officers, customs officials, various agencies (for real estates, modelling), tourist agencies, transporters, the estrade, sport clubs, some companies and similar.

171 Assistants in the sense of previously mentioned typology of persons involved in the chain of trafficking in people described by the Croatian study.

178  X Method of Functioning and Assessment of Mechanisms of Operation of Governmental, Non-governmental and International Organizations in relation to Trafficking in People

Mechanisms of operation of the organs of the state, non-govern- mental and international organizations have been analyzed on the basis of the respondents' answers to the direct questions related to the sub- ject matter, on the basis of examples of good and bad practices they ha- ve quoted, as well as on the based on the analysis of responses obtai- ned from the interview as a whole.

X 1. Mechanisms of Operation of the Organs of the State

The analysis of activities of the organs of the state pertaining to trafficking in people is related to the work of the police, judicial bodies and centres for social work related to discovering, proving, protecting and reintegrating victims.

X 1.1. The Police Operation in Discovering and Collecting Evidence on Trafficking in People

The analysis of responses obtained from interviews carried out with NGOs professionals and representatives indicates that both reacti- ve and proactive approach is present in the police operation. The pro- active approach appears to be the prevailing one lately, particularly du- ring 2003. Also, the analysis shows that there are changes in treating victims of trafficking in people in compliance with the protection of their human rights. This means that victims are more and more often treated as victims and not, as previously prevailing practice, perpetra- tors referred to in the Law on Public Order and Peace (prostitution), Law on Movement and Residence of Foreigners (illegal stay), and Labo- ur Law (illegal labour). The proactive approach actually means the police initiative which includes operational work on collecting data and reacting on the basis of data obtained by controlling night clubs and bars in which it is sus- pected that criminal offences of trafficking in people are committed, by arresting perpetrators, arresting and/or rescuing victims, closing night

179 clubs and bars, intensifying border control, i.e. control of persons cross- ing border, particularly children, regardless of whether they travel alo- ne or accompanied by adults, and alike. The proactive approach also means other forms of active police operation in discovering such offen- ces, such as, for example: calling up escort agencies, introducing them- selves as clients and making appointments for choosing girls, and alike. In addition to proactive, the police also use reactive approach, which includes reacting on the basis of reporting by victims, reporting by citizens, foreign embassies notes, and alike. This approach has for a long time been a main approach in discovering trafficking in people and, as such, it has not taken into consideration specific features of this type of crime, which is primarily reflected in a grave and unprotected position of victims and persons close to them and other citizens, and thus in extremely low level of reporting such persons as well. Partly be- cause of the domination of such approach, the number of identified ca- ses of trafficking in people in Serbia has for a long time been extremely small. Still, judging by the respondents' answers, it appears that a cer- tain number of professionals do not realize the significance of proactive approach in discovering trafficking in people, considering that they de- em the non-reporting of trafficking in people by victims to be the main problem in discovering trafficking in people. According to respondents' knowledge, during 2002 and 2003, crimi- nal proceedings were initiated in 10 places, i.e. in most of the places co- vered by the research. These places are the following: Subotica, Sombor, Sabac, Belgrade, Mladenovac, Pozarevac, Kraljevo, Nis, Leskovac, and Novi Pazar. The criminal proceedings were mainly initiated against night club owners, waiters employed in them, women assisting night- -club owners in buying women or in paying for services, as well as aga- inst persons assisting in or organizing transfer of victims. Considering that such persons were discovered before the changes of Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia from April 2003 became effective, they were in most cases accused of the following criminal offences: intermediation in the exercise of prostitution (Article 251 of the Basic Criminal Code), un- lawful deprivation of liberty (Article 63 of the Criminal Code of the RS), forging of documents (Article 233 of the Criminal Code of the RS), illicit crossing of the state border (Article 249 of the Basic Criminal Code), ra- pe (Article 103 of the Criminal Code of the RS), and alike. In cases where the judgment was passed, the imposed sanctions ranged from probation up to 2 years to 6 months of imprisonment, the average penalty being about 1 year of imprisonment. Most probably it has been the education of the police that has in- fluenced the change in the police approach in discovering trafficking in people, as well as in identifying victims, but it has also influenced by

180 the changes of the law and inclusion of the police in regional actions directed towards discovering trafficking in people. According to the da- ta of the International Organization for Migration, presented to us by Sandra Slijepcevic, 61% of victims of trafficking in people have been re- scued by the police, 8% by clients, 4% managed to escape, while others have been rescued by friends. As for changes in treating victims, they primarily include punish- ing of victims by imposing fines instead of penalty of imprisonment or are reflected in a complete lack of punishment and possibility of tempo- rary residence, i.e. delaying their deportation. It is also noticed that the- re is a tendency of a more liberal attitude towards the victims of smug- gling to whom minor sanctions are more often imposed instead of crim- inal sanctions. However, although there is a trend to act more often in such a way, it appears that there are still many cases of victims being sanctioned for misdemeanour, who first serve imprisonment and only then go to Shelter, or return to their countries. The answers of some respondents indicate the absurd situation that in some cases victims are punished for prostitution by passing jud- gment of 15 days of imprisonment, and their bosses by passing judg- ment of one month of imprisonment, also for misdemeanours (referred to in the Law on Public Order and Peace or the Labour Law). Appar- ently non-uniform actions of both the police and magistrate courts indi- cate lack of systemic solutions and an unequal position of victims, which often depends on where they were found or who discovered them, and alike. Obviously, the lack of clear legislation, which would exclude punishing victims of trafficking in people, and which would guarantee them a temporary stay in order to participate in criminal pro- ceedings and for humanitarian reasons, influences the existence of bad practice, i.e. non-uniform approach of the organs of the state. Besides, it is noticed that there are still many nightclubs and bars in which there are victims of trafficking in people, as well as cases when the closing of nightclubs does not necessarily mean that exploita- tion of victims has ceased. A number of respondents have expressed their doubts or had knowledge that sexual exploitation of victims has only become more hidden, i.e. moved inland, primarily to countryside, apartments in towns, and suburbs as well. The question arises of what has happened with victims after closing greater number of nightclubs in Serbia, because the influx of victims in the Shelter for victims of traf- ficking in people has been drastically reduced due to the introduction of the state of emergency and beginning of “Sablja" (Sabre) operation. According to the opinion of one respondent, a police representative, the reason is in the fact that the victims have already been previously res- cued and have not been found at the time when perpetrators have

181 been arrested. Another possible explanation, given by some other re- spondents, is that the perpetrators have been faster than the police and that they have in time hidden the victims in apartments, countryside, and alike. In spite of positive trend in discovering trafficking in people in Ser- bia, on the basis of answers given by our respondents, the whole series of problems have been identified which represent a barrier to greater efficiency in discovering and proving trafficking in people. The identified problems can be classified in 4 groups as follows: fi- nancial, personnel and organizational problems, problems stemming from the very nature of this type of crime, broader social (systemic) and regional problems, and problems related to the reporting.

Table No. 1. Problems in discovering trafficking of human beings in Serbia

Financial, personnel Problems stemming Systemic and Problems and organizational from the nature of regional related to the problems of the police trafficking in people problems reporting Inadequate High level of Political Non-reporting financial-technical organisation and pressures by victims and equipment mobility of traffickers citizens Difficulties in Small number of Problem to reach the controlling NGOs staff is personnel main person in the border not allowed to ring crossings publish Lack of specialized information units Good masking of Legal which would this crime/seeming restrictions Bad financial position help in legality of the police discovering traffickers Corruption Linking up of the police, customs officials and staff of other governmental institutions and traffickers Ignorance and prejudices about victims Insufficient international cooperation in the discovering Lack of experience in implementation of special investigation techniques and their usage as evidence

182  As shown in the above Table, most of the identified problems rela- ted to discovering of trafficking in people in Serbia emerge from the problems related to functioning of the organs of the state, particularly the police. Also, it is obvious, judging by the answers of the respon- dents, that most of the problems in functioning of the police are related to the problems of internal organisation and control, and to financial and personnel problems as well. External problems, particularly those related to the nature of criminal offence and non-reporting, are far less frequent in answers given by the respondents. Among the answers of respondents who have emphasized the pro- blems in discovering trafficking in people, the most frequent ones are those related to bad financial and technical equipment of the police, dif- ficulties in border control, and particularly the linking up of the police and criminals, as well as the political pressure exerted on the police. It has been emphasized that financial and technical equipment of the police is in disproportion with technical equipment of criminals, while bad financial position of the police has been closely related to its proclivity to corruption. Particular emphasis has been given to the pro- blems of controlling borders towards Romania and Hungary, which are today less controlled than previously. Besides, the police members have highlighted, as a great problem, the difficulties in controlling border crossings towards Kosovo controlled by the UNMIK (“Djeneral Janko- vic" and Pristina Airport)172 where one can enter without visa and entry seal. A number of respondents, among which there is a considerable number of police members, have indicated the linking up of traffickers and the police, customs officers and employees of other governmental institutions, as well as political pressures, as the most significant barriers to the discovering. As for political pressures exerted on the police, the responses have been classified in two groups. The responses in the first group are those given by the respondents who have pointed out the pressures and protective attitude the representatives of former authori- ties have had towards the traffickers, while the responses in the second group are those in which the obstructions from the present authorities have been highlighted. As for the latter, the influence of local political officials who obstruct discovering and arresting of perpetrators have been mostly emphasized. Here, it is important to mention that the very members of the police, who have at the same time expressed their dis- satisfaction that, in spite of their personal efforts, the results are often small or none, have also indicated these problems. 172 The earlier problem with “Mehov Krs" crossing was also pointed out, which was resol- ved after signing an agreement with Montenegro.

183  The following quotations173 of responses given by the respondents are good illustrations of the above:

“There are really many barriers and obstructions. Neither conditions nor funds for the work exist. We use one car only. We don't have enough funds for communication. The five of us use that same shabby car. As soon as we enter in the neighbouring village, those because of whom we go there have already been informed that we are on the way. We expect better conditions and more funds. There are still the untouchables in the new Government. Because of some of them I have to write reports even now and excuse myself for inconveniences." “The owners have been reported, but they have subsisted because of overall system of the State intervention, i.e. functioning of the State itself. All these people, actually “bosses" have tried to become closer to the poli- ce, to bargain with them. The girls in these cases have been brought in during raids to magistrate judges and got evict orders to leave our coun- try." “The problem is in the fact that the bordering places have their own police stations. In these stations, unfortunately, there are many police members who are directly involved in the whole story — they either dri- ve cars after working hours in which victims are transferred and when the police stop them they introduce themselves as colleagues and nobody asks them whom they have in the car, or they directly worn the traffick- ers as soon as they learn that the police will take some action. It is diffi- cult to move within the bordering area without being noticed — it is quite enough that a new face appears, either in ordinary clothes or in a uniform; this is a sufficient reason for alarm and giving up of the planned transfer." “Great problem is also the corruption on border crossings (although the situation has changed for better since 5th October). According to my experience the corruption always starts from chiefs of shifts who are au- thorized to give instructions to the staff to give free way to certain cars. This problem may be overcome by a good intelligence work (example of the SIA — Security Information Agency — which has discovered the chain of Pakistani citizens and our people who transported migrants). Be- sides, one of the solutions should be mandatory reporting of earnings by all those employed in governmental institutions." “The greatest problem is that every trafficker has its own man, cus- toms officer and/or policeman who during their shift let the girls pass freely. The girls fear to speak about it." “The accused may come out even after two years and during that ti- me continues to control a part of trafficking from the jail."

173 About this, see also quotations on pages 127 and 150.

184  In addition to systemic, financial and internal problems of the poli- ce, the problems related to the complexity and extreme mobility and adaptability of perpetrators of this type of crime have also been highlig- hted. In this sense, particular accent is given to the problem of reaching the main person in the ring because either victim or those at the end of the chain (persons enticing, drivers, etc.), who may be more easily arre- sted, often do not know who he is. Besides, the fact that this is a type of crime well masked by seeming legality, as well as the limited autho- rizations of the police when entering apartments in which the victims are held and often not getting the permission from judges for this174 is considered as an important barrier to more efficient discovering of traf- ficking in people.

“The problem is in revealing the names of those who have participa- ted in trafficking or addresses of mediators, traffickers. The names of rec- ruiters are known, but this does not help. There have been cases when women have disclosed the name of the agency which has engaged them and we have tried to trace it, but it has turned out that such agency has never existed at the address at all."

A number of respondents have emphasized as a barrier in earlier period, also the lack of appropriate legal provisions, because they have been compelled to qualify the trafficking as establishing slavery and in- termediation in the exercise of prostitution, which is very difficult to prove. They also pointed out that the provisions of Article 111b of the Criminal Code of Serbia, in which the criminal offence of the trafficking in people is foreseen, “give them opportunity to work".

X 1.2. Mechanisms of Operation of Other Organs of the State, Particularly the State Prosecutor's Office and Courts

As for the operation of the state prosecutor's offices and courts, the respondents' answers have indicated some crucial problems which con- tribute to inefficient prosecution and punishment of perpetrators, on one hand, and repeated trauma of victims, on the other. The most im- portant identified problems are related to the following:

— Slow, long and inefficient criminal proceedings, — Lack of evidence, 174 According to the respondents' statements, the situation in this sense was favourable dur- ing the “Sablja" police campaign because the police was not obliged to have a warrant to enter the premises in which the victims were held.

185  — Corruption, — Lack of appropriate witness protection in criminal proceedings, — Weak position of victims in criminal proceedings in general and strengthening protection of rights of the accused at the expense of vic- tims' rights, — Lack of cooperation and coordination between the police and prosecutor's office in collecting evidence, — Ignorance of and prejudices about victims, — Ignorance of possibilities of victim assistance and support provi- ded by non-governmental organizations, — Lack of clearly expressed willingness to solve the problem.

The possibility of endless delay in proceedings and general judi- ciary inefficiency has influence on long duration of all criminal proceed- ings, including proceedings against trafficking in people as well. Slow and long proceedings have direct adverse effects both on chances to prove criminal offence and on the victims themselves. As one of the re- spondents noticed, the problem related to testifying in long proceed- ings is what the victims actually want, because otherwise, due to the lack of legal regulations governing temporary residence, they have to return to the place of origin. In order to testify later, they have to come back to our country for which, if not for anything else, they need a lar- ge sum of money. However, the endeavours, particularly those made by certain prosecutors, in conducting shorter proceedings so that they may be completed before the victims have to leave the country, are also some of the quoted examples. The victims refuse to testify or they change their statements out of fear because the witness protection does not exist. They fear reprisal from traffickers, their relatives, friends and collaborators. It has also been highlighted that victims rarely blame the traffickers as well as that testifying is made difficult because there is no material evidence. How- ever, opposite to those who consider the lack of material evidence and cooperation of victims to be the crucial problem in proving trafficking in people, some respondents have quoted good examples of how it is still more important to have a strong will to disclose material evidence and not to rely exclusively on victims' statements:

“In one of the clubs, below the price list of beverages on the menu a nude girl is drawn and the price is missing, so the price is negotiable, which might be a proof for intermediation in the exercise of prostitution. Another example for this is a club where a board containing numbers is placed above the bar (these numbers are actually room extensions) so when a room is emptied, the corresponding number flashes up."

186  “The organs of the state have unsatisfactory approach. The prosecu- tor's office and police are not engaged enough. The prosecutors may take advertisements and may act according to them. Much more can be done in this matter. It is not sufficient only to enter in one or two apartments."

Besides, as emphasized by Sandra Slijepcevic from the Internatio- nal Organization for Migration, impossibility of victims to stay here in- fluences their readiness to testify. “They often do not wish to return but want either to stay or go to some other country. Should they be able to stay and start a new life where they want, they might be willing to tes- tify," says Slijepcevic. The respondents from the police of Sombor are of similar opinion, and they say:

“The victims do not cooperate because we are unable to offer them anything except of canceling their sojourn here and thus, should it be possible to provide and ensure them residence here, they might be ready to cooperate."

A number of respondents have indicated the lack of appropriate victim assistance and support as a reason for them not to testify. So, for example, the above mentioned respondents from Sombor have said that in this town and its surroundings there are no NGOs which provide victim assistance and support. Also, the cooperation with the Centre for Social Work is quite problematic so that, according to the respondents, “it happens that during weekends there is nobody (on duty) and if a victim is found during weekends, say a child or a minor, there is no place to accommodate him." The police practice during raids in hotels, restaurants, and night- clubs to bring in the bosses together with girls has been emphasized as a barrier to cooperation of victims because during hearings they do not dare to tell the truth. As noticed by one of the respondents “even if he- arings are separated, the girls don't disclose anything out of fear from reprisal by their ‘owners' ". According to some respondents, in the previous period the police did not manage to collect enough evidence while the prosecutors, as a rule, were not interested in new cases. Some respondents have stated that it is “the practice of the prosecutors not to appear during investiga- tions on the spot, i.e. they leave the collecting all of the necessary evi- dence to the police and only then the prosecutors, while processing the evidence, assess whether any crucial data or evidence is missing." It has also been highlighted that collecting evidence and data should be more concrete, that the work in the pre-criminal proceedings must be done well in order to achieve effects in suppressing such type of crime, as

187 well as that the role of prosecutor should be more active — a prosecu- tor should be well informed about this phenomenon in order to be able to order and coordinate police activities within pre-criminal proceed- ings in an appropriate way. The judges have, for their part, emphasized that courts are to a great extent dependent on the work of other organs of the state so that “the work of courts is conditioned by the bodies in- volved in the discovering and prosecution. Where there is no charge, there is no trial either". According to the opinion of a woman representative of one of the non-governmental organizations “the police carry out occasional raids but where everything “falls apart" is actually the judiciary". She has cri- ticized the judiciary mostly for “exhausting victims by taking a number of repeated statements and by allowing them to leave the country upon giving statements, and then they do not respond to summons any lon- ger, which results in acquitting traffickers due to lack of evidence." The woman representative of another non-governmental organisa- tion has had a similar opinion based on her direct work with women:

“When this is delayed, it becomes boring to the police as well, the accused either goes to a hospital or something similar happens. Then they hold victim for a couple of months. When it comes to the main hearing, the same is not carried out, she is sent back to the country of origin, and in the meantime she had been held even for four months, which is com- pletely unnecessary. Because it has been known that she would not tes- tify in the main hearing, she could have been freed earlier. There is yet no organized procedure in this matter and the problem is in the judiciary and not in the police, which work correctly … The people from the police whom I have met have excellent relationship with victims, which I cannot say for judges and prosecutors."

Some respondents have indicated the generally weak position of victims in criminal proceedings in Serbia, where lack of right to appeal has been particularly pointed out, as well as the non-realization of right to compensation for damages in practice. The latter is of particular inte- rest as a factor contributing to the fact that victims may become victimi- sed again and cannot realize successful rehabilitation when (if) they re- turn to the country of origin.

“The problem is that judges don't have enough knowledge about this matter. The prostitution is regarded as a part of folklore, while traffic- king is seen as a part of prostitution. The victims are treated as voluntary witnesses who may and may not testify, and when they do testify the en- tire procedure means a repeated trauma with little or none compensation in the sense of accusation of traffickers. They return to the country of ori-

188  gin but because of very bad financial situation they are again in the same position from which they have come into the whole process. Should the judiciary in a different way consider the compensation for damages, the vulnerability of these girls to future victimisation would be diminished. These girls should be compensated in money, out of human and moral reasons, but also in order to deliver a blow to organized crime, because the money is the most important thing for them. Because of that, the sums should be much greater. Secondly, when she returns, she would ha- ve resources for education, work, and this would prevent her to take the same road for earning money again." (A woman lawyer representing vic- tims of trafficking in people)

Completely unsolved issue of reintegration of both local and fore- ign women victims is in direct connection with this. It has been indica- ted that main problem when local women175 are concerned is the lack of clearly defined obligations and responsibilities of appropriate organs of the state, particularly of the Centres for Social Work, as well as the lack of any kind of care of society for solving problems related to vic- tims of trafficking in people. The International Organization for Migra- tion, the Shelter and the NGO ASTRA assist the victims in the first mo- ment. However, as Sandra Ljubinkovic from ASTRA has noticed, what they can provide is not sufficient for successful reintegration because the women and children in question need assistance for months, even years. Also, the victim integration is a very complex process, which of- ten requires working with the whole family. It is, therefore, important to define the obligations of the State in this matter. The women respon- dents from NGOs and the International Organization for Migration ha- ve supported the above by an example of a girl who has spent more than a year in the Shelter for Women Victims of Trafficking because she has neither had a place where to go nor any money for living. The common feature for all identified problems is that their exis- tence and non-solving them cause a series of other problems, which may be classified in three basic groups:

— Non-establishment of existence of criminal offence (“problem of proving") and non-punishing perpetrators, — Secondary victimisation, — Re-victimisation of victims (falling into trafficking ring again).

The lack of revealing and eliminating the causes gives an impres- sion that we are in a vicious circle, and even when the police perform 175 As for the problem related to reintegration of victims — foreign women citizens, see the report presented at the International Organization for Migration, on pg. 143.

189 their part of work excellently, it is impossible to prove the existence of criminal offence because of, sounds as a paradox, inadequate behaviour of the victims themselves. By avoiding making clear that there is a lack of systemic and structural (in country, region and world) conditions for cooperation by victims, a vague and confused picture about the victims is created, primarily about girls and women. This picture has a confus- ing impact on public opinion since controversial messages are sent out to public such as: they are victims and they are not WE, they are DIF- FERENT, it is their own fault, it is difficult to find out whether they want that or whether they are forced to do that, and alike. Judging by the responses given by our respondents, the employees of judiciary bo- dies are not immune to prejudices or, at least, to confusing and contro- versial public images about victims. When all listed problems are considered as a whole, then it beco- mes clear that behind a myth about seemingly non-provable trafficking in people and “problematic character" of the victims themselves, there is a whole series of bad or inappropriate legislation, ignorance, prejudi- ces, systemic inefficiency and lack of organisation, especially in the judi- ciary. All the above taken together is to a great extent the heritage of the past, which is undergoing changes slowly, in addition to hastiness of the transitional period, unsystematic changes of legislation, and par- ticularly overemphasized need to show through improving position of the accused, however at the expense of victims' rights, that the break- away from socialism is realized. Since systemic problems require sys- temic solutions, it is clear that the law and practice related to the state prosecutor's office and courts in the field of trafficking in people must be systematically changed, also having in mind that individual and gen- eral problems and interests are linked.

X 1.3. Attitude of the Organs of the State towards Prostitution, Begging, Vagrancy and Illegal Labour

In addition to questions related to the operation of the organs of the state with respect to trafficking in people, the respondents were asked questions about the attitude of the organs of the state towards the prostitution, begging, vagrancy and illegal labour — the phenome- na suppressing of which is in close relation with suppressing of traffick- ing in people. The answers of respondents related to the attitude of the organs of the state towards the prostitution may be classified in three groups as follows:

190  — The State does nothing about it, — Operation of the organs of the state, primarily the police, in this sphere is inappropriate, — The State does everything in its power.

Only a few respondents have been of opinion that the State does everything in its power while the most of respondents deem that attitu- de of the organs of the state, primarily the police, is inappropriate. They have most often indicated:

— Lack of a system, — Irregular and unsystematic operations, — Lack of clear strategy, — Excessive relaying on repression, i.e. sanctioning of prostitutes, — Minimal engagement, — Discriminatory attitude, — Hypocrisy, — Tacit approval, — Passiveness.

Some police members have indicated also the recent changes in the attitude of the police towards prostitution, which is now paying more attention to this phenomenon and combat prostitution along with com- bating against trafficking in people. However, on the other hand, exces- sive dependence of the attitude towards prostitution on current inter- ests of the State has also been highlighted, as well as the existing legis- lation as a barrier to more decisive dealing with this phenomenon. Some of the respondents have noticed that the reason because of which the organs of the state are insufficiently dealing with the prob- lem of prostitution is in fact that they are too busy in dealing with ot- her problems, which are presently given priority. The lack of preventive programs and, generally, preventive operation of the organs of the sta- te, and, in connection with this, the hypocrisy reflected in the fact that the sexual services are without any problem offered through advertis- ing in the existing media, has also been emphasized. The passiveness of social services in relation to the child prostitution has particularly been highlighted. The assessments of the attitude of the organs of the state towards begging and vagrancy are similar to those of the attitude towards the prostitution, and the opinions range from those according to which the organs of the state do nothing, through assessments that their attitude is inappropriate, to opinions that they do everything allowed by the law and everything possible in current economic situation. The respon-

191 dents have mainly highlighted penalizing of beggars and/or taking beg- gars off the streets as well as temporary social support as measures mostly implemented. The respondents have also quoted concrete actions of the organs of the state aiming at accommodating beggars and the homeless as well as joint actions of the organs of the state and NGOs in solving increas- ingly visible problem of the so called “children of the street".176 It has at the same time been pointed out to irregularity of these actions and the- ir direct connection with accommodation capacities in institutions for children deprived of parental care and those in shelters. Namely, the accommodation capacities in these institutions are noticed to be dispro- portional to the number of beggars and the homeless, which has a di- rect influence on the decrease in number or complete discontinuation of actions of taking these persons off the streets. It has also been menti- oned that the City Centre for Social Work intends to initiate a project ti- tled the Safe Houses for Children of the Street". The attention has also been drawn to the fact that the organizers of begging are not arrested and punished, although, according to the opi- nion of some respondents, the police know who the organizers are and how they organize begging, but still, they do nothing to solve the prob- lem. Some have noticed that the attitude of the organs of the state only additionally discriminates beggars, particularly the Roma, who, because of being socially excluded, make most of the beggars.

“Most of the beggars are Roma and we know why, and we know the issue of the Roma, and their education and inclusion in social flows is the issue which must be solved at the level of the State." (A respondent from Novi Pazar)

A number of respondents have noticed compassionate and tolerant attitude as an expression of impossibility to act in different way in cur- rent economic situation. Just like in case of prostitution, the complete lack of strategy and coordination, particularly regarding the children of the street, has been emphasized as well. In this respect, the following statements given by our respondents are rather illustrative:

“They often bring to me an apprehended woman with a child, and while she is in my office, they bring the child upstairs in the police office and, afterwards, I hear that the child is let go to the street." (A representa- tive of a magistrate court from Belgrade)

176 The cooperation with, for example, “Vasa Stajic" Home, the Roma Children's Centre, Ministry of Social Affairs and Centre for Protection of Infants, Children and Youth, has been high- lighted with respect to this.

192  “This problem should be approached on a broader scale and better control in resolving this problem should be established. If we take them off the street for some time they disperse to houses, and when our atten- tion weakens, they return to streets again. A handicapped person sleeps under a bridge in summer and in winter he sleeps in extremely inhuman conditions, we know about that but — what is to be done — to report him, hear him out, maybe punish him, and then send him back to the street; then we are again at the same point. Other institutions, just like us, are helpless with relation to this phenomenon. The Centre for Social Work has no possibilities to help. I have no idea how we could provide space where they could gather, where we could work with them, educate them and make children interested in schools, and help their integration in local community. When we can't find the way, then how they can know to whom apply for help." (A representative of a magistrate court from Novi Pazar)

As regards the children of the street, it has been pointed out that the centres for social work are incompetent to react in an appropriate way. In this sense, the necessity of their overall transformation has been mentioned. As for the attitude of the organs of the state towards the illegal la- bour, we have classified the responses given by our respondents in two groups. The first group comprises the responses which prevail and ac- cording to which the organs of the state have commenced a decisive ac- tion in suppressing illegal labour, while the other group comprises the responses according to which the organs of the state make no efforts in this direction and actually tolerate the illegal labour. The respondents who consider that the organs of the state are tak- ing certain measures for suppressing illegal labour have pointed out the corresponding changes of legislation as well as the intensified control of inspection aiming at discovering black labour. However, they have a se- ries of objections regarding the work of the organs of the state in this sphere: mostly workers, i.e. victims are punished and not those who employ them, the lack of parallel social policy measures and possibiliti- es of legal employment, the fight against black labour mostly refers to local and avoids foreign workers, and alike. The apparent trend towards the more decisive fight against the illegal labour is also important for discovering trafficking in people, which is illustrated in an example from Novi Pazar:

“The objective of the organs of the state is the suppressing of illegal labour and they do this by using various control mechanisms. The con- trols are now more frequent and include an increased number of inspec-

193  tors whom we have to employ for a fixed period of time in order to keep this phenomenon under control. The truth is that the law is now favoura- ble in this sense and this is now more successfully done. In some cases, when restaurants are in question, this phenomenon is quite difficult to be controlled and we are never quite sure how many workers work illegally. When we come, the waitresses and other persons employed illegally sim- ply sit down at tables and we are often unable to identify them. Such controls also indicate some other phenomena in connection with the ille- gal labour, such as prostitution. It happens that during the control in so- me restaurants — inns with only four tables, we find 6 to 7 waitresses working in it."

X 2. NGOs and International Organisations

We have learnt about the mechanisms of operation of local non-go- vernmental and international organizations related to the trafficking in people from the interviews with their representatives, from written ma- terial obtained from them, as well as from the interviews carried out with other respondents, whom we have asked to give us their views and assessments of operation of these organizations.

X 2.1. Mechanisms of Operation of Organizations Dealing with the Issue of Trafficking in People

Three non-governmental organizations dealing with the problem of trafficking in people in Serbia are the ASTRA, Shelter for Women Victims of Human Trafficking and Victimology Society of Serbia. In ad- dition to these organizations, the Beosupport is also dealing with the problem of trafficking in people. Within the so-called ASTRA network in Serbia about 15 organizations to greater or smaller extent also deal with this problem. In addition, the Roma non-governmental organizati- ons deal with the problem of trafficking in Roma women and children such as Bibija, the Roma Children's Center and Krlan. As for internatio- nal organizations, the International Organization for Migration, OSCE, Stability Pact of South Eastern Europe, Catholic Relief Service, Internati- onal War and Peace Institute, Save the Children, and others also deal with the problem of trafficking in people. The Shelter for Women Victims of Trafficking, International Orga- nization for Migration, ASTRA and the above mentioned Roma organi- zations provide direct support to the victims.

194  Sandra Slijepcevic, program assistant of the International Organiza- tion for Migration and Vesna Stanojevic, Coordinator of the Shelter for Women — Victims of Trafficking have indicated the recent changes in the procedure related to reception of victims by their organizations and their relation with the police, which conformed information on opera- tion of organs of the state mentioned previously in this paper. Namely, according to Sandra Slijepcevic, the victims of trafficking in women in previous period were first arrested and brought in to mag- istrate judges and then imprisoned in Padinska Skela up to 40 days. Only afterwards they were sent to the International Organization for Migration or the Shelter. Recently, however, the situation has been im- proved and the victims are often sent directly to the International Orga- nization for Migration. Vesna Stanojevic, for her part, has also pointed out the changes in the manner in which the victims come to the Shelter. The victims more often come to the Shelter directly, through the police, who pick them up, inform the Shelter and then drive them there. Besides, the victims come to the Shelter also through the International Organization for Mi- gration or through mediation of the Prison in Padinska Skela in case they have been accused and sent to serve imprisonment first. When the victims are found, further procedure differs depending on whether they are local or foreign women. In case of women citizens of Serbia, they are, when possible, brought back home, and if this is not possible, sent to the Shelter. The procedure with the foreign women is different, depending on whether they accept to enter the reintegration or repatriation program of the International Organization for Migration. In case they do accept it, they are sent to the Shelter. Otherwise, the victims are sent to the Shelter for Foreigners in Padinska Skela and then deported into the country of origin. The foreign women from the Shelter return home (repatriation), and in case of local women, for the purpose of reintegration, the Inter- national Organization for Migration and ASTRA offer them various co- urses (hair dressing, manicure, pedicure, free courses in foreign langua- ges, computer skills, and similar). The programs of returning and reintegration, carried out by the In- ternational Organization for Migration, include organizing voluntary re- turn of victims. The reintegration program has been made so as to meet the needs of each victim. Sandra Slijepcevic has described the operation of this organisation in this respect in the following way:

“The Program functions in such a way that, when a girl is reported, or when we are about a girl that was trafficked girl, we go there and in- troduce ourselves. We tell her what we do and inform her about our Pro-

195  gramme. We give her some time to think whether she would like to be included in the programme. Some girls accept this straight away, while some are afraid to do so. When they agree to be included in the Program- me, we accommodate them in the Shelter and give them few days to gat- her their thoughts. We make an interview with them in order to obtain data, which would later help their reintegration. The filled-in question- naire is then sent to the IOM mission in the girl's country of origin, the country to which she will return, with complete doctor's report, psycholo- gist's report, data on family situation, on what she would, for example, li- ke to do when she returns home, etc. The questionnaire is always sent be- fore the girl leaves. We provide documents to the girls as well. We coope- rate with embassies of the Ukraine, Russia, Moldova, Romania, and Bul- garia. We try to provide the girls with everything they need: clothes, sho- es, travel bags. We give them pocket money of 150 $ to have some money until they return home. They actually want to return home, however, the- ir problem is that they are almost always penniless. The victims returning from Italy are in somewhat better position. Namely, the Italian Govern- ment sponsors girls-victims with 1500 EUR, which makes their return ho- me considerably easier. They are not paid all the money at once but in three instalments: 500 EUR before their departure, 500 EUR three months later, and 500 EUR after the following three months. The problem how- ever with the girls trafficked in Italy is that they are the most traumatized ones."

The Shelter for Women — Victims of Trafficking provides a safe accommodation for trafficked persons where they are offered various forms of assistance: “accommodation, medical assistance, psychological and legal assistance, shortly, everything they need in order to feel safe." (Sandra Slijepcevic). The average stay of victims in the Shelter is 29 days, but there are those who stay even four months or longer. For ex- ample, a victim — our citizen, has stayed in the Shelter for more than a year. Five women work in the Shelter: lawyer, psychologist, nurse and two female social workers. Our respondents have emphasized several problems, which both the victims and the persons working in the Shel- ter are facing. Firstly, women accommodated in the Shelter have no fre- edom to move so that they are “practically in a kind of a prison". Un- fortunately, they stay longer in the Shelter primarily because of our slow judiciary, i.e. long duration of criminal proceedings. This makes the situation of victims difficult, and as a consequence also makes the work of their careers in the Shelter more difficult.

“On one hand, it is good that our judiciary and the police want the persons who have sold, resold and exploited these girls to stand trial and

196  serve the deserved penalty; while on the other hand, operation of our system is very slow. This is very difficult for the victims because they are like in prison, and everyone has her own problems at home, an unsolved situation, a child, an ill member of the family, or someone who needs money. Thus, it is quite difficult to work with them and explain them that this is simply the way it works, because nobody asks victims whether they want to testify or not. Also, in order to leave the country, the victims should have an exit visa, which we request from the police, and the poli- ce issue the exit visa only when the court proceedings are completed. That, unfortunately, prolongs their stay in the Shelter." (Sandra Sliepcevic, the International Organization for Migration).

Another crucial problem is related to the security of both women accommodated in the Shelter and the staff working there. In this re- spect, the situation has recently become even worse because previous permanent security service organized by the Federal Ministry of Inter- nal Affairs has been replaced by patrols of the city police, which only occasionally visit the Shelter. Obviously, the problem of the Shelter se- curity has not been solved in an appropriate manner, which may cause serious problems both for victims and the persons employed in the Shelter. The ASTRA activities are primarily directed towards prevention (media campaigns, education, brochures, and information), assisting in finding and rescuing victims, helping victims' families, checking of- fers/contracts for jobs and other arrangements abroad, and alike. The SOS telephone for women victims of trafficking is also available within the ASTRA network. Organizations within the ASTRA network and Be- osupport mainly prepare various prevention programs related to traffic- king in women and children. The Roma organizations, particularly Bibija and Krlan, make efforts in informal ways to protect Roma women and children victims of for- ced prostitution. According to them, they perform this task by using an informal mobile team for interventions. The activities of the Victimology Society of Serbia related to traffic- king in people primarily include drafting changes of legislation, lobby- ing for their adoption, and educating experts. In addition, since April 2003, within the Victimology Society of Serbia a service for providing support to victims of crime titled the VDS Info and Support to Victims has been established. When trafficked persons are in question, the sig- nificance of services is primarily in informing the victims on their rights and on services which may be useful for them. This is realized mainly by disseminating information brochures.

197  X 2.2. Assessment of the Work of NGOs and International Organizations

Almost all respondents (120 of them or 97,6%) have answered that they are familiar with the work of local non-governmental and interna- tional organizations in this domain, which could be an indicator of high transparency of their work, at least when professionals encompassed by the research are concerned. The respondents who have been familiar with the work of non-go- vernmental organizations have had a positive attitude towards their work. In other words, only in few cases the importance of the existence of non-governmental organizations and their activities have been nega- ted, or their real intentions in this domain have been doubted. The re- sponses related to the operation of these organizations may be classified in three groups:

— Their work was praised, — Their work was criticized, — The problems facing these organizations face were pointed to and/or the inexistence of such organizations as a problem in itself.

The respondents who have praised the non-governmental organi- zations have highlighted their importance with respect to providing in- formation and making public sensible for the problem regarding pre- vention and, particularly, providing assistance to victims. According to a number of respondents, the non-governmental organizations are the only ones assisting the victims; they have been the first to react to this phenomenon, talked about it, carried out education, etc. There are opi- nions according to which the non-governmental organizations should appear in public “more aggressively" pointing out to this problem. Regarding the assistance to victims, the importance of safe houses has been highlighted, while the work of ASTRA was mentioned as im- portant in relation to prevention. The activities of the Victimology Soci- ety of Serbia were emphasised in relation to the advocacy for legal changes. In addition, it has also been emphasized that media actions and campaigns have produced first results in their straggle to make trafficking in people more visible. Also, some respondents have pointed out that the non-governmen- tal organizations are now working and functioning much better then the organs of the state (for example, “They are better connected, they communicate better."). On the other hand, it has been emphasized that they have better working conditions than the organs of the state:

198  “Regarding the personnel and financial situation, the non-govern- mental organizations have certain advantages over the police. They have qualified personnel, considerable funds compared to the policemen who have very low income and work hard, almost 20 hours a day." (A repre- sentative of the police)

Likewise, the representatives of the police have indicated that the conditions in the Shelter for Women Victims of Trafficking are better compared to those in the Shelter for Foreigners. The respondents who have had a critical attitude towards the non- -governmental organizations have mainly emphasized that, although the only one, the assistance which the non-governmental organizations are able to provide is not sufficient, that there are not enough organiza- tions which provide support to victims, that by wanting enthusiastically to do many things these organizations often do not work systematically enough and their work is of lower quality, that there are few organiza- tions which really do something and many of those which ‘only talk', and similar. Several women respondents have indicated that there is a certain level of discriminatory attitude of the non-governmental organizations towards some victims, where the inappropriate attitude towards the Roma women and women with special needs has been particularly em- phasized. One of the activists of the Roma non-governmental organisa- tion pointed out that “a great importance is given to the girls trafficked from other countries to Serbia, while nobody takes care about the Roma girls. They speak little about them; nobody is interested in the Roma population." She has also pointed out that prejudices about the Roma women are present in the non-governmental sector and consequently the cooperation between the Roma and other non-governmental orga- nizations is quite weak. Another woman respondent employed in the Centre for Social Work has said that when it comes to the persons with special needs, “the accommodation of victims according to their needs is still not always a primary task of the non-governmental organizati- ons". The problem that neither Roma women nor disabled women are received in the Shelter for Victims has particularly been pointed out. The problem of inappropriate personnel structure of non-govern- mental organizations providing support to victims and carrying out ed- ucation has also been highlighted. The consequences are reflected both in poor results and in the fact that the participants at seminars do not accept these organizations in an adequate manner. With respect to this, the statements of the two respondents, a woman representative of an institution for social care from Belgrade and a woman representative of the Centre for Social Work from another town are particularly illustrative:

199  “The non-governmental organizations certainly assist victims. How- ever, in the territory of Serbia, quite a number of NGOs have appeared recently which do not have educated members, actually they have mem- bers who have completed some instant education and who educate peo- ple who are far more educated then them and are much more familiar with certain problems than them. There are plenty of young girls in the non-governmental sector who are hard workers, but have no appropriate education. Some of them have studied a year or two at university some subjects completely non related with the work they do." “Today there are many incompetent volunteers who work in non- -governmental organizations, more in the local than in the foreign ones, who are educated, but their education often brings about more damage than benefit, because these people only got an ad hoc training. The work in these organizations should be monitored permanently in order to ma- intain the quality of assistance, and not to cause damage."

At this point we should remind you of the words of Professor Fat- tah who says that “for many victims the lack of any assistance might be better than misguided, badly delivered or ideologically tainted assistan- ce. The fact that victim services and victim assistance programs are for the most part a do-good, humanitarian and charitable endeavour, or public relations enterprises, is a good reason for careful monitoring the- ir work and assessing their results."177 With relation to the criticism concerning the competence of per- sons employed in non-governmental sector, a woman respondent has observed the drawback of some media campaigns carried by non-gov- ernmental organizations, which have not been accompanied by public opinion polls at the very beginning, in the middle and at the end of the campaign. “Because of that, the campaign is senseless, not transparent, because its effects are not known", warns the respondent. A number of respondents have noticed the lack of coordination in the work of non-governmental organizations, weak transparency of the- ir work, as well as competitiveness to the detriment of victims. Thus, one of our women respondents has proposed the setting up of a net- work for offering assistance, in which it will be known what each non-governmental organisation deals with, while at the same time each non-governmental organisation would have its own projects. In this way one would know which of the NGOs to contact for assistance. 177 Fattah, E (1999) “From a handful of dollars to tea and sympathy: sad history of victim as- sistance", in J. van Dijk, R. van Kaam and J. Wemmers (eds) Caring for crime victims, Monsey, New York: Criminal Justice Press.

200  “It should be like this — when one is in the need of help, one dials a phone number of four figures and gets professionals offering various kinds of assistance."178 The respondents have listed a number of problems, which the local non-governmental organizations face. Among the listed problems parti- cular emphasis has been placed on the following ones: the problems of financing and presenting their work, still present negative attitude to- wards their work both in the public and environment in which they act, uncertain sustainability of their activities (“what will happen if the- re would be no money?"), insufficient number of shelters for victims, sceptic attitude of certain governmental institutions towards their work, and alike. The problem of security of women associates of the non-govern- mental organizations providing victim assistance has also been pointed out:

“We have to take care of ourselves, because it has already happened that I and an interpreter have been chased by a car trying to hit us. We always check each other in the Shelter to see whether we are all well and whether everything is all right because there is a constant fear of possible attack. Only the closest circle of people, know where the Shelter is and I am exceptionally cautious to whom and what I say about the Shelter and the girls-victims."

As for international organizations, the assessments of the respon- dents range from placing emphasis to their importance in carrying out reforms, in making the problem of trafficking in people transparent and in assisting victims, to the critical attitudes towards the local non-gov- ernmental organizations and experts and their role in solving the prob- lem of trafficking in people. Some representatives of the police and the magistrate judges have expressed their distrust in the abilities of these organizations to influen- ce suppressing of trafficking in people and doubts about their real in- tentions. They have also indicated that these organizations impose top- ics and priorities without taking into consideration opinions and needs of the local actors. The women representatives of certain non-govern- mental organizations have had a similar opinion and have indicated the political dimension in their dealing with this problem, the lack of a real interest and care for victims, as well as a monopolist, arrogant and al- 178 This woman respondent has probably not been familiar with the recently established ser- vice of the VDS Info and Support to Victims founded by the Victimology Society of Serbia, which, among other things, provides this kind of information.

201 most blackmailing attitude towards the local non-governmental organi- zations with regard to what is to be done and how. Also, according to the opinion of a woman, representative of one non-governmental organisation, the international organizations should be more engaged in assisting local organizations, primarily by providing funds, and particularly related to the risk they put themselves into by working on such a delicate issue:

“Our organisation has had a three-month project for raising citizens' awareness of the trafficking in women, after which many members of the organisation have faced numerous problems such as threats, anonymous calls. Activity in this field bears a great risk, so that all activists will think seriously before they decide to put themselves and their families at risk for extremely small funds allocated for the projects dealing with the traf- ficking in people."

It has been pointed out that it is not good to send the victims of trafficking to attend trainings, which include physical touch, since this may be a great problem considering that they are mostly victims of sex- ual violence. Finally, it is important to mention that the women repre- sentatives of the non-governmental organizations have noticed that the International Organization for Migration by conditioning the assistance which it delivers to victims with their acceptance of reintegration pro- gram is not a good practice. They have also concluded that the victims should have free access to the Shelter and other forms of assistance re- gardless of whether they accept the program or not or whether they want to return to the country of origin or not. This observation raises an important question related to the problems which the victims face after returning to their countries, lack of their protection and a series of other open issues related to their security and efficient reintegration.

X 3. Cooperation between the Organs of the State, NGOs and International Organizations

As for the mutual cooperation between the organs of the state, non-governmental and international organizations, as well as the coop- eration within certain sectors, the answers of our respondents are quite different: ranging from the lack of any kind of cooperation, through opinion that only occasional cooperation exists or that it should be im- proved, to the experiences of excellent cooperation. However, regard- less of the answers the respondents have given, almost all of them have noticed that problems related to the cooperation and its establishment do exist.

202 203 bad mutual communication, lack of motivation of all actors. Related to this, the statement of a woman respondent who is included in the work of the Centre is quite indicative:

“The defined concrete goals to be realized have not existed from the beginning but it has been left open to adjust the goals to the needs which would emerge in the course of their realization. This additionally aggrava- ted the realization of the project, as well as its evaluation. A certain num- ber of people, included in the project by governmental and non-govern- mental organizations, were not truly motivated to realize the project but did so for the sake of their personal promotion. As for the non-govern- mental organizations, there has been a certain lack of motivation because they had no particular financial interest, so that some of them have adop- ted a rather aggressive attitude towards the state institutions. Too much work has fallen on only one person, a woman coordinator of the Centre, and she could not cope with it. On the other hand, both the governmen- tal and non-governmental organizations have wanted to formally give an impression that the cooperation does exist, although it has not been con- cretely realized".

X 4. Examples of Good and Bad Practices of the Organs of the State, NGOs and International Organizations

In order to obtain complete knowledge of mechanisms of operation of the organs of the state, non-governmental and international organi- zations, we have asked the respondents to quote an example of good as well as that of bad practice which they have directly or indirectly lear- ned of. Most of the respondents have quoted examples from their own experience, while only a few of them have given examples they indi- rectly learned about, mentioning mainly the case of S. Å. from Monte- negro as an example of bad practice. The analysis of the examples of good and bad practices at the same time is the best summary of the above-mentioned analysis of mecha- nisms of operation of the organs of the state, non-governmental and international organizations as well as a basis for proposing adequate changes. In order to better highlight positive and negative models, and as a basis for recommendations given in the conclusions at the end of this paper, the results of the analysis will first be given in the form of a summary of bad and good practices quoted by the respondents, and then the examples best illustrating the both will be presented.

204  Bad practice:

a) Bad cooperation between the organs of the state and non-gov- ernmental organizations, b) Bad cooperation of the police with the Border Control Depart- ments of the Army of Serbia and Montenegro, c) Lack of information exchange among institutions, d) Inappropriate informing of the press and its consequences rela- ted to the uncovering, e) Political pressures, f) Linking up of the police and traffickers, g) Punishing and imprisoning victims. h) Unjustified release of the accused, i) Long duration of the proceedings, j) Entrusting the hearing of victims to colleagues lacking experience and appropriate education k) Inappropriate security of victims after they return to the country of origin and falling in the trafficking rings again, l) Non-punishment of perpetrators, m) Lack of prevention programs, n) Lack of reintegration programs.

Good practice:

(a) Good cooperation of various police units in uncovering traffick- ing (b) Cooperation of magistrate judges, police, non-governmental or- ganizations, International Organization for Migration and Centre for Social Work, and successful accommodating of victims, (c) Cooperation between the local and foreign non-governmental organizations, on one hand, and the police, on the other, and successful discovering and rescuing of victims, (d) National Team for Combating Trafficking in Human Beings as an example of cooperation of the organs of the state with the non-gov- ernmental organizations, (e) Regional cooperation of the organs of the state with non-gov- ernmental organizations in discovering victims, (f) Proactive attitude of the police and successful discovering (g) Cooperation between journalists, the organs of the state and non-governmental organizations, and discovering and rescuing victims, (h) Fast reaction of the competent bodies, (i) Readiness of educated policemen to cooperate with organizati- ons delivering victim assistance,

205  (j) Protecting victims by non-governmental organizations, (k) Non-governmental organizations delivering assistance to vic- tims receive feedback information, (l) Public prosecutors do their best to ensure that the case is com- pleted properly, (m) A victim (girl) runs away from the trafficker, applies for help to the police, the police provides appropriate protection and she testifies, (n) A judge taking care of victims: providing psychologist, medi- cal doctor, expert witness and hearing victims upon request of another judge, (o) Sensible attitude towards the victims and victims' readiness to testify.

The mentioned summary of the bad and good practice cases, stated by the respondents, indicate once again the importance of the proactive and sensible approach of the police, prosecutors and judges, protection and correct treating of victims as well as cooperation between various actors in discovering, prosecuting and punishing perpetrators and pre- venting secondary victimisation and re-victimizations of the victims. The mentioned examples also indicate that a lot may be learned from the experience so far and that there are some negative, but also quite a few of positive models in the existing mechanisms of operation of the organs of the state. The examples of bad and good practices quoted by the respondents have once again supported the conclusion emerging from other answers given by the respondents, according to which the problem of discovering and proving trafficking in people is not in vic- tims but in traffickers, in the lack of systemic and comprehensive soluti- ons and indecisiveness of the organs of the state to suppress it. Examples of two extreme cases from the police practice

Bad practice:

“We had a case of a night club in the centre of a provincial town. All local inhabitants knew what was going on in the nightclub; it was been located nearby the most visited café in the town. When the members of the UBPOK (police unite for combating of organized crime) have entered the club, the local police have started to make obstructions. The owner of the club has been a local man of power, at the top of the ruling political party, and the local police did not disturb him. When the UBPOK has en- tered the club they blocked the exits and started searching. It took an ho- ur and a half for the local police to get there. Instead of sending police- men, the chief of the police has sent policewomen, and it is well know that this not a thing to do. They did not have any rooms suitable for the

206 questioning in the local police station, access to computers was not provi- ded, etc. After speaking to all the girls they took their statements, and sent them to the local police in order to proceed with the charges and gi- ve them notices to leave. While I was typing the criminal charges against the owner, whom all of the girls identified by a full name and surname, the prosecutor had already received a criminal charge for intermediation in the exercise of prostitution from the local police, however, against the unidentified perpetrator! It was obvious that there was a link between the local politicians who engaged in the trafficking in women and prostitu- tion, and the local police".

Good practice

“I received a call during the night because of two girls detained at the border crossing in Srpska Crnja. One of them had a torn passport, and I was told that both of them were lost and refused to speak. I arrived to the spot, offered them a cup of coffee, or tea, they refused. I spent the night in the same police station and the next morning I asked them to ha- ve breakfast with me. That is when they started to talk. They told me ter- rible things, they were terrified of their torturer finding them, and they had had bad experience with the police. One of them was from Moldova. She was on her way to a winter holiday when somebody offered her an excursion to Yugoslavia, and she accepted the offer. She entered the car only to find out that the door could not be open from inside and that was the end. The other was told that she would work as a waitress. They had both been through a dreadful experience, in Bosnia, in Kosovo, and in Macedonia. I obtained all the data from them, photos, names of persons, descriptions, and sent them to the competent police body. They served prison sentences of 30 days in Pozarevac; at the time the Shelter did not yet exist. I sent them back home with their torn passports. I accompanied them up to Zombolj. Now, one of them is inviting me to her wedding. Some of the perpetrators have been arrested, others remain at large. One of the customers, clients helped them escape."

207  XI Awarness about the issue of Trafficking in People and measures to be taken

In order to obtain a more complete picture of the existing and nec- essary ways of social reaction to the trafficking in people in Serbia, the research has also included collecting data on how familiar the respon- dents are with the problem of trafficking in people and the recent changes of legislation, as well as their suggestions regarding measures to be taken. In this section, the results of the analysis of the data obtai- ned on these issues will be presented.

XI 1. Awareness of the Problems Related to the Trafficking in People and the New Legislation

In our research we have tried to find out to what extent the profes- sionals and representatives of institutions and organizations whom we have interviewed are included in various forms of education on the trafficking in people and how much they know about the problem of trafficking in people. As for the latter, we have paid particular attention to how much they master the basic phenomena and whether they are able to make distinction between them. We have also tried to find out how much the respondents know about new legal regulations stipula- ted in the Article 111b of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia in which a criminal offence of trafficking in people has been included in our legislation for the first time. We have obtained data on this on the basis of both the analysis of direct answers of the respondents to the questions regarding definition of the phenomena and legal regulations, and the analysis of responses given with regard to other issues, actually on the basis of the interview as a whole. The data on awareness of the problem of trafficking in people are an important indicator of the education level of our respondents in ge- neral, and particularly those who permanently or occasionally come ac- ross the cases of trafficking in people in their everyday work. Also, rela- ted to the data on participation of respondents in training, seminars, ro- und table discussions and other forms of education or on raising aware- ness of trafficking in people, the data on familiarity with this phenome- non also show how successful this kind of education is. Thereby, the

208 obtained data on awareness of this phenomena and education of the respondents so far are of great significance for the planning further work on education not only of the representatives of the organs of the state and non-governmental organizations, but of the academics and ot- her persons who encounter the problem of trafficking in people in their work as well. Also, as already mentioned in the introduction, and considering that our research had the character of an action as well, our interview- ers have given explanations and information to the respondents related to the issues and legal regulations we have researched, and in that way, while carrying out research, they have also worked on raising aware- ness of our respondents.

XI 1.1. Attendance of Seminars and Other Forms of Education on the Trafficking in People

Out of 123 interviewed persons, about one third (35.8%) has atten- ded various forms of education, from lectures delivered by foreign ex- perts and academic gatherings to the seminars and trainings organized by governmental, non-governmental and international organizations. The aim of all seminars and trainings was the education on trafficking in people. Thus, most of the respondents, actually 79 of them or 64.2%, have not participated at or attended any such form of education (including round tables and lectures related to the trafficking in people). The academics and university professors have been those who ac- quired knowledge on the trafficking in people through lectures given by foreign experts while the representatives of the organs of the state, non-governmental and international organizations, as well as journal- ists, have mainly attended various forms of training and seminars in- tended for them. The women representatives of the Belgrade NGOs ASTRA and the Counselling Centre against Family Violence / Shelter for Women — Vic- tims of Trafficking in Human Beings, a woman representative of the In- ternational Organization for Migration, as well as representatives of the Ministry of Social Affairs and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Re- public of Serbia have attended the greatest number of seminars. The number of seminars at which the representatives of these organizations and ministries have attended ranges from 4 to several dozens. The visible disproportion between the number of respondents who attended seminars and who are from Belgrade and the number of those from other parts of the country has been noticed. Namely, almost half

209 of the respondents from Belgrade (26 of them or 47.3%) have attended some form of training or discussion on the trafficking in people, while only 18 or 26.4%, out of the total of 68 respondents from other parts of the country attended some form of education, this being less than one third of the respondents. It has particularly been noticed that out of the respondents from border towns of Apatin, Sombor, Pozarevac and Novi Pazar, where the problem of trafficking in people is very much present, no one has ever attended any form of education. The same refers to Milosevac, near Ve- lika Plana, in which, as already stressed in previously mentioned state- ments, the data show the possible existence of trafficking in children. In other towns as well where trafficking in people is present, such as Nis and Zajecar, out of 10 and 7 respondents respectively, only two from each town have attended some form of education on trafficking in peo- ple. In Zajecar, the police officers were the ones who attended semi- nars, while in Niš, apart from the police, there were representatives of the NGO sector (Girls Centre) and the Centre for Social Work as well. However, the answers given by the respondents show that this has not happened accidentally but as a rule that the whole institutions from the parts of Serbia out of Belgrade have not been included in any kind of

Table 2: Education of Experts in Serbia

Place Included % Not included % Total % Apatin 3 3 Aleksinac 2 2 Beograd 26 29 55 Kraljevo 1 1 Milosevac 1 1 Novi Pazar 5 5 Novi Sad 5 8 13 Nis 3 7 10 Pozarevac 6 6 Sombor 3 3 Sabac 2 3 5 Subotica 1 1 Vrnjacka Banja 2 2 4 Vlasotince 1 1 Velika Plana 1 4 5 Zajecar 2 5 7 Zrenjanin 1 1 Total 44 35,8% 79 64,2% 123 100%

210 education on trafficking in people (for example, Elementary School, Municipal Magistrate Court and Centre for Social Work in Velika Plana, Municipal Court in Zajecar and District Court in Pozarevac, Center for Family Accommodation of Children in Milosevac). On the basis of the above, it may be concluded that data gathered by the research indicate the regional disproportion in inclusion of pro- fessionals in various forms of education. However, in addition to the re- gional one, the disproportional inclusion in education of representatives of various organs of the state and non-governmental organizations has also been observed. Judging by the answers of our respondents, there is a significant disproportion in inclusion in education of the employees of the Repub- lic ministries for social affairs and internal affairs, on one hand, and em- ployees of the centres for social work, courts, prosecutor's offices and police at the local level, on the other. The representatives of district and municipal courts and prosecutor's offices, the employees of centres for social work and the police most often have not at all been included in any form of education on trafficking in people or have participated at one seminar or one round table. However, the representatives of the police and centres for social work have been in somewhat more favour- able position compared to the judges and prosecutors, as they have mo- re often been included in education, although, as a rule, they have ac- tually participated at only one seminar or round table discussion. Such a small number of judges and prosecutors included in educa- tion on trafficking in people is contrary to the needs. To support this, we quote two answers:

“I have not so far attended any seminar on trafficking in people, but I would like to be invited to one. I think that it is particular useful for em- ployees of the justice sector because they are expected to appropriately punish such criminal behaviour." (A respondent from the Municipal Co- urt in Zajecar) “So far I haven't attended any seminar on trafficking in people, but I think that educating prosecutors and judges on this issue is necessary, be- cause I myself sometimes do not know how to react." (A respondent from the Municipal Public Prosecutor's Office in Zajecar)

The disproportion between the education and needs is found in re- spondents' answers which indicate that there are cases when the em- ployees of the organs of the state having jobs closely related to traffick- ing in people (for example, the police, Federal Ministry of Foreign Af- fairs) have not attended any kind of education on trafficking in people at all.

211  According to the research data, the smallest number of those inclu- ded in education is amongst the employees of homes for children and young people as well as those of high schools. Namely, out of respon- dents representatives of all institutions, except for psychologist in the High School of Economy in Velika Plana and assistant manager of the SOS Child Village from Novi Sad, nobody has attended any seminars or other forms of education on trafficking in people. We have also noticed certain disproportion in the number of semi- nars at which women representatives of the NGOs ASTRA and Coun- selling Centre Against Family Violence/Shelter for Victims of Trafficking have participated, on one hand, and those at which women representa- tives of some other, smaller non-governmental organizations from Bel- grade and those from Serbian countryside180 have participated, on the other. An exception is a woman representative of the NGO Eva from Novi Sad who participated in all ASTRA and OSCE seminars and a woman representative of the SOS telephone from Vlasotince who has participated in almost all seminars organized by ASTRA. The seminars and round table discussions in which the respon- dents have participated have been organized by the local non-govern- mental organizations (ASTRA, Victimology Society of Serbia, Incest Tra- uma Center, Safe House for Women, Beosupport), international organi- zations and foreign non-governmental organizations (OSCE, Council of Europe, UNDP, USAID, ICMPD, Stability Pact of South Eastern Europe, IOM, Lefo, Admira, La Strada, Hans Zeidel, Ministry of Interior of Gre- ece), as well as the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Serbia, Ministry of So- cial Affairs and the Secretariat for Employment and Gender Equality of Vojvodina. The seminars are usually organized in cooperation with var- ious organizations, or the organs of the state. The respondents have mainly been satisfied with what they have learned during training (30), a smaller number of them (7) have been partly satisfied, actually satisfied with some trainings and unsatisfied with others, while only 4 respondents have stated that they are com- pletely unsatisfied with the training. It is interesting to mention that three out of these 4 unsatisfied respondents have attended trainings or- ganized by local organs of the state in cooperation with non-govern- mental organizations. However, amongst those who have stated that 180 For example, a woman representative of the Roma Children's Centre from Belgrade sta- ted that she had not attended any of the seminars because “regrettably, in the non-governmental sector the women of her age (54) are considered inappropriate for education and participation at seminars; this is reserved for young people." Also, a woman representative of the Girls Centre from Nis responded that she had participated at only one basic training course organized by ASTRA, while a woman representative of Psihofon from Novi Sad attended two seminars only.

212 they have been partly satisfied are the respondents who have attended trainings organized by international organizations. The respondents are unsatisfied or partly satisfied, or better to say, those who have a critical attitude towards the education in which they have been included, have mainly stressed the following drawbacks:

1. they have not learned anything new; 2. there are too many “repetitions of already known things"; 3. “things are too simplified"; 4. the presented data are “meagre"; 5. “there are not enough concrete pieces of information"; 6. the quality of lectures is low; 7. the lecturers are inadequate; 8. the data on the situation in other countries are in disproportion compared to those on the situation in our country; 9. foreign lecturers are disappointing since they have treated them as “complete lay persons"; 10. no materials whatsoever have been available at all.

Besides, in case of training organized by international organizati- ons, a woman representative of a non-governmental organisation has indicated that main downside of foreign lecturers is that they are not familiar with the local context:

“International organizations are unable to thoroughly comprehend nor can they present true picture of how things are in the countries of the Region. The knowledge acquired at their seminars is not usable. Only the local people can provide such knowledge. Also, international organizati- ons present only what is politically suitable for them. And they, unfortu- nately, have greater power then local organizations, they are those that conduct policy and decide about everything."

XI 1.2. Familiarity with the New Legislation

Almost three fourths, thus the majority of the respondents have answered that they are familiar with new changes of the law related to introduction of a new criminal offence of trafficking in people. Gener- ally, the Table 3 shows high level of familiarity with the new legislation both in Belgrade and in other towns of Serbia.181 181 Given the small number of respondents in certain places, individual differences could not be a basis for some more general conclusion so that here we will not make any comments on them.

213  If we take a look at who are the respondents unfamiliar with the new Criminal Code, with regard to their profession and institution/or- ganisation in which they work, we will see that most of them are peo- ple of non-legal professions working in homes for accommodation of children and young people and in elementary and high schools, and sometimes those working in centres for social work. However, although the law professionals, particularly judges and prosecutors are mostly fa- miliar with the new criminal offence, still there have been individual cases, both in Belgrade and in other places, when some of them have not been familiar with this at the time of the interview. On the other hand, however, all respondents — police members, as well as repre- sentatives of the non-governmental organizations and academics, have been familiar with new criminal offence. The data on awareness of legal changes reflect to some extent the extremely low level of inclusion in education on trafficking in people of those employed in homes for accommodation of children and young people, as well as the disproportion in education of the police, on one hand, and of judges and prosecutors, on the other. As for the latter, the differences in functioning of these two institutions are to be taken into consideration, i.e. obviously greater efforts invested by the Ministry of

Table 3: Awareness of professionals in Serbia about Legal Regulations

Place Aware % Unaware % Total % Apatin 1 2 3 Aleksinac 1 1 2 Beograd 41 14 55 Kraljevo 1 1 Milosevac 1 1 Novi Pazar 4 1 5 Novi Sad 10 3 13 Nis 5 5 10 Pozarevac 3 3 6 Sombor 3 3 Sabac 5 5 Subotica 1 1 Vrnjacka Banja 2 2 4 Vlasotince 1 1 Velika Plana 2 3 5 Zajecar 7 7 Zrenjanin 1 1 Total 88 71,5% 35 28,5% 123 100%

214 Internal Affairs in systematically changing the police operation in such cases. In this sense, the response given by a police representative from Velika Plana is indicative, who, when asked whether he knew about the changes of law, responded:

“Yes, certainly. We have received the instructions from the Ministry on how to act in compliance with new changes."

If the data on awareness of the legal regulations are considered in the light of the above mentioned data on the prevalence and characteri- stics of trafficking in people in Serbia, it may be concluded that lack of knowledge about legal changes of those employed in homes, schools and centres for social work is a very upsetting fact because of adverse effects it may have on their timely and appropriate reacting in a situa- tion when they come across a case of trafficking in children.

XI 1.3. Definitions and Capability of Delineating Basic Terms

At the beginning of each interview we have asked our respondents to define the terms which we believe to be the basic ones for under- standing the problem of trafficking in people:

— Trafficking in people; — Prostitution; — Smuggling of people; — Forced labour.

Most of the respondents have given their definitions of the above listed phenomena. However, some respondents either have not known or have not been willing to give their definitions. The definitions of the trafficking in people range from those in which only some elements are identified to those citing in detail the de- finition from the Protocol to Suppress Trafficking in Human Beings from Palermo or definitions stipulated by the law. The analysis of obtai- ned definitions shows that most of the respondents see in trafficking in people the buying and selling relation in which the objects of sale are human beings, i.e. their bodies and organs. This is not at all surprising considering the very Serbian term ‘trgovina' (trade) of people which is actually an inadequate translation of the English word trafficking, and is rather confusing and causes difficulties in understanding of the prob-

215 lem as a whole.182 However, on the other hand, significant number of respondents identifies exploitation, i.e. establishment of slavery as a ba- sic element of trafficking in people. This actually speaks about satisfac- tory level of their basic knowledge on the trafficking in people pheno- menon. It is interesting and quite unexpected, considering that in our coun- try this problem is mostly connected with the trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation, that most of the respondents, while defining this problem, have identified as victims people, i.e. human be- ings in broader sense, placing emphasis on women and children as be- ing particularly vulnerable, where in conformity with this is a high le- vel of awareness of both trafficking in people for the purpose of sexual exploitation and the trafficking in people for the purpose of labour ex- ploitation, i.e. forced labour. A considerable number of respondents ha- ve noticed a close connection between the trafficking in people, forced prostitution and forced labour. They have noticed the coercion, exploi- tation and inadequate working conditions to be crucial elements of for- ced labour. However, only few respondents have noticed wider range of possible forms of exploitation, such as using human beings in armed conflicts, adoption, etc. However, while giving correct definition of trafficking in people for the purpose of forced labour, the respondents have also emphasized that this form of trafficking in people does not exist in our country at all. Also, the analysis of responses to other issues indicates that some of the respondents have only declaratively, possibly because of the man- ner in which the question is formulated (“how do you define trafficking in people"), included men among the victims as well, while actually they have not identified men as victims, particularly in our country. Likewise, they have not seen children as victims. At the abstract level of defining the phenomenon, the respondents have seen the trafficking in children as a form of trafficking in people, but when they spoke about concrete cases in our country, they have not always identified the traf- ficking in children (for example, they define trafficking in juveniles as the trafficking in women), or, although the descriptions correspond to the trafficking in children for the purpose of forced labour, they have not at all identified such cases as trafficking in people. Thus, for example, while, on one hand, some of the respondents identify the problem of trafficking in people exclusively as trafficking in women and children for the purpose of sexual exploitation, on the ot- her hand, they have shown tendency to relate the trafficking in men primarily to the stereotype idea of workers migrants from the Far East 182 Kelly, L. (2220). Op. cit. pg. 17.

216 going to work in the “sweatshops" in the West. In addition, while in many cases of smuggling of men migrants through Serbia the respon- dents have openly expressed their doubts or left the possibility that this is actually the matter of trafficking in people, some of them, when asked about the forced labour in Serbia, have responded as follows: “There is no such thing in our country, this takes place only in the fac- tories in the West", “The Chinese in our country deal with trade, and not with production", “In our country there are no factories in which a bunch of Chinese make small bears", and alike. It is interesting that rel- atively small number of respondents professionals haven't even ex- pressed a slight doubt that trafficking in adult men or at least forced la- bour of male migrants in Serbia exists at all, in spite of the fact that they have been aware of “widespread" low-cost “illegal labour" of im- migrants from Rumania, Bulgaria and other countries, who work under conditions which, as a rule, exclusively depend on the will of their employer. Nevertheless, the trafficking in men is a problem in relation to which the sensibility of professionals in Serbia is raising, particularly of the police members. This is confirmed by their awareness of and inter- est in the phenomenon, about which we can at least superficially judge by the amount of information they have and their opinions on various aspects of this phenomenon they have expressed in the opinion poll. The detailed analysis of responses given by the respondents also show that the trafficking in women is most often understood as traffick- ing in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation, while the traffick- ing for the purpose of labour exploitation, on the other hand, is mainly reserved to men. The trafficking in children is related to both sexual and labour exploitation. From often meagre definitions given by the respondents we gained an impression that they may be classified in three groups with regard to their ability to make distinction between the phenomena we have asked them to define. The respondents who have no particular problem in making distinction between the basic phenomena belong to the first group. The second group consists of those who do not make distinction between the trafficking in people and smuggling of people, while the third group consists of those who have problems in making distinction between the forced prostitution and trafficking in women,183 which is not at all surprising considering their close link.

“Everything is linked up. The trafficking in people has an economic impact: somebody pays to go out of the country. Prostitution is a form of

183 See Kelly (2002), op. cit. pg. 14.

217  trade. Women from the Ukraine, Moldova, and Romania come here beca- use of prostitution. In Moldova one gathers them, sells them, and then they work here to pay off that amount, and afterwards they share their profits with their bosses." “Previously, I have looked upon the prostitution as a selling of a body, while today I consider it to be one of the main forms of trafficking in people." “The prostitution is a form of exploitation, however, a form that is more voluntary then in case of trafficking — an exploited person is from the beginning aware of what she is doing. In most cases, their freedom to move is restricted. The element of deception is not that much present as with trafficking, but other elements are very similar. There may be other elements of deception and blackmail — these are cases when a woman who has voluntarily become a prostitute in one moment wants to leave her pimp but he refuses to let her go. Similar case is when a woman who is a voluntary prostitute wants to refuse a client but the pimp does not al- low her to do this."

Besides, there have been individual cases when the respondents have not made a distinction between individual illicit border crossings and smuggling, between forced labour and illegal labour, as well as when they have not realized that border crossing is an essential ele- ment of smuggling of persons which, compared to the trafficking in pe- ople, may not be performed within the borders of one country. Some respondents have, among other things, defined the traffick- ing in people as a form of organized crime and/or a set of various crimi- nal offences, while others have stated that this is primarily the matter of human rights violation. While defining trafficking in people some re- spondents have highlighted push and pull factors, where social and economic ones are mentioned as push factors, and economic factors and sex industry in the West as pull factors. By linking up the data related to education and definitions given by the respondents about the basic phenomena we have come to the expected connection between education and ability of making distinc- tion between the basic phenomena and understanding of the trafficking in people as a whole. This connection is noticed mostly in the responses given by the respondents who have never attended any form of educa- tion and those who have attended a number of seminars. The respon- dents who have not attended any form of education about trafficking, have, as a rule, given meagre and abstract definitions, often based on common sense and not on knowledge: “selling of people for the purpo- se of gaining material benefits", “selling of sexual services", “illegal tran- sfer of persons", “abuse for the purpose of begging, prostitution, selling

218 for gaining material benefits", and alike. Such responses have been par- ticularly noticed with the respondents from homes for children and young people, schools and centres for social work. Still, some respon- dents from homes for children and young people have in their surro- undings and in concrete examples identified forced labour of children and trafficking in children related to it. The latter speaks mainly about the enthusiasm and self-education of some individuals, and additionally confirms the previously stated data on lack of and need for systematic approach to education of the employees of these institutions. It has also been noticed that among the members of various profes- sions, particularly among journalists, members of the police, judges and prosecutors, there are those who, in spite of the fact that they have not attended or have only occasionally attended some specific form of edu- cation, are rather familiar with the basic phenomena. This indicates that self-education is present among professionals, which is quite understan- dable given the nature of their professions. On the other hand, the respondents who have not known or who have not wanted to give the required definitions prevail among those who have not attended any form of education, while the respondents, particularly members of the police who attended several forms of train- ing, have given most articulated and detailed responses. However, so- me of the responses indicate possible connection between the quality of training and the acquired knowledge considering that among those who have attended training there are still respondents who are quite unable to make distinction between the basic phenomena. Among them are particularly the women representatives of the non-governmental or- ganizations from outside Belgrade, who have often given general defi- nitions such as “terrible phenomenon", “victims are like animals in a ca- ge", “a great burden", “the problem stemming from poverty", and alike.

XI 1.4. Conclusion

The obtained data show that the number of professionals in Serbia included in the education on trafficking in people is very small, as well as that in this regard there is a high level of regional, professional and vertical disproportion. Education is available mostly to the professionals from Belgrade, from the police and non-governmental organizations, as well as to those in higher place in hierarchy, i.e. who have key positi- ons or are in key organizations, while it is far less available to the oth- ers. Particularly indicative is low inclusion in education of employees of homes for children and young people and high schools, as well as in centres for social work, courts, prosecutor's offices and police at local le-

219 vel. In addition to inappropriate distribution of offer of education, we have also noticed a disproportion and obvious lack of standards in the quality of education. We have also noticed the lack of adaptability of education to the local context and to the level of basic education of pro- fessionals from Serbia. On the other hand, the obtained data indicate that there is an evi- dent need for education on trafficking in people. This conclusion emer- ges from both the direct responses of the respondents related to this phenomenon and the level of their awareness of basic phenomena and their connection with education. The obtained data indicate that there is a need for creating conditi- ons for education on the entire territory of Serbia and for all instituti- ons/organizations for which such education is relevant. These data furt- her indicate that there is also a need for more detailed reconsideration of monitoring/evaluation. We have also come to understanding that awareness and sensibility of respondents related to the trafficking in children and men is weak, which at the same time suggests that there is a need for including these problems in all educational programs on trafficking in people. In addition, it is necessary to divide educational programs into basic and special ones, depending on the relevance of particular programs, considering target groups which the professionals to be educated deal with. On the other hand, the data on the awareness about changes in le- gislation show that the professionals in Serbia, particularly law professi- onals, are rather familiar with them, as well as that their familiarity with the law is not necessarily connected to additional education. This is actually expected when we consider the attention the media give to the legislation reforms as we as the fact that monitoring changes in legi- slation is a part of legal professionals' work. However, rather low level of familiarity of non-legal professionals in social institutions with chan- ges in legislation once again highlights the importance of the education of this category of professionals.

XI 2. Measures to be Taken as seen by Respondents

In the course of the research on “Trafficking in People in Serbia", the data were collected on the respondents' attitudes and ideas related to the manners of efficient combating of society against this gruesome type of crime. The respondents have expressed their views of the man- ner of fighting trafficking in people in their responses to the following questions: “Do you have any idea of how our society should fight the problem of trafficking in people?" and “What is your opinion on new

220 legislation and possibilities of its enforcement in practice? What is their meaning for victims and what for the perpetrators? What should be changed as well?" Most of the respondents — 77 of them (63%) have, giving their response to one or both questions, explicitly expressed their own ideas regarding measures to be taken for overcoming the problem of efficient suppressing of trafficking in people. The proposals may be classified in three groups:

— Proposals of measures for strengthening efficiency of criminal law repression; — Proposals of measures for improvement of the protection and support to the victims of trafficking in people; — Proposals of measures and activities in the domain of preven- tion.

In the structure of the proposed measures, the dominant ones are those related to strengthening efficiency of criminal law repression (44%), followed by the measures aiming at improving victim protection and support (31%), and measures in the domain of prevention (25%). Al- most half of the proposed measures for improving prevention, repres- sion or protection and support to the victims of trafficking in people (43%) have also implied a need for changing or supplementing certain legal regulations. This will be discussed in more details further on in this chapter. Most of the respondents who have given concrete proposals rela- ted to social reaction to the problem of trafficking in people, have dee- med that exclusively measures for strengthening criminal law repres- sion (38) are necessary, while eight of respondents persons have deci- ded that exclusively preventive measures are the necessary ones. Four respondents have proposed the improvement measures in the domain of repressive and preventive reacting, while those who have suggested measures for improving victim protection and support (27) have at the same time stressed out the need for taking measures in the domain of repressive or preventive operation of the state and society against this type of crime.

XI 2.1. Measures for Strengthening the Efficiency of the Criminal Law Repression against Trafficking in People

The respondents who stressed the need for strengthening the re- pressive control of trafficking in people prevail both in overall structure of respondents who have given their proposals and within almost all

221 encompassed professional categories. Namely, measures for strengthen- ing efficiency of criminal law repression are included in the propo- sals of:

— 1/2 of judges from district and municipal courts, — 2/3 of district and municipal public prosecutors, their deputies or experts, — 2/3 of journalists, — 3/4 of activists and experts of non-governmental organizations, — 4/5 of the employees of centres for social work, educational and social welfare institutions, — 9/10 of employees of the Ministry of Internal affairs, and — all magistrate judges.

The respondents who have expressed their views on the necessity of improving efficiency of criminal law repression may be generally classified in two groups: the first group comprises of those who share the opinion that the main problems are in bad functioning of repressive mechanisms and inefficiency in discovering criminal offences of traffick- ing in people, catching perpetrators and timely and appropriate reacti- ons of all organs of the state within the criminal justice system, and only consequently in proving (76%), while the second group comprises of respondents who believe that the main problem is in the domain of ensuring evidences against traffickers to the extent and quality neces- sary to pass condemnatory judgment in criminal proceedings (24%). As it was expected, those who have most often highlighted the difficulties in ensuring evidence as the main barrier in successful repression of traf- ficking in people are most often members of the police followed by em- ployees of prosecutor's offices. The respondents of various professions, both the employees of the organs of the state and those belonging to all other professional categories, have pointed out the systemic problems of efficiency of the organs of the state in combating against trafficking in people. According to the above views of the problem in functioning of cri- minal law control, the measures recommended for raising its efficiency may be classified into: general measures and measures related exclu- sively to the sphere of proving criminal offence of trafficking in people in the proceedings against perpetrators. The following general measures for improving efficiency of crimi- nal law reaction against trafficking in people are proposed:

— Strengthening mutual coordination between organs of the state — the police, prosecutor and courts;

222  — Fighting against corruption in the police, customs and other sta- te services; — Strengthening international, particularly regional cooperation in combating trans-national crime; — Sensibility, education and advanced training of employees of the organs of the state, primarily of the police, prosecutors and courts; — Staffing and improving personnel structure of the police; — Upgrading technical equipment of the police for the purpose of more successful control of the State borders and more efficient discover- ing of criminal offence of trafficking in people; — Specialization of police teams for combating against trafficking in people.

Within the measures, which would improve repressive formal con- trol by setting up preconditions for greater efficiency in the sphere of proving criminal offence of trafficking in people, the following is propo- sed:

— Urgent operation of criminal prosecution bodies in cases of traf- ficking of people, — More comprehensive legislation related to witness protection in proceedings against perpetrators of the criminal offence of trafficking in people, — Providing more extensive (legal, psychological and financial) support and protection to victims of trafficking in people for the purpo- se of encouraging testifying in criminal proceedings against perpetrators, — Expanding cooperation of the organs of the state and NGOs in supporting and protecting victims, — Delay in deportation of foreigners-victims of trafficking in peo- ple who are willing to testify in criminal proceedings against perpetra- tors, — Activating in practice the new measures provided for by the Criminal Procedure Codes (giving simulated business services, conclud- ing simulated legal deals, engaging covert investigators, surveillance and recording),184 184 Amendments to the Law on Criminal Procedures of 19th December 2002 (“Official Gazet- te of FRY" issue 68/02), Article 504lj provides for the possibility that, against the person for whom there is a reasonable doubt that “he alone or together with other persons prepares organized crimi- nal offence" the investigating judge, on request of the state prosecutor, allows a temporary measu- re of: “giving simulated business services, concluding simulated legal deals and engaging covert in- vestigators, if organized crime offence could not be revealed, proved or prevented in another man- ner, or if that might be connected with significant difficulties". These measures are executed by the internal affairs bodies (Art. 504m, paragraph 1 of the Law on Criminal Procedures), while the “co- vert investigator may be a person employed by the organs of the state" (Art. 504nj, paragraph 1 of the Law on Criminal Procedures).

223  — Creating legal possibilities for expanding range of investigating techniques.

It is interesting that none of our respondents has mentioned the possibility of greater use of other sources of evidence compared to the number of victims, such as, for example, informant witnesses,185 etc. Even the very proposals of the respondents related to “activating" of new measures and evidence collecting techniques and “expanding ran- ge of investigating techniques" indirectly speak that a victim is still pre- ferred by all or some the organs of the state as “the only" source of evi- dence although the Criminal Procedure Codes, and particularly Amend- ments and Supplements to the Criminal Procedure Codes of 19th De- cember 2002 (“Official Gazette of the FRY", issue 68/02) provide for a wide range of possibilities for using many other “sources". A question may arise: which other investigating techniques are “necessary" in addi- tion to: “surveillance and recording of telephone and other conversati- ons or communications by other technical means", “optical recording of persons against whom there is a reasonable doubt that they themselves or with others have committed a criminal offence with elements of or- ganized crime" (Art. 232, paragraph 1 point 3 of the Criminal Procedure Codes), “giving simulated business services, concluding simulated legal deals and engaging covert investigators" (Art. 504lj, paragraph 1 of the Criminal Procedure Codes) who may again “use technical means for re- cording conversations and enter in other persons' apartments and other premises" (Art. 504nj, paragraph 5 of the Criminal Procedure Codes). However, since the implementation of these measures are preceded by activities of the police (which pass on the information related to “reaso- nable doubt" to the prosecutor) and prosecutor (who requires their de- termination) and investigating judge (who approves them), and again the police which execute them, it is not possible to clearly locate where is the barrier for “activating new measures" which are not actually quite new. A partial answer to the above question may be found in observati- ons of one fifth of the respondents that special measures are not quite necessary for raising efficiency of criminal law reaction, but that in this sense actually the “willingness" of the State is crucial in decisive sup- pressing of trafficking in people as a grave criminal offence and grueso- 185 Informant witness is a member of a criminal group (under condition that there is no rea- sonable doubt that he/she is organizer of a criminal group), against whom the criminal charge is fi- led or criminal proceedings is conducted for organized crime offence, and who is, at the proposal of the state prosecutor, heard out as a witness. The informant witness who gives a statement in co- urt in compliance with obligations envisaged in Art. 504ð of the LCP “may not be prosecuted for organized crime offence for which the criminal proceedings is in progress" (Art. 504z, paragraph 1 of the Law Criminal Procedures).

224 me type of organized crime. The employees of the organs of the state as well as others are almost equally represented among respondents who have shared this opinion: namely, four representatives of non-gov- ernmental organisations have explicitly stressed the “lack of willing- ness" for suppressing trafficking in people, as well as the two of each interviewed academics, judges, magistrate judges, members of the poli- ce and journalists. Particularly indicative is the fact that relatively grea- ter number of respondents who have had direct professional experi- ence with the problem of trafficking in people (25%), have openly and clearly emphasized “the lack of willingness for suppressing trafficking in people" than those who have not had such experience (10%). More than a third of respondents have implicitly expressed their doubts about decisiveness of the organs of the state to seriously appro- ach the problem of suppressing trafficking in people. They have given the following response to the question on how much they know about introducing criminal offence of trafficking in people (Art. 111b of Crimi- nal Code of RS) into the Law on Amendments and Supplements of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia of 11th April 2003: “the law is one thing, but we will see how this will function in practice". Tragic Music, a woman judge in the Municipal Court of Sabac has, like many others, highlighted the need for systemic and decisive approach of the organs of the state to repression of trafficking in people which should be followed by the very changes in legislation:

“I think that the new legislation has put a greater accent on human body protection. However, the challenge in future is in readiness of the criminal justice bodies to arrest, prosecute and punish perpetrators. In this sense, formal control should be compact — all of its rings, starting from the police, through prosecutors up to courts. They all have to have equal attitude and decisiveness. Punishing perpetrators should be unavoidable and severe, while victims should be encouraged to report these offences."

The precondition for successful combating against trafficking in pe- ople in Serbia is, in the opinion of most respondents, the change of overall attitude of the society, and particularly the organs of the state, towards the problem of trafficking in general, and victims of trafficking in people, in particular, where there is, according to their observations, still unacceptably lot of prejudice and lack of understanding. In this context, the importance of intensive and good cooperation between the organs of the state, media and non-governmental sector has been par- ticularly stressed out as one of the strategic approaches, which may gi- ve positive results in suppressing such a grave and specific problem as the trafficking in people is.

225  XI 2.2. Preventive Measures against Trafficking in People in Serbia

Among preventive measures recommended by the respondents, absolutely prevailing are those of a general — preventive character:

— Educating common population on risks related to illegal econo- mic and other migrations; — Tightening legislative penal policy for the purpose of de-moti- vating potential perpetrators; — General economic and social policy measures; — Raising the sensibility of the public to the problem of trafficking in people; — Legalization of prostitution.

One fourth of respondents who have expressed their views of me- asures for improving combating against trafficking in people have emp- hasized the importance of educating common population on risks of victimisation by trafficking in people. Some 15% of the respondents who have expressed their views of efficient social suppressing of traffic- king in people have given absolute priority to the general economic and social policy measures as being “the only permanent solution". Al- most one fourth of the respondents, by expressing their own ideas on how to improve fighting against this problem, have proposed the tight- ening of legislative penal policy counting on its generally preventive ef- fects and discouraging of potential perpetrators by increasing “the pri- ce" of this criminal activity. The respondents who have expected positi- ve effects of the sensibility of the public to the problem of trafficking in people (5%) have actually expressed their hope in mechanisms of infor- mal control of this type of crime and public pressure on the organs of the state which would result in their greater efficiency and engagement in various aspects of the problem of trafficking in people, including the preventive ones as well. The preventive effects of legalization of prosti- tution, proposed by 5% of the respondents who have expressed their opinion on appropriate suppressing of trafficking in people, are ex- pected primarily through expanding markets of legal services at the ex- pense of illegal services as well as through elements of legal, social and economic status of prostitutes — both local and foreign women, and consequently lessening risk of their victimisation. Few respondents, who have called for preventive measures, have given priority to such preventive measures which would include educa- ting and assisting persons belonging to categories particularly vulnera- ble to victimisation by trafficking in people. In this sense, they have ma- de emphasis on the following measures:

226  — Educating adolescent and young girls, — Educating children without parental care and children in social welfare institutions — Financial and psychological support to persons who have al- ready been victims for preventing their re-victimisation.

Re-victimisation of the victims of trafficking in people for the pur- pose of sexual exploitation is a problem which some respondents from Novi Sad and Novi Pazar have noticed. Valerija Tomin, a physician from the Health Center in Novi Sad and associate of the NGO “Eva" has described several cases of trafficking in women and female children for the purpose of sexual exploitation where the victims have been local women who after the first victimisation “continued to work in the same places". She knew about these cases from her own experience since, as a doctor, she had been asked to come in houses to treat the victims, af- ter which she herself reported the cases to the police. One of the re- spondents described his knowledge about victimisation of victims of trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation in the fol- lowing way:

“In some cases, a discovered person is apprehended and brought in to magistrate judge where she is heard out and punished for having vio- lated the Law on Public Order and Peace. Afterwards, the women are es- corted by the police to the border to be returned to the country of ori- gin… It has happened that some of them have come back to Yugoslavia, and some have again fallen in hands of traffickers who have sold them. This only means that this type of crime is well organized."

Most of the respondents who have offered concrete proposals of preventive activities related to risks of trafficking in people, have at the same time emphasized the importance of efficient repressive formal control, to which they have attributed certain preventive effects. How- ever, some of the respondents have completely negated the significance of repressive reacting, emphasizing that “nothing can be achieved by repression and thus one should work on prevention". They stressed as “the only efficient" measure for suppressing problem of trafficking in people introducing general measures of economic and social policy and educating common population, as well as the population particularly vulnerable to victimisation. Journalists and academics (57%) have most often given absolute priority to preventive measures, followed by those employed in educa- tional institutions (50%), while employees of organs of the state (33%) and activists and associates of the non-governmental organizations (29%) have rather rarely given priority to these measures.

227  XI 2.3. Measures of Protection and Assistance to Victims of Trafficking in People

Among the respondents who have explicitly expressed their opini- ons on measures to be taken in relation to the problem of trafficking in people, the journalist (2/3) have been those who have most often given proposals related to the victim assistance and support, then the magis- trate judges (2/3) and activists and associates of the non-governmental organizations (1/2), while the police members (1/5), professionals of cen- tres for social work (1/5), municipal and district public prosecutors and their deputies (1/5) as well as municipal and district court judges (1/6) have rarely given such proposals. Neither any of the interviewed acade- mics nor those employed in education institutions have explicitly emp- hasized measures of support to victims of trafficking in people, which however should be envisaged in future. Most of the respondents, who have called for the need for improv- ing assistance to the victims of trafficking in people, have emphasized double purpose of these measures. They have pointed out that they are necessary both because of strengthening the victims themselves and preventing their secondary victimisation and re-victimisation as well as because of efficient criminal law repression of trafficking in people con- sidering that the victims are often the only available source of evidence against perpetrators. The proposed measures for the purpose of stren- gthening victims and preventing their secondary and repeated victimi- sation are the following:

— Operate urgently in cases of trafficking in people; — Providing legal, psychological, medical and financial assistance to victims of trafficking in people during preparations for testifying in criminal proceedings; — Reducing to the minimum situations when victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation are asked to give statements (both by the organs of the state and by the non-governmental organizations); — Raising sensibility and educating police members, prosecutors and judges on specific features of victimisation by trafficking in people, particularly women for the purpose of sexual exploitation; — Delay in deportation of victims in cases when their security is jeopardized; — Stipulating legal regulations for appropriate protection of traffic- ked persons who are willing to testify in criminal proceedings (imple- mentation of witness protection program); — Opening state shelters for care of victims and “half-way" shel- ters

228  — Upgrading professional victim assistance delivered by non-gov- ernmental organizations; — Legally binding the State to provide psychological, medical and financial assistance to victims for the purpose of their socialization with- out conditioning them to testify in criminal proceedings; — Restructuring the National Team for Combating Trafficking in Human Beings and defining the role of all actors by a protocol on coop- eration.

The above-mentioned measures of protection and support to vic- tims of trafficking in people mainly burden the State which so far, in the opinion of many respondents, has not shown enough sensibility, in- terest and willingness in this domain. The attitude of the State towards the victims of trafficking in people is actually indication of general atti- tude of the State and society as a whole towards this problem. Namely, it is clear that without cooperating with victims the possibility of com- bating this type of crime is quite limited. In addition, the attitude to- wards victims is an indication of a true attitude towards values which are declaratively protected by legal-criminal norms. The responses given by the respondents in the domain of victim protection and support ha- ve, therefore, been more often along the lines of understanding of this attitude as systemic problem than as “humanitarian" issue. All respon- dents who have proposed measures for improving victim support have understood sensibility of employees of the organs of the state to the problem of trafficking in people and specific features of victimisation by this grave criminal offence as systemic issue. Zoran Ilic, PhD, psychia- trist in the Institute for Mental Health in Belgrade and expert consul- tant in the IOM stresses out:

“It is very important that those who implement the law have deep feelings for the victim… Those who are in direct contact with victims must in every moment be aware of what she or he has gone through and what she or he is still to face."

The proposal for reconstructing the National Team for Combating Trafficking in Human Beings has been made in the very context of gen- eral observations about the need of entire attitude of the organs of the state and society as a whole towards the problem of trafficking in peo- ple and victims of trafficking. According to the opinion of Vesna Stano- jevic, lawyer and coordinator in the Counselling Centre against Family Violence:

“The Republican Team for Fighting Trafficking in Human Beings should include people who deal with this problem — representatives of

229  the Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Health, the police, Ministry of Labour, Ministry of Social Affairs, non-governmental organizations. It is necessary that each of them has a defined role; to know who can apply, to whom and what for."

All respondents have highlighted the need for taking measures ai- med at more extensive protection and support to victims of trafficking in people, as well as the significance of strategic approach and coopera- tion of the State and non-governmental sector in this domain: serious- ness and specific character of the problem call for more comprehensive, systematic and intensive engaging and cooperation of various social fac- tors in order to secure realization of interests of both victims and soci- ety through victim protection and support, including also criminal law repression objectives.

XI 2.4. Proposed Changes of Legislation for More Efficient Suppressing of Trafficking in People

The proposals related to the change of legislation represent constit- uent part of the proposal for improvement measures in the domain of repressive or preventive reacting or measures for protection and sup- port to victims of trafficking in people. Given the importance of these proposals, it is necessary to analyse them separately. Because of that it would, unfortunately, be inevitable to partly repeat what has already been said in previous sections. First of all, most of the respondents who at the time of the inter- view were familiar with the latest changes of the law related to the pol- icy for combating trafficking in people, have not had any concrete re- marks to these changes and considered them as appropriate. Still, some of them have been of the opinion that the legislation itself has un- doubtedly provided possibilities for a more efficient combating against trafficking in people, but that the space for criminal prosecution has existed even previously. There have also been opinions according to which the new legislation is good for a start but that educating professi- onals is necessary for its correct enforcement. The concrete remarks made by some respondents on the very text of provisions related to incrimination of the Trafficking in People, Artic- le 111b of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia, have ranged from the opinion that legal definition in this part is “too detailed" and “clumsy" to those that it is “insufficiently clear" and “incomplete". In this context, two respondents have given their opinions according to which it would be better to literally take over the definition from the

230 Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Human Beings in conjunction with the United Nations Convention against Transnatio- nal Organized Crime launched in 2000. Besides, three respondents have stated that the scope of punishment covered by incrimination referred to in Article 111b of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia is in- sufficiently wide, i.e. that the criminal law protection of adult persons, and particularly that of the minors, is insufficient. Considerably more remarks have been made on the penal policy related to the criminal of- fence of trafficking in people, i.e. amount of penalties prescribed for perpetrators. The respondents made concrete remarks on the new legislation and, as a rule, have given concrete proposals related to amending and supplementing law. However, among the respondents who had no concrete remarks on the new legislation there were also those who ha- ve stressed the appropriateness of some additional legal changes in or- der to provide better efficiency of repressive or preventive control of trafficking in people and other criminal offences related to trafficking. Generally, 40 respondents have, given concrete proposals for amending and supplementing law aiming at more efficient suppressing of traffick- ing in people by the organs of the state and society as a whole. Their proposals are listed according to their frequency as follows:

— Tightening legislative penal policy related to trafficking in peo- ple; — Providing special witness protection in criminal proceedings against perpetrators of the criminal offence of trafficking in people; — Providing possibility of delaying deportation in cases in which victims or other witnesses — foreigners accept to testify in criminal pro- ceedings against perpetrators; — Regularizing the obligation of the State to act urgently in crimi- nal proceedings in cases of trafficking in people (shorter legal deadlines for performing certain procedural actions);186 — Legalizing prostitution; — Expanding the scope of punishment covered by incrimination of trafficking in people referred to in Art. 111b of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia (providing better criminal law protection to juve- niles and adult persons); 186 Considering that Art. 504b of the Law on Criminal Procedures (“Official Gazette of the FRY", issues 70/01 and 68/02) stipulates that “Officials engaged in criminal proceedings regarding offences of organized crime are obliged to act urgently", the proposals of the respondents on intro- ducing special measures to ensure urgent operation for criminal offences of trafficking in people may be, in this concrete sense, understood as proposals including separate deadlines for conduct- ing certain procedural action in cases when there is a reasonable doubt that this criminal offence has been committed.

231  — Providing legal possibilities of reducing to minimum the num- ber of statements taken from the victims of trafficking for sexual exploi- tation prior to and in the course of criminal proceedings; — Introducing new investigating techniques (secret recording, au- dio and video surveillance of objects and suspects, and alike); — Providing possibilities of delaying deportation in cases in which security of victims is jeopardized without conditioning victims to testify in criminal proceedings; — Stipulating obligation of the State to provide psychological, me- dical and material assistance to victims for the purpose of their re-socia- lization; — Introducing witness protection programs; — Stipulating punishment for non-reporting criminal offence of trafficking in people.

Most of the respondents who have given concrete proposals rela- ted to changes of law have advocated the need for changing the very provision of the Art. 111b of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Ser- bia in the sense of tightening legislative policy related to criminal offen- ce of trafficking in people by:

— tightening prescribed legal penalties for perpetrators (17) and — expanding the scope of punishment in case of incrimination of trafficking in people (3).

Expanding the scope of punishment is proposed as a measure for providing more complete criminal law protection primarily of the mi- nors (persons between 14 and 18 years of age), then of adult persons as well. This is actually the proposal to make the “consent of a victim" (re- gardless of its age) irrelevant for the existence of a basic form of a crimi- nal offence of trafficking in people, and to foresee the use of coercion during committing as circumstance qualifying the criminal offence. Tightening legislative policy for criminal offence of trafficking in people has been emphasized by respondents who belong to almost all encompassed professional categories: police members, prosecutors, jud- ges, magistrate judges, legal professionals, academics, activists of non- -governmental organizations, and teachers. A woman advisor on gender equality in the Secretariat of Employ- ment and Gender Equality in Vojvodina has proposed changes of the Criminal Code in the sense that a penalty should be prescribed also for non-reporting criminal offences and perpetrators of trafficking in peo- ple.

232  Ten respondents have proposed precise regularizing of special pro- tection of witnesses of trafficking in people in criminal proceedings. Among them are:

— activists and experts of non-governmental organizations (6), — members of the police (2), — judge (1), and — magistrate judge (1).

Two of the women respondents (a woman employed in the Minis- try of Internal Affairs and a woman activist of an NGO) have at the same time proposed introducing witness protection program, which would include the changing of identity, moving to the third country, and witness financial support. The respondents who have proposed legal changes aiming at: de- laying deportation in cases in which the victims or witnesses of traffick- ing in people are willing to testify (9), providing urgent proceedings in cases of trafficking in people (5), and reducing examination of victims of trafficking prior to and during the criminal proceedings (5), have also belonged to various professional categories, although they have mostly been activists and experts in non-governmental organizations. One of respondents woman activists of the NGO “ASTRA" from Belgrade has recommended that the State should be bound to deliver psychological, medical and financial victim assistance for the purpose of re-socializing victims without conditioning them to testify in criminal proceedings, as well as regularizing stay of deportation of victims when their security is jeopardized. Four respondents (a representative of the police, a magistrate jud- ge, an academic and an expert of an NGO) have advocated legalization of prostitution, while three members of the ministry of Internal Affairs pointed out the need for prescribing legal possibilities of using new in- vestigating techniques in securing evidences.

XI 2.5. Final Overview of Proposed Measures for Improved Combating the Problem of Trafficking in People in Serbia

The respondents covered by the research on trafficking in people in Serbia are mainly of the opinion that the way to more successful fig- hting against trafficking in people is primarily in strengthening effi- ciency of repressive formal control, particularly efficiency of the police, in discovering and catching of perpetrators and securing evidences. The measure proposed by the majority of respondents (67.5%), which is

233 most often specified as the need for “better mutual coordination and cooperation of the organs of the state", indirectly indicates that the le- vel of decisiveness and seriousness in the approach to the problem of trafficking in people as a grave type of organized crime is not equal with all participants in criminal law repression. It is possible that the fact that a part of the respondents proposed this measure actually rep- resents a milder manifestation of impression about the situation which has been explicitly specified as lack of willingness to approach the re- pression of trafficking in people in systematically serious and decisive way. The measures which are indirectly related to improvement of such situation refer to elimination of both the objective barriers to efficiency of criminal law repression of trafficking in people (insufficient internati- onal and regional cooperation in combating trans-national crime, staff- ing of the police, upgrading of technical equipment and improving of organizational structure of the police) and the barriers of subjective na- ture (insufficient sensibility, education, qualification and corruption of state officials). The first-mentioned set of measures has been examined by the police members, while the measures for eliminating subjective barriers to efficiency of criminal law repression of trafficking in people have been proposed by one third of all respondents of various professi- onal categories. Proving trafficking in people is a serious problem in the opinion of great number of respondents. Considering that victims of trafficking in people are often the basic source of evidence against perpetrators, the interest of criminal law repression and protection and support to vic- tims of trafficking in people practically coincide in certain points. The proposals of measures upon which many advocates of the idea that “re- pression and catching of perpetrators is more significant than anything else" have agreed with those who are of the opinion that “the protec- tion and interests of victims of trafficking are above all other objecti- ves", are the measures of protection of witnesses of trafficking in peo- ple, urgent operation of criminal prosecution organs, psychological, me- dical and financial support to victims of trafficking during preparations for testifying in criminal proceedings, staying of deportation of ali- ens-victims of trafficking willing to testify, suppression of secondary victimisation of the victims by raising sensibility level and educating employees of the organs of the state and expanding cooperation with the organs of the state and non-governmental organizations in the do- main of support to and protection of victims of trafficking in people. Preventive measures have, by all indications, secondary importance for respondents covered by this research. Preventive effects are implic- itly expected mainly as a result of efficient criminal law repression and

234 de-motivation of potential perpetrators by maximizing risk of their dis- covering and catching. However, some respondents have expressed ge- neral doubt about the extent of criminal law effects: general measures of economic and social policy (raising living standard, increasing rate of employment, and alike), educating common population on risks of vic- timisation by trafficking in people, tightening legislative penal policy and prostitution legalizing, according to them, have better chances for success in this sense. For the purpose of more efficient suppressing of problem of traffic- king in people, some respondents have proposed concrete changes of legislation. However, most of those who proposed changes of legisla- tion, like many other respondents, have given priority to implementa- tion of law emphasizing that even the best legislation cannot have any effects unless it is implemented decisively. Taking all the above mentioned into consideration, raising the level seriousness and decisiveness in the approach to the problem of traffick- ing in people is a general measure, which is, explicitly or implicitly, be- hind proposals of concrete measures aiming at more efficient suppress- ing of problem of trafficking in people by the society.

235  XII Conclusions and Recommendations

The data obtained through this research clearly show that traffick- ing in people is a serious problem in Serbia. At first, as already mentio- ned, the research was not aimed at obtaining the representative and precise data on trafficking in people in Serbia. However, the data obtai- ned represent a good basis for assessing its prevalence and structure, for building a picture of the most important characteristics of this phe- nomenon, manner in which governmental and non-governmental orga- nizations react, as well as for conceiving recommendations with respect to more efficient strategy of suppressing and preventing it. The very fact that relatively a small number of persons, actually 123 of them, who have been encompassed by the interviews with pro- fessionals and activists of non-governmental organizations, have had di- rect knowledge about more than thousand victims of trafficking in women, children and men, is sufficient to presume that the number of victims of this type of crime in Serbia is much larger. This assumption is supported by the data showing that a considerable number of respon- dents have had direct knowledge about the victims, although they co- uld not say with certainty what their actual number is, as well as by the widespread and insufficiently researched prostitution, begging, home- lessness and illegal labour — the phenomena hiding in itself the cases of trafficking in people. In addition, most victims as such have been identified by the representatives of the police, non-governmental orga- nizations and some journalists — thus, the respondents who have best knowledge about the problem of trafficking in people. It could be pre- sumed with great certainty that a number of respondents (for example, employees of homes for children without parental care and centres for social work) have come across victims of trafficking in their work but have not been able to identify them. Considering all data obtained from the research, the number of 1134 victims identified in this research may be taken as a minimal possible number of victims of trafficking in peo- ple in Serbia, while actual number of victims is presumably several ti- mes greater. The research undoubtedly shows that trafficking in women and in children and men exists. The trafficking in women for sexual exploita- tion is, as expected, mostly prevalence. However, the cases of trafficking

236 in women for the purpose of work exploitation are also identified. As for trafficking in children and men, as well as in women for the purpo- se of work exploitation, this research should be first of all understood as their initial mapping. In this sense, it should be borne in mind that the- se phenomena are much more prevalence considering both the indirect indicators, particularly child prostitution, begging, smuggling of persons and illegal labour, and presumably low level of awareness of the re- spondents with regard to these phenomena compared to awareness of trafficking in women.187 Serbia is first of all, a transit country but also a country of origin and temporary destination of victims of trafficking in people. In con- nection with this, there are certain differences in whether the victims are women, children or men. The results of the research show that Ser- bia is a transit country for victims of trafficking in women, but also the country of origin, temporary or permanent destination as well as the country within which local women are trafficked. The victims of traffic- king in women in Serbia are mainly foreign citizens and most often citi- zens of Moldova, the Ukraine and Romania. However, the fact that mo- re than 100 respondents have identified almost the same number of lo- cal woman — victim of trafficking, then the widespread illegal labour, prostitution and other forms of sex industry, as well and the intensive internal trafficking in women, indicate that the number of our wo- men-victims of trafficking is also much higher. Particular attention is to be given to internal trafficking in both local and alien women who are, obviously not at all accidentally, trafficked through the channels of trans-national trade.188 In this respect, and in the respect of spreading of sex industry in broader sense, particularly endangered are big cities and their surroundings, primarily Belgrade and Novi Sad, but also towns in border zones such as Novi Pazar which figure as a potentially perma- nent destination of primarily local women. As for trafficking in men for the purpose of labour exploitation, Serbia is mostly a transit county, but there are indicators which show that this is also a country of origin. Besides, the research data indicate the widespread illegal labour of Chinese and particularly men from the Eastern European countries. However, the knowledge gained from the research does not provide enough ground for assertion that these are the cases of trafficking. 187 This assumption derives from the fact that trafficking in women is more evident both in public discourse and in professional education. 188 As noted by some authors, the internal trafficking has often been neglected in spite of the fact that there are more and more evidences that it is connected with bordering trafficking (Kelly, 2002, pg. 16).

237  As for trafficking in children, Serbia is mostly a country of origin, particularly for the Roma children, but also a country of transit and temporary destination of minor girls who are together with adult wo- men included in organized rings of trafficking in women for the purpo- se of sexual exploitation. The research results show that children, mainly our citizens, are trafficked also within Serbia, from smaller towns most often to Beograd, Novi Pazar and Nis. According to the data obtained in researches, the most frequent victims of trafficking are children-citizens of Serbia and mainly girls. Out of the identified victims the number of the Roma children is simi- lar to the number of the children of non-Roma nationality where the number of the Roma victims is in reality probably much greater then the number obtained from interviews with primarily non-Roma popula- tion. Besides, the victims are also children-aliens included in trans-nati- onal trafficking. The children particularly vulnerable to trafficking are those of the Roma nationality, children from homes for children with- out parental care (particularly vulnerable immediately upon leaving these homes), children with special needs, children with social behavio- ur disabilities as well as children from the poor families and families with permanently disturbed family relations. The children are victims of trafficking for the purpose of sexual and work exploitation and begging. Although we have started our research from clearly delimited phe- nomena of trafficking in people, on one hand, and prostitution and smuggling of persons, on the other, the results we have obtained show that it is far easier to make distinction between them in theory than in practice. The researchers189 have also noticed that these categories over- lap in reality so that it is not easy to ascertain the boundaries between the voluntary and forced prostitution, i.e. forced prostitution and traf- ficking in women, as well as between smuggling of people and traffick- ing in people. The difficulties in making distinction between these phe- nomena have a number of implications on dealing with the problem of trafficking in people and may be a serious problem in discovering traf- ficking and determining criminal responsibility of perpetrators, but in deciding on providing victim assistance and protection as well. In this respect, it is very important to observe the connection between the cri- minal behaviour and victimisation of victims as a whole, notice their entwining and avoid unjustified exclusion of criminal responsibility of perpetrators or unjustified refusal to provide victim assistance and pro- tection only because a clear boundary between the trafficking and pro- stitution, or smuggling, may not be determined. 189 See Kelly, L. (2002), op. cit. pg. 14.

238  Out of the data obtained in the research on perpetrators of traffick- ing in people, from the standpoint of suppression of trafficking in peo- ple, the most important ones are those related to their linking up with the police and various other legally registered organizations, as well as to the knowledge indicating the linking up of trafficking in people with other types of organized crime. In addition to the awareness of various forms of trafficking in peo- ple, the research undoubtedly indicates the most important factors con- tributing to its appearance, level of awareness of professionals and rep- resentatives of non-governmental organizations in Serbia of this pheno- menon, as well as the mechanisms of operation directed to its suppress- ing. The obtained data also undeniably indicate that the most important factors contributing to appearance of trafficking in women, children and men in Serbia are the following:

— Geographic position of Serbia, — Economic factors, particularly poverty and unemployment, in countries of origin and in Serbia itself, — Opening of borders towards the Eastern Europe after the end of cold war, but since recently the opening of Serbia towards the world as well, — Myths about the West existing both in Serbia and in other East- ern European countries, — Migrations caused by wars in the region and in other parts of the world (Afghanistan, Iraq), — Militarisation of the region and expansion of prostitution con- nected to it, — Marginalizing of some social groups like the Roma, handicap- ped children, children without parental care, and alike, — Sexual violence, family violence and disturbed family relations in broader sense, — Disorientation of young people and general insecurity caused by transition, — Widespread corruption, — Still insufficiently defined limits between the allowed and non- -allowed behaviour, — Grey economy, — Bad functioning of laws-respecting society, independent judi- ciary and state institutions in general.

The data obtained in this research indicate that there is a signifi- cant disproportion in the level of awareness of the problem of traffick- ing in people among respondents professionals where the category of

239 those employed in homes in which children and young people are ac- commodated and employees of high schools, thus of those who work with the most vulnerable categories of children, has emerged as the cat- egory of those with particularly low level of awareness of this phenom- enon. The low level of awareness of this phenomenon has also been noticed with employees of centres for social work, courts, prosecutor's offices and the police at local level. Lack of awareness of the problem of trafficking in children and men as well as unequal availability of educa- tion to professionals from Belgrade and other places in Serbia is particu- larly observed. The analysis of mechanisms of operation of the organs of the state has highlighted a series of downsides, but positive moves and a series of positive examples in practice as well. The proactive approach has emerged as the best practice related to the discovering and proving of trafficking in people, in which the poli- ce and prosecutors rely primarily upon intelligence work and in which they have initiative in collecting evidences, while the reporting by vic- tims and their statements is of second-rate importance. At the same ti- me, treating victims as victims, not criminalizing them, and highly re- specting human rights proved to be the model which is to be fol- lowed.190 In connection with this, the fact that the police are at present satis- fied with closing a number of nightclubs and bars should in no way in- fluence both the impression that trafficking in people is no longer a problem in Serbia and the diminishing of efforts in discovering perpe- trator and rescuing victims. This is particularly important because, due to lack of discovering all participants in the ring, the trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation after recent police actions has become more hidden and more difficult to discover. The analysis of mechanisms of operation of both the organs of the state and the non- -governmental organizations show that Serbia needs systemic, compre- hensive and institutionalised solutions as well as reforms of the state in- stitutions, primarily the police, judiciary bodies and centres for social work, in order to reinstate the rule of law, condicio sine qua non of effici- ent changes in the domain of trafficking in people too. The results of the research as a whole, particularly the analysis of responses given by the respondents related to the manner of function- ing and mechanisms of operation of the organs of the state, internatio- nal and non-governmental organizations, as well as the analysis of pro- posals of measures for suppressing trafficking in people, have served to us for conceiving the following recommendations with respect to furt- her activities and research related to trafficking in Serbia: 190 For similar, see Kelly, L. (2002), op. cit. pg. 41.

240  1. Urgent changes of Law on Movement and Residence of Foreig- ners, Misdemeanor Law and Criminal Procedure Codes aimed at provi- ding appropriate victim protection (right of temporary residence, exclu- sion of punishment, witness protection), 2. Including in education on trafficking in people all professio- nals who in their work encounter people from vulnerable categories or victims, and particularly employees of homes in which children and young people are accommodated, and employees of high schools, 3. Equality in including professionals from various parts of Serbia in education, 4. Including the matter of trafficking in people in basic and addi- tional education of professionals and including corresponding standards and evaluation of education, 5. Organising campaigns for raising awareness of vulnerable cate- gories of children and broader population based on the results of rese- arches and regular evaluation of the results, 6. Formalising mutual cooperation between the organs of the sta- te, non-governmental and international organizations and within each category as well, by protocols on cooperation in which obligations and responsibilities will be clearly defined, 7. Improving cooperation of the police and Army of Serbia and Montenegro, 8. Increasing number of services for delivering assistance to the victims, setting up standards of services and developing services for witness protection, 9. Further development of the proactive approach in discovering and proving trafficking in people particularly by using possibilities pro- vided for by new legislation related to organized crime, 10. Raising efficiency of criminal proceedings, passing judgment and sever punishing of perpetrators involved in all phases of commit- ting criminal offence, 11. Improving overall equipment and specializing the police for fighting against trafficking in people, 12. Strengthening measures of internal and external control of the police work and severe sanctions for participation in criminal offence of trafficking in people, 13. Re-evaluating justifiability of the existence and the role of the Centre for Counselling and Coordination; 14. Conceiving victim reintegration programs and clearly defining their leaders and their responsibilities, 15. Conceiving prevention programs, 16. Monitoring implementation of law and all mechanisms of oper- ation of the state and non-governmental organizations,

241  17. Including the Roma and non-governmental organizations of the Roma in all mechanisms of operation aiming at suppressing and preventing trafficking in people 18. Taking measures for sustainability of services delivering victim assistance (opening the state shelters and “half-way" shelters), 19. Passing the National Action Plan, 20. Carrying out further research on: — Trafficking in children, primarily the Roma and children of ot- her vulnerable categories, — Internal trafficking in women and children in Serbia and its links with trans-national trafficking, — Risks of local population, — Illegal labour of foreigners in Serbia, — Trafficking in women in border zones, — Needs of victims, — Implementation of new legislation, — Prostitution, begging, homelessness and their connection with trafficking in people, and alike.

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245  Final Report, (Prepared by Gordana Iliã), Counseling Centre for Economic and Legal Issues, Beograd. SCHLOENHARDT, A. (2001) “Migrant Trafficking and Regional Security", Fo- rum for Applied Research and Public Policy, Summer: 83—88. SOMERSET, C. (2001) What the Professionals Know: The Trafficking of Children in- to, and through, the UK for Sexual Purposes, End Child Prostitution Pornog- raphy Trafficking (ECPAT). TAYLOR, I. (1999) Crime in context: A Critical Criminology of Market Societies. Cambridge: Polity Press. UN (1990) UN Convention of the Rights of the Child, International Agreement No. 15. VINTLEANU, I., BABOVIÃ, B. (UR.) (2001) Smuggling of People, Smuggling of Women and Children, Belgrade: CUPS. WILLIAMS, P. (1999) “Trafficking in Women and Children: A Market Perspecti- ve", Transnational Organized Crime, Special Issue “Illegal Immigration and Commercial Sex — the New Slave Trade" (ed. P. Williams), Vol. 3—4. WILLIAMS, P. (2001) “Organizing Transnational Crime: Networks, Markets and Hierarchies" in P. Williams and D. Vlassis Combating Transnational Crime: Concepts, Activities and Responses, London and Portland: Frank Cass, p. 61.

246  APPENDIX

© Victimology Society of Serbia Research on Trafficking in Human Beings in Serbia

Interviewer: Date: Place: Time when interview began: Time when interview ended:

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR PROFESSIONALS

Good morning, I am from the Victimology Society of Serbia. The Victimology Society of Ser- bia collects data on trafficking in women, children and men, and on forced labo- ur in Serbia, including also forced begging and other forms of anti-social behavio- ur. Your knowledge and experience can be very helpful for us in collecting data on prevalence and characteristics, as well as on manners of suppressing this phe- nomenon in our country, therefore I would kindly ask you to give us your respon- ses to several questions. Before I pose any question, I would like to check whether you have any written material containing quantitative or any other data on some of the fol- lowing phenomena:

1. Prostitution — registered, detained and accused local or foreign prostitutes, bars and other locations in which pimps, organizers and similar persons are con- centrated 2. Illegal entry or exit from the country, persons who illegally stay in Serbia 3. Smuggling and trafficking in people (women, children and men) 4. Missing adults and children 5. Parentless children refugees 6. Escort Agencies and sex industry 7. Begging, particularly local and foreign children beggars 8. Homeless persons, particularly children and children committing criminal of- fences 9. Children crossing border without parents accompanying them (accompanied by a person other then parent or alone), foreign children staying in Serbia with- out parents accompanying them 10. Children returned from other countries, 11. Deportation of men/women foreigners

247 12. Repatriation of men/women from Serbia 13. Illegal labour, individuals and companies illegally employing local and par- ticularly foreign women, adult and children 14. Work of Children

In case you receive some of the mentioned data, write down what you have received, express gratitude and ask for answers to general questions.

I. General Data

1. Name and surname191 2. Profession/job/function/title: 3. Age: 4. Gender: 5. Organization/institution: 6. Specialization: 7. Whether in her/his everyday work she/he deals with the problem related to trafficking in women, children and/or men or any forms of forced labour? If so, state what does she/he deal with?

II. Awareness of trafficking in people and forced labour

1. How would you define:

1a. Trafficking in human beings

1b. Prostitution

1c. Smuggling of persons

1d. Forced labour

Interviewer: Please explain how these phenomena are defined for the research pur- pose.

2. Have you attended any seminars on trafficking in people?

2a. If so, can you tell us:

2a.1. How many seminars have you attended?

2a.2. Who has been organizer?

2a.3. Have you been satisfied?

2a.4. When was the last time you attended such a seminar?

191 Ask whether the person agrees or not to be cited in the research report.

248 III Information of trafficking in people and forced labour based on experi- ence gained in direct work with the concrete cases

1. Have you in your work encountered any case of trafficking on human be- ings (adult persons and children), smuggling of persons and/or forced labour of adults and children?

2. If so, how many cases have you encountered to date?

3. How many cases did you encounter in 2002, and how many in 2003?

Now, I would like to ask you more about these cases.

4. Who were the victims in these cases?

Number Country What has happened Adult women Female children Male children Adult men

5. In how many cases it the case of: Number 1. Trafficking/smuggling to Serbia 2. Trafficking/smuggling from Serbia 3. Trafficking/smuggling through Serbia 4. Trafficking in Serbia

6. How and by using which routes did the victims come to Serbia, or went to another country of destination?

7. Have the victims been arrested in some of these cases?

7a. If so, why?

8. Have the victims been punished?

9. Who have been the perpetrators?

10. Have the perpetrators been arrested?

10a. If so, what have they been charged for, i.e. how the law was applied?

11. Have the perpetrators been punished?

11a. If so, for which criminal offence/misdemeanour have they been punished?

12. If they have not been arrested or sentenced, state why.

13. What has happened with victims in these cases?

249 14. What have you personally, your colleagues, your institution/organisation done in these cases? Can you give closer description of mechanism of opera- tion in such cases as well as problems you have encountered?

15. Have other institutions, organizations and individuals been included too?

16. If so, what have they done?

17. What are your experiences in cooperation with other organizations and or- gans of the state regarding the work related to cases of trafficking on human beings?

I. Sex Industry and Prostitution

1. Can you give us your assessment of the scope, structure and characteristics of sex industry and certain forms of sex industry in your town and its surroun- dings (street prostitution, escort agencies, brothels, night clubs, hot telephones, and alike)? In the Republic?

a) Scope

b) Which forms exist? Describe them closer.

c) Where is it located?

d) What influence does it have on school children and children accommodated in the Homes for Children without Parental Care?

2. Have you in the last 5 years noticed changes in the sense of dropping or growing of sex industry in your town or surroundings?

2a. If so, how is this change manifested?

2b. How do you explain this change?

3. How would you describe the attitude which the organs of the state, includ- ing your institution/organizations have towards the prostitution?

4. How many persons to you knowledge were reported, punished, or in any other way registered in 2002 because of prostitution or punishable behaviour related to it in the territory of your jurisdiction?

Reported Punished Registered in other way (which one?)

Adult prostitutes Children (under 18) Pimps Clients

250 5. Did those cases involve local or foreign women/men, i.e. how many were there from each group? Where did the foreign women/men come from?

Number Country

Adult prostitutes Children (under 18) Pimps Clients

6. Whether some of these cases have been those of trafficking in people (or doubted to be the cases of trafficking in people)? Are you aware of any other case?

6a. If so, please describe these cases in more details.

7. Have you succeeded in revealing the cases for which there have been doubts about trafficking in people?

7a. If not, what has been the problem, i.e. obstacle?

7b. If so, describe how you have done it?

8. Are you aware of cases of trafficking in our women and children abroad for the purpose of sexual exploitation?

8a. If so, please describe them.

II. Begging and Homelessness

1. Can you give us your assessment on the scope, structure and characteristics of begging and homelessness in your town and surroundings? In the Republic?

1a. How many beggars and homeless persons are women and how many of them are children?

1b. In which part of the town or in which neighbourhood are the numbers of beggars and the homeless the largest? Please describe.

1c. Are there among children in schools and children accommodated in the ho- mes for children without parental care, those who are beggars or homeless children? Please describe.

2. Have you in the past 5 years noticed changes in the sense of dropping or growing of begging and homelessness in your town or its surroundings?

2a. If so, how is this change manifested?

2b. How do you explain this change?

251 3. Can we speak about the existence of organized forms of such antisocial be- haviour and enforcement to such behaviour?

3a. If so, please describe.

4. How would you describe the attitude which the organs of the state, includ- ing your institution/organizations have towards begging and homelessness?

5. How many persons to you knowledge were reported, punished, or in any other way registered in 2002 because of begging and homelessness or punisha- ble behaviour related to them in the territory of your jurisdiction?

Reported Punished Registered in any other way

Begging — women Begging — men Begging — children under 18 Organizers of begging Homeless — women Homeless — men Homeless — children

6. Whether in these cases the local or foreign women were involved, i.e. how many from each group were there? Where did the foreign women/men come from? Number Country

Adult women — begging Men — begging Children — begging Organizers Homeless — women Homeless — men Homeless — children

7. Were some of these cases the cases of trafficking in people — children, women, men (or suspected to be the cases of trafficking in people)? Are you at all familiar with such cases?

7a. If so, please describe these cases in more details.

8. Are you aware of cases of trafficking in children from Serbia abroad for the purpose of begging, or illegal adoption and forced marriage?

8a. If so, can you tell us more about this?

9. Have you succeeded in revealing the cases for which there have been do- ubts about trafficking in people?

252 9a. If no, what has been the problem, i.e. obstacle?

III. Illegal Labour and Forced labour

1. Can you give us your assessment of the scope, structure and characteristic of illegal labour in general and particularly forced labour in your town and its surroundings? In the Republic? Where are they located? Please describe.

a) Scope

b) Forms (agricultural work, construction work, and like)

c) Where are they prevalence the most?

2. Do you have any knowledge about forced labour of children (in general, in your school, Children's Home, etc.)?

3. Have you in the past 5 years noticed any change in the sense of decrease or increase of illegal labour in your town or its surroundings?

3a. If so, how is this change manifested?

3b. How do you explain this change?

4. How would you describe the attitude of the organs of the state, including your institution/organisation towards the illegal labour in general, and particu- larly towards the forced labour and forced labour of children?

5. How many persons to you knowledge were reported, punished, or in any other way registered in 2002 because of employing workers illegally, forcing ot- hers to work or exploiting work of other persons, i.e. because of behaviour re- lated to them, in the territory of your jurisdiction?

Punished Reprimanded Registered

Illegal labour Forced labour — women Forced labour — men Forced labour — children under 18 Others (specify)

6. Were the local or foreign women/men involved in these cases, i.e. how many of each group were? Where did the foreign women/men come from?

Number Country

Adult women — illegal labour Men — illegal labour

253 Children — illegal labour Organizers Women — forced labour Men — forced labour Children — forced labour

7. Whether some of these cases have been the cases of trafficking in people or linking up of people smugglers and employers (or was it suspected to be so)? Are you at all familiar with such cases?

7a. If so, please describe these cases in more details.

8. Are you familiar with cases of trafficking in people from Serbia (adults or children) abroad for the purpose of labour exploitation?

8a. If so, please describe them.

9. Have you succeeded in revealing the cases suspected of trafficking in peo- ple?

9a. If no, what has been the problem, i.e. obstacle?

IV. Abduction, Disappearance and Smuggling of Children

1. Are you familiar with any cases of abduction of children? Is so, please de- scribe.

2. Are you familiar with any cases of children running away from their home or their disappearance? If so, please describe these cases.

3. Are there children from other countries in your town and its surroundings, in your school, Home, and alike? If so, do you know how have they come, how many of them have stayed, what is happening with them, and alike?

4. Do you have knowledge about transferring of children over border without parents accompanying them or who are accompanied by persons who are not their parents? If so, please describe.

V. Forcing Children to Commit Criminal Offences (stealing, and alike)

1. Do you have any knowledge about forcing children to commit criminal of- fences, such as, for example, stealing, in your town and its surroundings? In your school? Home?

2. If so, can you tell us something more about it, particularly about children (local children or aliens, their national belonging, age, and alike), who forces them to commit criminal offences and where such cases take place?

254 3. Have you in the past 5 years notices any changes in the sense of dropping or growing of this phenomenon?

3a. If so, how is it manifested?

3b. How do you explain this change?

4. How would you describe the attitude of the society, particularly the organs of the state, including your institution/organisation towards the problem of for- cing children to commit criminal offences?

5. How many persons were reported or registered in any other way in 2002 be- cause of forcing children to commit criminal offence?

Reported Punished Registered

6. Were local or foreign women involved in those cases, i.e. how many of each were there? Where did the foreign women/men come from?

Number Country

7. Were any of these cases cases of trafficking in people (was the case suspec- ted of being trafficking in people?)? Are you at all aware of such cases?

7a. If so, please describe these cases in more details.

8. Do you have knowledge about any case of trafficking in children from Ser- bia abroad for the purpose of committing criminal offence?

8a. If yes, can you tell us more about it?

9. Have you succeeded in revealing the cases doubted to be trafficking?

9a. If no, what has been the problem, i.e. hindrance?

V Trafficking in People — Methods and Routes

What is your knowledge about:

1. Roads of trafficking in

Women Children Men migrants

2. Ways of recruiting victims

Women Children Men

255 3. Ways of transfer and entry into as well as exit of victims from Serbia and ot- her transit countries and countries of destination?

Women Children Men migrants

4. Forms of control and exploitation

Women Children Men migrants

5. Who are traffickers (nationality, citizenship, age, sex)?

Women Children Men migrants

6. Who are victims (nationality, citizenship, age, sex)?

Women Children Men

7. How are the traffickers in people organized and how are their roles and jobs distributed?

8. What are links between the trafficking in people and other types of organi- zed crime?

9. Connections with legal actors/businesses/organizations.

10. What are the greatest problems in discovering and prosecuting (in our country) trafficking in

Women Children Men migrants

11. Are you familiar with the latest amendments of law pertaining to traffick- ing in people and organized crime?

If so, what is your opinion on new legislation, i.e. its relation to previous legis- lation and the possibility of its enforcement in practice? What does it mean for victims and what for perpetrators? What else should be changed?

12. How would you assess the mechanisms of operation of international and local non-governmental organizations in domain of victim assistance and with relation to suppressing trafficking in people?

256 13. What is you assessment of mutual cooperation of the organs of the state, and cooperation between the organs of the state and international and local non-governmental organizations?

VI. Case Study??

Please choose and describe two cases of trafficking in women, children or men migrants and/or forced labour as follows:

1. One case which you consider as the example of good practice of the organs of the state and/or non-governmental organizations

2. One case which you consider as the example of bad practice of the organs of the state and/or non-governmental organizations

If the chosen case is not the one from your experience, please quote the source of information.

Do you have any idea of what our society should do to efficiently suppress trafficking in people and forced labour, particularly spreading the forced la- bour of children?

Can you recommend a person who could provide information on the issues you were questioned about, or additional information on other questions, and similar?

Thank you for having dedicated your time to our research.

257 © Victimology Society of Serbia Interviewer: Date: Place: Time when interview began: Time when interview ended: Place: shelter/reception centre

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR VICTIMS/POTENTIAL VICTIMS

Good morning. We are from an organisation which is trying to help people who are in the situation similar to yours. Because of this, your experience, knowledge and opinion could be of great help for us. I will pose you several questions about you or other people you know or have met on your way here.

I. General Data

1. Sex: M F

2. Place/country of origin:

3. Age: 1. under 14 years of age 2. from 14 to 17 3. from 18 to 23 4. from 24 to 29 5. from 30 to 35 6. from 36 to 41 7. from 41 to 46 8. from 46 to 50 9. over 50 years of age.

4. Profession:

5. Employment — have you ever worked and where (in public or private firm), which kind of job, state you salary (in average amount in EUR or USD)? When have you quitted the job and why?

6. Place of residence: 1. village 2. town

7. Nationality: 1. Serbian 2. Romanian 3. Moldovian 4. Ukrainian

258  5. Russian 6. Chinese 7. Roma 8. other (specify) ____________________

8. Marital status: 1. single 2. married 3. widowed 4. divorced 5. cohabiting 6. other (specify) ____________________

II. Questions about Current Problems

9. How do you feel in here? Do you have any problems? How are you getting on with other women/men? How are you getting on with the staff?

10. How and when have your arrived in the Shelter/Reception Centre? Who has brought you? Where from? How?

11. When you came to the Shelter/Reception Centre did you receive any assis- tance and which (medical, legal, psychological)? What the assistance actually consisted of?

12. Have you during your stay in the Shelter/Reception Center had any profes- sional education? If so, what?

13. Have you ever been sentenced before the court in Serbia? If so, because of what (for example, because of illegal stay, dealing in prostitution) and what was the penalty?

III. Life in the Place/Country of Origin

14. What was the situation in the place/country you have come from? What are the opportunities for the young people, for employment, living? What is your financial status? What are your housing conditions? With whom have you li- ved in the place of residence/country you have come from?

15. Do you have children of your own? How many? Where are they now and with whom?

IV. Information on Inciting and Transport

16. How and when did you leave your place of residence/country? Do you know about other cases, about other people (women friends, acquaintances, re- latives, and alike) who went away like you? Can you tell us more about it?

259 (Reminder: Did you wish to leave your home, to go to another place, country? Have you tried to find the way to realize this wish? Why did you wish to do that? Has anybody offered you, or other person whom you know, better job, earnings abroad or in some other place — who has it been — sex, nationality, relationship with a victim, profession, and alike? How has it happened? Have you looked for something like this through employment agencies, tourist agen- cies, or alike? Have you or the person you know accepted at that time some of the of- fers and what? What have been promised? Where have you had to go (which has been the country of destination for the victim)? Have you been aware of what you have been doing?)

17. Have you possessed valid identification documents and passport? Have you got a forged passport? Have you paid for it, how much and to whom?

18. What happened during this journey?

(Reminder: Were you alone or with other women, men or children who took the trip together with you or with the person you know (other victims)? Have you crossed the border into another country? How many borders have you crossed? Did you do it legally or illegally? Do you know where have you ente- red in Serbia, the place where you crossed border and how (on foot, or by so- me means of transportation and which one)? Who transported you over the border? Was it the same person with whom you have taken the trip? Who met you and where did you go then? Have you seen that some of these persons pay something to other persons? Have you or the person you know paid for something, how much and to whom for the whole “arrangement"?)

19. Have any of the persons who have been with you or you yourself had any problems during the trip? Has anybody been violent against any person who has been with you? Has anyone asked any of the persons who has been with your or you to do something which that person/or you disliked?

V. Information on Control and Exploitation

20. Where were you accommodated (restaurant, night club, tavern)? Do you know in which place?

21. What did you do there — you or the person you know? What kind of a job did you perform (sexual exploitation, field work, construction work, domestic work)? Were you or anybody else forced to work something you disliked?

22. What were your living and working conditions like (accommodation, food, clothes, and alike)?

23. Was your freedom of movement restricted? Could you go out only if ac- companied and who accompanied you?

260 24. Was your work or the work of the person you know paid for? How often? How much?

25. Did you or the person you know use alcohol or drugs? Were you been for- ced to do this?

26. How did the owner of the nightclub and persons who worked there beha- ve? Was their behaviour towards you or the person you know correct? Were you harassed and how (physically, mentally, and sexually)?

27. Were your documents or those of the person you know taken away from you and when? Has the boss or somebody else threatened you and with what? Has anybody threatened with the police (that you would be punished)? Has anybody threatened that he would tell your parents, husband and alike where you are, what you are doing or that something bad would happen to them if you do not obey?

28. What was the relation of clients (in case of sexual exploitation)? Were you been forced to have several clients during the day and how many? Who were clients? Did you use protection? Have you ever got pregnant? Have you ever given birth or had an abortion (where, who paid for it, and alike)? Have the clients been violent? Have they offered help and what kind of help?

29. Have you attempted to leave the place? Have you asked for help and from whom? Have you got the help?

30. Have you escaped by yourself and how?

VI. Attitude of the State organs (primarily the police) and Other Services

31. Who has found and saved you? How has it happened?

32. Have you been in contact with the police (officially or privately), when and in what way? If the police have found you, what has been their attitude to- wards you? Where have they taken you?

33. Where have you been before you have come to the Shelter/Reception Cen- tre? What was the attitude of this person towards you (for each service, organi- sation separately)(for example, IOM, Centre for Social Work, NGO, prison, Re- ception Centre, and alike)?

34. Have you appeared in court as a witness? If so, how have you felt? What has been the attitude of judges, prosecutor towards you?

35. Has such thing happened to you for the first time?

VII. Future

261 36. Where would you like to go from the Shelter/Reception Center? What would you like to do? Are you in contact with your family? Could you return to where you have come from? If no, where would you like to go, to whom?

Would you like to ask us about something, to say us something more?

Thank you for your time!

262 © Victimology Society of Serbia Research on Trafficking in Human Beings in Serbia Observer:

Protocol of Observation

I. Period of observation:

II. Frequency of observation (daily, once a week, etc.)

III. Place of observation (town, village, part of a town, square, etc.)

IV. Who was under observation (children, men, women)?

V. What was under observation (subject of observation)?

VI. What was noticed:

Description No. 1

Description No. 2, etc.

V. Conclusions

263

Vesna NikoliÊ - RistanoviÊ Sanja ∆opiÊ Sanja MilivojeviÊ Biljana Simeunovic - PatiÊ Biljana MihiÊ

TRGOVINA LJUDIMA S R B I J I

TRGOVINA LJUDIMA VIKTIMOLO©KO DRU©TVO SRBIJE ORGANIZACIJA ZA EVROPSKU BEZBEDNOST I SARADNJU S R B I J I  Vesna Nikoliã-Ristanoviã Sanja Ãopiã Sanja Milivojeviã Biljana Simeunoviã-Patiã Biljana Mihiã

TRGOVINA LJUDIMA U SRBIJI

Viktimološko društvo Srbije (VDS) Organizacija za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju (OEBS) Beograd, 2004 Vesna Nikoliã-Ristanoviã Sanja Ãopiã Sanja Milivojeviã Biljana Simeunoviã-Patiã Biljana Mihiã TRGOVINA LJUDIMA U SRBIJI

Izdavaå OEBS Organizacija za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju Misija u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori Åakorska 1, 11000 Beograd Odeljenje za demokratizaciju

ISBN 86-903283-9-4

Lektura Agencija Eurologos

Dizajn Stojkov, Novi Sad

Priprema i štampa Stojkov, Novi Sad

Tiraÿ 500  Objavljivanje ovog istraÿivanja podrÿala je Misija OEBS-a u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori.

Stavovi i razmišljanja izneti u ovom istraÿivanju su autorski i nuÿno ne izraÿavaju stav OEBS-a.  SADRŸAJ

I Uvod . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

II Trgovina ljudima i vaÿeãe zakonodavstvo u Srbiji . . . . . . . . 12 II 1. Kriviåni zakon Republike Srbije i Osnovni kriviåni zakon . . . . 13 II 2. Zakonik o kriviånom postupku . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 II 3. Zakon o organizaciji i nadleÿnosti drÿavnih organa u suzbijanju organizovanog kriminala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 II 4. Zakoni o prekršajima i Zakon o kretanju i boravku stranaca . . . 21 II 5. Ocena zakonskih odredbi znaåajnih za kriviåno gonjenje i zaštitu ÿrtava trgovine ljudima u Srbiji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22

III Pregled dosadašnjih istraÿivanja i drugih raspoloÿivih podataka o trgovini ljudima u cilju seksualne eksploatacije i eksploatacije rada u Srbiji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 III 1. Trgovina ÿenama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 III 1.1. Zvaniåni podaci . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 III 1.2. Podaci meðunarodnih organizacija . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 III 1.3. Podaci nevladinih organizacija . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 III 1.4. Rezultati dosadašnjih istraÿivanja . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 III 2. Trgovina decom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 III 2.1. Podaci o trgovini decom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 III 3. Trgovina muškarcima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 III 3.1. Podaci o trgovini muškarcima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 III 4. Zakljuåak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

IV Odreðenje i razgraniåenje osnovnih pojmova . . . . . . . . . . 40

V Predmet, cilj, metod i uzorak istraÿivanja . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 V 1. Predmet i cilj istraÿivanja . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 V 2. Metod i uzorak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45

VI Trgovina ÿenama u Srbiji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 VI 1. Obim i struktura trgovine ÿenama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 VI 1.1. Obim i geografska rasprostranjenost trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji . . 52 VI 1.2. Ko su ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji? . . . . . . . . . . . 53 VI 1.3. Trgovina u Srbiji, iz Srbije i kroz Srbiju . . . . . . . . . . 56

5 VI 2. Karakteristike trgovine ÿenama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 VI 2.1. Putevi trgovine ÿenama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 VI 2.2. Namamljivanje ÿena ÿrtava trgovine . . . . . . . . . . . 66 VI 2.3. Transport/transfer ÿena ÿrtava trgovine . . . . . . . . . . 72 VI 2.4. Oblici viktimizacije kojima su ÿene ÿrtve trgovine izloÿene . . . 76 VI 3. Posredni pokazatelji (markeri) trgovine ÿenama . . . . . . . . 83 VI 3.1. Seks industrija i prostitucija . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 VI 3.2. Prosjaåenje i beskuãništvo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 VI 3.3. Rad „na crno" i prisilni rad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 VI 4. Zakljuåak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

VII Trgovina decom u Srbiji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 VII 1. Neposredni pokazatelji obima, rasprostranjenosti, strukture i karakteristika trgovine decom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 VII 1.1. Trgovina decom radi seksualne eksploatacije . . . . . . . . 103 VII 1.2. Trgovina decom radi prosjaåenja . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 VII 1.3. Trgovina decom radi sklapanja braka . . . . . . . . . . . 111 VII 2. Posredni pokazatelji trgovine decom . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 VII 2.1. Seksualna eksploatacija dece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 VII 2.2. Prosjaåenje i skitniåenje . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 VII 2.3. Rad „na crno" i prisilni rad dece . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 VII 2.4. Otmice, nestanci i krijumåarenje dece . . . . . . . . . . . 121 VII 2.5. Prinuda dece na vršenje kriviånih dela . . . . . . . . . . 122 VII 3. „Deca u riziku" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 VII 4. Zakljuåak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125

VIII Trgovina muškarcima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 VIII 1. Neposredni indikatori i karakteristike trgovine muškarcima . . . 128 VIII 1.1. Neposredni pokazatelji rasprostranjenosti i poreklo ÿrtava trgovine muškarcima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 VIII 1.2. Putevi i organizacija trgovine muškarcima . . . . . . . . 129 VIII 2. Posredni indikatori (markeri) trgovine muškarcima . . . . . . 134 VIII 2.1. Rasprostranjenost i k riminološke karakteristike krijumåarenja muških migranata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 VIII 2.2. Rad „na crno" i prosjaåenje — rasprostranjenost i veze sa trgovinom muškarcima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142 VIII 3. Završni osvrt: Srbija na putu ilegalnih migracija i trgovine muškarcima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149

IX Pojedinci i kriminalne grupe ukljuåeni u trgovinu ljudima . . . . 154 IX 1. Pojedinci ukljuåeni u lanac trgovine ljudima . . . . . . . . . 154 IX 2. Organizacija kriminalnih grupa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 IX 3. Veze trgovine ljudima sa drugim oblicima organizovanog kriminala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160

6 IX 4. Veze trgovine ljudima sa legalnim akterima . . . . . . . . . . 163 IX 5. Zakljuåak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165

X Naåin funkcionisanja i ocena mehanizama delovanja vladinih, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima . 167 X 1. Mehanizmi delovanja drÿavnih organa . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 X 1.1. Delovanje policije u otkrivanju i prikupljanju dokaza o trgovini ljudima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 X 1.2. Mehanizmi delovanja drugih drÿavnih organa, posebno drÿavnih tuÿilaštava i sudova . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 X 1.3. Odnos drÿavnih organa prema prostituciji, prosjaåenju, beskuãništvu i radu „na crno" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 X 2. Nevladine i meðunarodne organizacije . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 X 2.1. Mehanizmi delovanja organizacija koje se bave problemom trgovine ljudima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 X 2.2. Ocena delovanja nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija . . . . 184 X 3. Meðusobna saradnja drÿavnih organa, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 X 4. Primeri dobre i loše prakse drÿavnih organa, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189

XI Informisanost o problemu trgovine ljudima i viðenje mera koje treba preduzeti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 XI 1. Upoznatost sa problemima vezanim za trgovinu ljudima i novim zakonskim rešenjima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 XI 1.1. Uåešãe na seminarima i drugim oblicima edukacije o trgovini ljudima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194 XI 1.2. Upoznatost sa novim zakonskim rešenjima . . . . . . . . . 198 XI 1.3. Definicije i sposobnost razgraniåenja osnovnih pojmova . . . . 199 XI 1.4. Zakljuåak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 XI 2. Viðenje mera koje treba preduzeti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204 XI 2.1. Mere za jaåanje efikasnosti kriviånopravne represije trgovine ljudima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 XI 2.2. Mere prevencije trgovine ljudima . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 XI 2.3. Mere zaštite i podrške ÿrtvama trgovine ljudima . . . . . . . 211 XI 2.4. Predloÿene promene zakonskih rešenja u cilju efikasnijeg suprotstavljanja trgovini ljudima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 XI 2.5. Završni osvrt na predloÿene mere unapreðenja suprotstavljanja problemu trgovine ljudima u Srbiji . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216

XII Zakljuåci i preporuke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218

Literatura . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224

Dodaci . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228

7 Upitnik za profesionalce . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 Upitnik za ÿrtve/potencijalne ÿrtve . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 Protokol posmatranja . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243

8  I Uvod

Istraÿivanje trgovine ljudima, åiji rezultati su izloÿeni u ovoj studiji, predstavlja prvo istraÿivanje koje je imalo za cilj dolaÿenje do bliÿih i obuhvatnijih saznanja o dimenzijama i karakteristikama ove pojave u Srbiji. Iako je poslednjih godina dosta raðeno na veãoj društvenoj vidlji- vosti i poboljšanju društvenog reagovanja na problem trgovine ljudima u Srbiji, bavljenje njime je bilo bazirano na parcijalnim i sporadiånim saznanjima o trgovini ÿenama radi seksualne eksploatacije i bez jasnog sistemskog pristupa, kako otkrivanju i gonjenju izvršilaca, tako i pre- venciji, zaštiti i reintegraciji ÿrtava. Malobrojna prethodna istraÿivanja (domaãa i strana) i drugi raspo- loÿivi podaci nisu bili u stanju da daju celovit uvid u rasprostranjenost, strukturu i karakteristike trgovine ljudima u Srbiji na jednoj strani, niti u naåin funkcionisanja raspoloÿivih mehanizama za njeno suzbijanje i prevenciju na drugoj. Osim toga, iako je, po svim raspoloÿivim sazna- njima, trgovina ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije najåešãi oblik tr- govine ljudima, neopravdano su zanemarivani njeni drugi, izuzetno te- ški oblici, poput trgovine decom i razliåitih oblika trgovine zbog radne eksploatacije. Takoðe, u potpunosti je zanemaren problem unutrašnje trgovine ÿenama i njegova tesna povezanost sa transnacionalnom trgo- vinom, kao i isprepletenost problema trgovine ljudima sa drugim dru- štvenim problemima poput prostitucije, rada „na crno", prosjaåenja, beskuãništva, krijumåarenja ljudi i ilegalne migracije u širem smislu. Istraÿivanje trgovine ljudima u Srbiji, koje je za OEBS sproveo (ÿenski) istraÿivaåki tim Viktimološkog društva Srbije, predstavlja svoje- vrsni istraÿivaåki eksperiment, koji je od svih istraÿivaåica zahtevao do- bro prethodno znanje, kreativnost, inventivnost, strpljivost i upornost, ali i svojevrsnu hrabrost. Bez entuzijazma, znanja, veštine i hrabrosti is- traÿivaåica, ali i spremnosti ispitanika da sa njima razgovaraju, teško da bi se mogao prikupiti tako bogat istraÿivaåki materijal, kakav je dobijen ovim istraÿivanjem. Dobijeni istraÿivaåki materijal je daleko premašio i najoptimistiånija oåekivanja koja smo imale na poåetku istraÿivanja. Ia- ko prva i eksplorativna, bez pretenzija ka reprezentativnosti i sa jasnim ograniåenjima, ova studija sadrÿi mnoštvo saznanja o pojavnim oblici- ma trgovine ljudima u Srbiji i predstavlja riznicu ideja za osmišljavanje strategija za njeno suzbijanje i prevenciju. U tom smislu, dobijeni rezul-

9 tati predstavljaju dobru polaznu osnovu, kako za dalje istraÿivanje trgo- vine ljudima u Srbiji, tako i za kreiranje na åinjenicama bazirane dru- štvene strategije („evidence-based" public policy).1 Nadamo se da ãe preporuke koje su date u zakljuåku ove studije posluÿiti kao koristan putokaz u pravcu moguãih promena, posebno u pravcu razvoja proak- tivnog i na zaštiti ljudskih prava ÿrtava baziranog sistemskog pristupa suzbijanju trgovine ljudima u Srbiji. Meðutim, treba reãi i to da iskustvo steåeno tokom ovog istraÿiva- nja moÿe i u metodološkom smislu biti dragoceno, i to istraÿivaåima ko- ji u buduãnosti, na ovim ili drugim prostorima, budu radili na sliånim istraÿivanjima. Kako je dobro primetila prof. Liz Kelly, „trgovina ljudi- ma, kao i druge osetljive teme, zahteva kreativnost od istraÿivaåa i spremnost da se priznaju granice do kojih je bilo moguãe doãi u priku- pljanju podataka. Buduãi razvoj metodologije zavisiãe delom i od istra- ÿivaåa koji se ozbiljno bave ovim pitanjima, koji eksperimentišu sa me- todama i pristupima kreiranim sa ciljem da se otklone prepreke otkriva- nju i iznošenju podataka."2 Studija o trgovini ljudima u Srbiji je podeljena na jedanaest pogla- vlja. Pored neposrednih rezultata istraÿivanja, radi boljeg razumevanja ukupne situacije u Srbiji u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima, dat je i pregled vaÿeãeg zakonodavstva u ovoj oblasti, kao i pregled rezultata dosada- šnjih istraÿivanja, raspoloÿivih zvaniånih podataka i podataka meðuna- rodnih i domaãih nevladinih organizacija. Studija je rezultat timskog rada, u kojoj je doprinos autorki sledeãi: Dr Vesna Nikoliã-Ristanoviã je koordinirala istraÿivanje, uredila stu- diju i bila zaduÿena za delove o predmetu, cilju i metodama istraÿiva- nja, naåinu funkcionisanja mehanizama delovanja vladinih i nevladinih organizacija, o informisanosti o problemu trgovine ljudima, kao i za za- kljuåke i preporuke. Mr Sanja Ãopiã je bila koordinatorka prikupljanja podataka i obra- dila je delove studije koji se odnose na vaÿeãe zakonodavstvo u Srbiji i karakteristike trgovine ÿenama, kao i na izvršioce. Mr Biljana Simeunoviã-Patiã je obradila delove studije koji se odno- se na trgovinu muškarcima i viðenje mera koje treba preduzeti. Mr Sanja Milivojeviã je obradila deo o neposrednim i posrednim pokazateljima obima i rasprostranjenosti trgovine ÿenama. Biljana Mihiã je obradila deo studije koji se odnosi na trgovinu de- com. 1 Davis i dr. (2000), citirano prema: Kelly, L. (2002) Journeys of Jeopardy: A Review of Research on Trafficking in Women and Children in Europe. Child and Women Abuse Studies Unit, University of North London, U.K.: str. 7. 2 Kelly, L., op. cit., str. 13.

10  Na obradi podataka asistentkinje su bile Jasmina Nikoliã i Nataša Veselinoviã. U prikupljanju podataka uåestvovalo je 13 istraÿivaåica, koje su obavile intervjue sa 123 struånjaka razliåitog profila i pet ÿrtava, kao i jedan broj neformalnih razgovora. Istraÿivaåicama se zahvaljujemo na uloÿenom trudu i kvalitetno obavljenim intervjuima, a ispitanicima/ispi- tanicama na odvojenom vremenu i spremnosti da sa njima razgovaraju, kao i na materijalima koje su nam stavili na raspolaganje. Posebno se zahvaljujemo Ministarstvu unutrašnjih poslova Republike Srbije, pre svega Dušanu Zlokasu i Mitru Ðuraškoviãu iz Uprave pograniåne poli- cije za strance i upravne poslove, koji su nam pomogli u prukupljanju materijala iz arhive MUP-a, pruÿili nam dragocene informacije i omogu- ãili intervjue sa pripadnicima policije. Takoðe, posebno se zahvaljujemo i gospodinu Draganu Ÿivkoviãu iz Prihvatilišta za strance koji je našim istraÿivaåicama omoguãio da obave intervjue sa licima smeštenim u Pri- hvatilištu. Najzad, ali ne kao manje vaÿno, zahvaljujemo se ålanovima Misije OEBS-a u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori, kancelariji u Beogradu, koji su za- duÿeni za probleme trgovine ljudima, bez åijeg razumevanja, pomoãi i podrške ovo istraÿivanje ne bi bilo moguãe. Posebnu zahvalnost dugu- jemo gospoðici Moni Di, koja je u vreme realizacije istraÿivanja bila na mestu savetnice za pitanja trgovine ljudskim biãima Misije OEBS-a.

11  II Trgovina ljudima i vaÿeãe zakonodavstvo u Srbiji3

Na meðunarodnoj sceni je problem trgovine ljudima posebno aktu- elizovan tokom 90-ih godina XX veka, što je dovelo do intenziviranja napora meðunarodne zajednice na iznalaÿenju adekvatnih mehanizama borbe protiv ove društveno opasne pojave. O tome svedoåe brojne ak- tivnosti meðunarodnih i drugih organizacija,4 kao i donošenje niza do- kumenata u ovoj oblasti (preporuka, rezolucija, konvencija, protokola, deklaracija).5 Sve to usmereno je na podsticanje daljih akcija drÿava, nji- hovih organa i institucija, nevladinih organizacija, grupa, pokreta, pri- vatnog sektora, kao i same meðunarodne zajednice u oblasti prevencije, gonjenja uåinilaca i pruÿanja odgovarajuãe pomoãi i podrške ÿrtvama trgovine. Meðutim, jedan od kljuånih zahteva i neophodnih preduslova za kreiranje odgovarajuãe politike i plana borbe protiv trgovine ljudima jeste harmonizacija domaãeg zakonodavstva sa meðunarodnopravnim standardima. Ukazom predsednika SR Jugoslavije, 2001. godine proglašen je Za- kon o potvrðivanju Konvencije UN protiv transnacionalnog organizova- nog kriminala i dopunskih protokola,6 åime se SRJ obavezala da izvrši odgovarajuãe zakonske izmene kako bi se domaãe zakonodavstvo uskla- dilo sa meðunarodnim standardima koje predviða ova Konvencija, kao i dodatni Protokol o prevenciji, suzbijanju i kaÿnjavanju trgovine ljudi- ma, posebno ÿenama i decom. S obzirom da u Srbiji ne postoji poseban zakon za borbu protiv tr- govine ljudima, za suzbijanje ove društveno opasne pojave relevantan je niz odredaba koje su sadrÿane u drugim zakonima: Kriviånom zako- nu Republike Srbije, Zakoniku o kriviånom postupku, Zakonu o organi- zaciji i nadleÿnosti drÿavnih organa u suzbijanju organizovanog krimi- nala, Zakonu o kretanju i boravku stranaca, Zakonima o prekršajima. 3 Ovaj deo predstavlja izmenjenu i dopunjenu verziju rada Ãopiã, S. (2003) „Trgovina ljudi- ma u svetlu meðunarodnih dokumenata, savremenih nacionalnih rešenja i pozitivnog zakonodav- stva", u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S. i Mihiã, B., Trgovina ljudima: pojam, karakteristike i pravna re- gulativa, Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraÿivanja [neobjavljeno]. 4 Organizacija Ujedinjenih nacija, Evropska unija, Savet Evrope, Organizacija za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju, Pakt za stabilnost jugoistoåne Evrope i drugo. 5 Više o tome u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Mrviã-Petroviã, N., Škuliã, M., Ãopiã, S. (2002) Novi model zakonskih rešenja o trgovini ljudskim biãima, Beograd: Viktimološko društvo Srbije [neobjavljeno]. 6 Objavljeno u Sluÿbenom listu SRJ, meðunarodni ugovori, br. 6/2001.

12 Imajuãi to u vidu, u daljem izlaganju biãe dat pregled odredaba koje su od znaåaja za kriviåno gonjenje uåinilaca i zaštitu ÿrtava trgovine.

II 1. Kriviåni zakon Republike Srbije i Osnovni kriviåni zakon

Kriviåni zakon Republike Srbije7 i Osnovni kriviåni zakon8 sadrÿe odredbe koje su relevantne za kriviåno gonjenje uåinilaca trgovine lju- dima i njihovo kaÿnjavanje. Tako Kriviåni zakon RS sadrÿi inkriminaci- ju trgovine ljudima (ålan 111b), kojom se predviðaju biãe ovog kriviå- nog dela i kazne, dok Osnovni kriviåni zakon sadrÿi odredbe o moguã- nosti izricanja konfiskacije imovine kao sporedne kazne pod zakonom propisanim uslovima. Na teritoriji Srbije je do sredine aprila 2003. godine kriviåno gonje- nje uåinilaca trgovine ljudima moglo da se preduzima samo po osnovu inkriminacija koje u sebi sadrÿe pojedine elemente ovog oblika krimina- liteta: zasnivanje ropskog odnosa i prevoz lica u ropskom odnosu,9 ne- dozvoljen prelaz drÿavne granice,10 posredovanje u vršenju prostituci- je.11 Pored ovih kriviånih dela, bila je moguãa primena i niza drugih in- kriminacija, kao što su otmica, protivpravno lišenje slobode, ubistvo, te- ške telesne povrede, silovanje, ugroÿavanje bezbednosti, pretnja, prinu- 7 Sluÿbeni glasnik SRS br. 26/77; 28/77; 43/77; 20/79; 24/84; 39/86; 51/87; 6/89; 42/89; 21/90, Sluÿbeni glasnik RS br. 16/90; 26/91; 75/91; 9/92; 49/92; 51/92; 23/93; 67/93; 47/94; 17/95; 44/98; 10/02; 11/02 i 80/02, 39/03. 8 Sluÿbeni list SFRJ br. 44/76, 36/77, 34/84, 74/87, 57/89, 3/90, 38/90, 45/90, 54/90, Sluÿbeni list SRJ br. 35/92, 16/93, 31/93, 37/93, 24/94, 61/01, Sluÿbeni glasnik RS br. 39/03. 9 Ålan 155. KZ SRJ, odnosno Osnovnog kriviånog zakona (prema izmenama i dopunama iz aprila 2003. godine, shodno kojima se, izmeðu ostalog, pooštravaju kazne i za ovo kriviåno delo) — Zasnivanje ropskog odnosa i prevoz lica u ropskom odnosu (1) Ko kršeãi pravila meðunarodnog prava stavi drugog u ropski ili njemu sliåan odnos ili ga drÿi u takvom odnosu, kupi, proda, preda drugom licu ili posreduje u kupovini, prodaji ili predaji ovakvog lica ili podstiåe drugoga da proda svoju slobodu ili slobodu lica koje izdrÿava ili se o nje- mu stara, kazniãe se zatvorom najmanje tri godine (ranije rešenje: od jedne do deset godina). (2) Ko prevozi lica koja se nalaze u ropskom ili njemu sliånom odnosu iz jedne zemlje u dru- gu, kazniãe se zatvorom od jedne do deset godine (ranije rešenje: od šest meseci do pet godina). (3) Ko delo iz st. 1. i 2. ovog ålana uåini prema maloletnom licu, kazniãe se zatvorom do jed- ne godine. 10 Ålan 249. KZ SRJ, sada Osnovnog kriviånog zakona — Nedozvoljen prelaz drÿavne gra- nice (1) Ko bez propisane dozvole preðe ili pokuša da preðe granicu SRJ u organizovanoj grupi, naoruÿan ili upotrebom nasilja, kazniãe se zatvorom do jedne godine. (2) Ko se bavi nedozvoljenim prebacivanjem drugih lica preko granice SRJ ili ko iz koristolju- blja omoguãuje drugom nedozvoljeni prelaz granice, kazniãe se zatvorom od tri meseca do godinu dana. 11 Ålan 251. KZ RS — Posredovanje u vršenju prostitucije (1) Ko vrbuje, navodi, podstiåe ili namamljuje ÿenska lica na prostituciju ili ko na bilo koji naåin uåestvuje u predaji ÿenskog lica drugome radi vršenja prostitucije, kazniãe se zatvorom od tri meseca do pet godina. (2) Ako je delo iz stava 1 ovog ålana izvršeno prema maloletnom ÿenskom licu ili upotrebom sile, pretnje ili obmane, uåinilac ãe se kazniti zatvorom od jedne do deset godina.

13 da i tako dalje, što se ipak pokazalo kao nedovoljno jer su sva ta dela samo fragmentarne inkriminacije, a njihova primena ne predstavlja ade- kvatno reagovanje na trgovinu ljudima kao povezano vršenje više razli- åitih kriviånih dela. Meðutim, åak ni odredbe koje su mogle da se pri- mene u sluåajevima trgovine, a koje su napred navedene, gotovo da se nisu ni primenjivale u praksi, pa je tamna brojka kriminaliteta ovde bila veoma izraÿena. Upravo zbog toga su proteklih godina åinjeni veliki napori u zala- ganju za odgovarajuãe izmene kriviånog zakonodavstva, izmeðu osta- log i u smislu uvoðenja posebne inkriminacije.12 Ti napori su urodili plodom kada je 11. aprila 2003. godine usvojen amandman na Predlog Zakona o izmenama i dopunama Kriviånog zakona RS, pa je u Kriviå- ni zakon Republike Srbije uneto kriviåno delo trgovine ljudima (ålan 111b),13 koje glasi:

(1) Ko silom ili pretnjom, dovoðenjem u zabludu ili odrÿavanjem u zabludi, zloupotrebom ovlašãenja, poverenja, odnosa zavisnosti ili te- ških prilika drugog: vrbuje, prevozi, prebacuje, predaje, prodaje, kupu- je, posreduje u predaji ili prodaji, sakriva ili drÿi drugo lice, a u cilju sti- canja neke koristi, eksploatacije njegovog rada, vršenja kriminalne de- latnosti, prostitucije ili prosjaåenja, upotrebe u pornografske svrhe, radi oduzimanja dela tela za presaðivanje ili radi korišãenja u oruÿanim su- kobima, kazniãe se zatvorom od jedne do deset godina. (2) Ako je delo iz stava 1. ovog ålana uåinjeno prema više lica, ot- micom, prilikom vršenja sluÿbene duÿnosti, u okviru kriminalne organi- zacije, na naroåito svirep ili na naroåito poniÿavajuãi naåin ili je nastupi- 12 S tim u vezi trebalo bi spomenuti aktivnosti Viktimološkog društva Srbije koje je, u okviru projekta „Novi model zakonskih rešenja o trgovini ljudima", izradilo predlog izmena i dopuna re- levantnih saveznih i republiåkih propisa u cilju obezbeðivanja kaÿnjavanja uåinilaca trgovine ljudi- ma i zaštite ÿrtava (Kriviånog zakona RS, Zakonika o kriviånom postupku, Zakona o prekršajima, Zakona o kretanju i boravku stranaca), åiji deo je i predlog novog kriviånog dela u formi sliånoj onoj koja je usvojena kao amandman na Predlog Zakona o izmenama i dopunama Kriviånog zako- na RS. Više o tome u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Mrviã-Petroviã, N., Škuliã, M., Ãopiã, S. (2002) Novi model zakonskih rešenja o trgovini ljudskim biãima, Beograd: Viktimološko društvo Srbije [neobja- vljeno]. 13 Na ovom mestu trebalo bi ukazati na to da je kriviåno delo trgovine ljudima prvo uneto u Kriviåni zakon Crne Gore (ålan 201a), i to Zakonom o izmenama i dopunama KZ Crne Gore od ju- na 2002. godine. Shodno ovoj odredbi, trgovina ljudima predstavlja sakupljanje, prevoz, prenos ili prihvat lica, upotrebom sile, pretnje, obmane ili drugog sredstva, u cilju radne ili seksualne eksplo- atacije ÿrtve. Pored toga, predviða se kaÿnjavanje i za prevoz ÿrtava trgovine iz jedne zemlje u drugu, organizovanje izvršenja ovog kriviånog dela, kao i korišãenje ili obezbeðivanje seksualnih usluga lica koje je ÿrtva trgovine. Kao kvalifikatorne okolnosti predviðene su: maloletstvo (14—18 godina), odnosno sluåaj kada je delo izvršeno prema detetu (licu ispod 14 godina), nastupanje te- ških telesnih povreda ili smrti. Zanimljivo rešenje koje sadrÿi ovaj Zakon, a koje je usmereno na presecanje lanaca trgovine ljudima, jeste kaÿnjavanje za svaku protivpravnu radnju u vezi sa do- kumentima ÿrtve trgovine, tj. kaÿnjavanje za uništavanje i zadrÿavanje liåne karte, pasoša ili dru- gog identifikacionog dokumenta ÿrtve.

14 la teška telesna povreda, uåinilac ãe se kazniti zatvorom od najmanje tri godine. (3) Ako je delo iz stava 1. ovog ålana uåinjeno prema maloletnom licu, ili je nastupila smrt ošteãenog lica, kazniãe se zatvorom od najma- nje pet godina. (4) Za delo iz stava 1. ovog ålana uåinjeno prema licu koje nije na- vršilo åetrnaest godina, uåinilac ãe se kazniti kaznom propisanom za to delo i kad nije upotrebio silu, pretnju ili neki od drugih navedenih na- åina izvršenja.

Propisana inkriminacija sadrÿi sve elemente kriviånog dela trgovine ljudima kako je to predviðeno meðunarodnopravnim standardima, dok se primenom opštih odredaba Osnovnog kriviånog zakona obezbeðuje kaÿnjavanje za pokušaj i sauåesništvo. Pored predviðanja posebnog kriviånog dela trgovine ljudima, zna- åajna je i izmena i dopuna Kriviånog zakona SRJ (promenjen mu je na- ziv u Osnovni kriviåni zakon) koja se odnosi na ponovno uvoðenje konfiskacije imovine kao posebne vrste kazne. Konfiskacija imovine mo- ÿe se izricati samo kao sporedna kazna, a sastoji se u oduzimanju imo- vine osuðenom licu bez naknade, u granicama propisanim zakonom. Ova kazna se moÿe izreãi kada je uåiniocu kriviånog dela sa elementi- ma organizovanog kriminala izreåena kazna zatvora u trajanju od naj- manje åetiri godine, u šta spada i trgovina ljudima.

II 2. Zakonik o kriviånom postupku

Zakonik o kriviånom postupku14 sadrÿi niz odredaba koje mogu da budu od znaåaja za otkrivanje i dokazivanje kriviånog dela trgovine lju- dima s jedne, i zaštitu ošteãenih, odnosno svedoka, sa druge strane. Kada postoje osnovi sumnje da su lica sama ili sa drugima izvršila kriviåna dela sa elementima organizovanog kriminala,15 meðu kojima se eksplicitno navodi i trgovina ljudima, istraÿni sudija moÿe, na pismeni i obrazloÿeni predlog drÿavnog tuÿioca, narediti nadzor i snimanje tele- fonskih i drugih razgovora ili komunikacija drugim tehniåkim sredstvi- ma i optiåka snimanja tih lica (ålan 232 ZKP). Ove mere odreðuje istra- ÿni sudija obrazloÿenom naredbom, a one mogu trajati najduÿe tri me- seca, uz moguãnost produÿenja za još tri meseca ako postoje vaÿni raz- lozi. Za izvršenje mera nadleÿni su organi unutrašnjih poslova. 14 Sluÿbeni list SRJ 70/2001, 68/2002. 15 Primena ove odredbe moguãa je i kada postoje osnovi sumnje da je izvršeno neko drugo kriviåno delo, i to protiv ustavnog ureðenja ili bezbednosti SRJ ili protiv åoveånosti ili meðunarod- nog prava.

15  U odredbe koje su relevantne za otkrivanje i dokazivanje mogu da se ubroje i pojedine odredbe sadrÿane u odeljku koji nosi naziv Posebne odredbe o postupku za kriviåna dela organizovanog kriminala, koji je unet iz- menama i dopunama ZKP iz decembra 2002. godine. Ova glava sadrÿi posebna pravila za kriviåno gonjenje uåinilaca kriviånih dela organizo- vanog kriminala, za postupak oduzimanja predmeta i imovinske koristi i postupak meðunarodne saradnje u otkrivanju i kriviånom gonjenju uåinilaca kriviånih dela organizovanog kriminala.16 Kao prvo, predviðeno je postojanje ustanove svedoka saradnika, tako da na predlog drÿavnog tuÿioca kao svedok moÿe da se sasluša pripadnik kriminalne organizacije protiv koga je podneta kriviåna prija- va ili se vodi kriviåni postupak za delo organizovanog kriminala, pod uslovom da postoje olakšavajuãe okolnosti na osnovu kojih se prema kriviånom zakonu moÿe osloboditi od kazne ili mu se kazna moÿe ubla- ÿiti, i ako je znaåaj njegovog iskaza za otkrivanje, dokazivanje ili spreåa- vanje drugih kriviånih dela kriminalne organizacije preteÿniji od štetnih posledica kriviånog dela koje je uåinio (ålan 504d ZKP). Ovaj predlog drÿavni tuÿilac moÿe da podnese do završetka glavnog pretresa. Svedok saradnik ne moÿe da bude lice za koje postoji osnovana sumnja da je organizator kriminalne grupe. Svedok saradnik koji je sudu dao iskaz u skladu sa obavezama predviðenim ovim Zakonikom ne moÿe biti go- njen za kriviåno delo organizovanog kriminala za koje se vodi postu- pak. U ovom sluåaju tuÿilac ãe odustati od kriviånog gonjenja svedoka saradnika najkasnije do glavnog pretresa koji se vodi protiv drugih pri- padnika kriminalne organizacije, a sud ãe izreãi presudu kojom se optu- ÿba protiv svedoka saradnika odbija (ålan 504z ZKP). Prilikom sasluša- nja svedoka saradnika javnost je iskljuåena, osim ako veãe, na predlog drÿavnog tuÿioca i uz saglasnost svedoka saradnika, ne odluåi druga- åije. Postojanje ustanove svedoka saradnika moÿe da bude od velikog znaåaja za dokazivanje kriviånog dela trgovine ljudima, jer osobe koje su ukljuåene u lanac trgovine åesto mogu sudu da pruÿe mnogo više 16 Odredbe ove glave ZKP primenjuju se u sluåaju postojanja osnovane sumnje da je izvrše- no kriviåno delo rezultat organizovanog delovanja više od dva lica åiji je cilj vršenje teških kriviå- nih dela radi sticanja dobiti ili moãi. Pored toga, za primenu ovih odredaba neophodno je istovre- meno ispunjenje još najmanje tri od sledeãih uslova: da je svaki ålan kriminalne organizacije imao unapred odreðen zadatak ili ulogu; da je delatnost kriminalne organizacije planirana na duÿe vre- me ili neograniåeno; da se delatnost organizacije zasniva na primeni odreðenih pravila interne kontrole i discipline ålanova; da se delatnost organizacije planira i vrši u meðunarodnim razmera- ma; da se u vršenju delatnosti primenjuju nasilje ili zastrašivanje ili da postoji spremnost za njiho- vu primenu; da se u vršenju delatnosti koriste privredne ili poslovne strukture; da se koristi pranje novca ili nezakonito steåene dobiti; da postoji uticaj organizacije ili njenog dela na politiåku vlast, medije, izvršnu ili sudsku vlast ili na druge društvene ili ekonomske åinioce. Imajuãi sve to u vidu, smatramo da trgovina ljudima predstavlja oblik organizovanog kriminala i da bi odredbe ove glave ZKP trebalo da se primenjuju i u sluåaju trgovine ljudima.

16 informacija o drugim uåesnicima, kao i o samoj kriminalnoj organizaciji, nego same ÿrtve koje ponekada ne znaju gotovo ništa o onima koji ih kupuju, prevoze, prodaju i eksploatišu. Osim toga, ÿrtve su uglavnom uplašene prilikom svedoåenja i pitanje je u kojoj meri, bez drugih obli- ka obezbeðenja, one mogu da daju verodostojan iskaz. Primena ovog instituta vodila bi ujedno i smanjenju sekundarne viktimizacija ÿrtava trgovine, a sam kriviåni postupak bi mogao da se sprovede i u sluåaju da ÿrtve, tj. ošteãeni, nisu dostupni pravosudnim organima. Trgovina ljudima, kao oblik organizovanog kriminala, kriviåno je delo sa jasno izraÿenim lukrativnim karakterom (iako sticanje dobiti nije neophodan uslov za postojanje ovog kriviånog dela), pa praãenje toko- va novca ili druge dobiti steåene njegovim izvršenjem moÿe da posluÿi za otkrivanje i dokazivanje ovog kriviånog dela. S tim u vezi, intere- santna je i odredba kojom je predviðeno da drÿavni tuÿilac moÿe da zahteva da nadleÿni drÿavni organ, bankarska ili druga finansijska orga- nizacija obave kontrolu poslovanja odreðenih lica i da mu dostave do- kumentaciju i podatke koji mogu da posluÿe kao dokaz o kriviånom de- lu ili imovini pribavljenoj kriviånim delom, kao i obaveštenja o sumnji- vim novåanim transakcijama u smislu Konvencije o pranju, traÿenju, zapleni i konfiskaciji prihoda steåenih kriminalom. Pored toga, posebnim odredbama predviðena je moguãnost prime- ne i nekih drugih mera u cilju otkrivanja, dokazivanja ili spreåavanja kriviånog dela organizovanog kriminala (ako to ne bi moglo da se uåini na neki drugi naåin ili bi bilo skopåano sa velikim teškoãama) i to: pru- ÿanje simulovanih poslovnih usluga, sklapanje simulovanih pravnih po- slova i angaÿovanje prikrivenih islednika. Ove mere izvršavaju organi unutrašnjih poslova, koji istraÿnom sudiji ili drÿavnom tuÿiocu dosta- vljaju izveštaj, prilaÿuãi svu drugu dokumentaciju fotografskog, video, audio ili elektronskog zapisa i druge dokaze koji su prikupljeni. Prikri- veni islednik se moÿe saslušati kao svedok u postupku, ali se njegov identitet štiti. Sledeãa odredba iz ovog odeljka koja moÿe biti od znaåaja jeste da se iskazi i obaveštenja koja drÿavni tuÿilac prikupi u pretkriviånom po- stupku mogu koristiti kao dokaz u kriviånom postupku, ali se sudska odluka ne moÿe zasnivati samo na njima. I ova odredba moÿe da bude znaåajna u sluåajevima trgovine ljudima jer moÿe da spreåi sekundarnu viktimizaciju ÿrtava usled pojavljivanja na glavnom pretresu, ukoliko u konkretnom sluåaju postoje i drugi dokazi osim njihovih iskaza kao svedoka. Time se dolazi do druge grupe odredaba koje su od znaåaja za zaštitu ÿrtava, odnosno svedoka u kriviånom postupku. U pogledu moguãnosti zaštite ošteãenog, odnosno svedoka u kri- viånom postupku, relevantno je nekoliko odredaba Zakonika o kriviå-

17 nom postupku.17 Kao prvo to je ålan 102 st. 4. kojim se predviða da se prilikom saslušanja maloletnog lica, naroåito ako je ono ošteãeno kriviå- nim delom, postupa obazrivo kako saslušanje ne bi štetno uticalo na psihiåko stanje maloletnika. Kada je potrebno, saslušanje maloletnog li- ca moÿe da se obavi uz pomoã pedagoga ili drugog struånog lica. Ova- kva odredba ima za cilj da spreåi sekundarnu viktimizaciju, ali bi njenu primenu trebalo proširiti i na druge ostetljive kategorije svedoka, što bi svakako trebalo da obuhvati i ÿrtve trgovine ljudima. Potom, ålanom 292 predviðeno je da od otvaranja zasedanja pa do završetka glavnog pretresa veãe moÿe u svako doba, po sluÿbenoj du- ÿnosti ili po predlogu stranaka, ali uvek po njihovom saslušanju, isklju- åiti javnost za ceo glavni pretres ili jedan njegov deo ako je to, izmeðu ostalog, potrebno radi zaštite liånog ili porodiånog ÿivota okrivljenog ili ošteãenog. Osim toga, ålanom 261 predviðeno je da iz istog ovog razlo- ga (izmeðu ostalih koji su Zakonikom propisani) sluÿbeno lice koje preduzima istraÿnu radnju moÿe narediti licima koja saslušava ili koja prisustvuju istraÿnim radnjama ili razgledaju spise istrage da åuvaju kao tajnu odreðene åinjenice ili podatke koje su tom prilikom saznala, uz ukazivanje da je odavanje tajne kriviåno delo. Znaåajnu novinu u ZKP predstavlja odredba o zaštiti svedoka i ošteãenog, kojom se predviða da je sud duÿan da svedoka i ošteãenog zaštiti od uvrede, pretnje i svakog drugog napada (ålan 109 st. 1), a uåe- snika postupka ili drugo lice koje pred sudom vreða svedoka ili ošteãe- nog, preti mu ili ugroÿava njegovu bezbednost, sud ãe opomenuti ili novåano kazniti. U sluåaju nasilja ili ozbiljne pretnje, sud je duÿan da o tome obavesti drÿavnog tuÿioca radi preduzimanja kriviånog gonjenja (ålan 109 st. 2). Osim toga, predviðena je moguãnost posebne policijske zaštite svedoka ili ošteãenog. Naime, na predlog istraÿnog sudije ili predsednika veãa, predsednik suda ili drÿavni tuÿilac moÿe da zahteva da organi unutrašnjih poslova preduzmu posebne mere fiziåke zaštite svedoka i ošteãenog. Ove mere nisu specifikovane u ZKP, pa je njihova konkretizacija moguãa na daleko efikasniji naåin, kroz unošenje kon- kretnih oblika zaštite u pravila sluÿbe organa unutrašnjih poslova, od- nosno druge interne akte tog tipa, pri åemu ãe i sama praksa ukazati na moguãe oblike realne zaštite.18 Posebnim odredbama o postupku u sluåaju kriviånih dela organi- zovanog kriminala predviðeno je da drÿavni tuÿilac moÿe da odredi da se odreðenom svedoku, svedoku saradniku i ålanovima njihove uÿe po- rodice obezbedi posebna zaštita, pri åemu ni ove mere zaštite nisu pre- cizirane Zakonikom o kriviånom postupku. 17 Više o tome u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Mrviã-Petroviã, N., Škuliã, M., Ãopiã, S. (2002) op. cit., str. 19—20. 18 Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Mrviã-Petroviã, N., Škuliã, M., Ãopiã, S. (2002) op. cit., str. 19.

18  Imajuãi sve ovo u vidu, zapaÿa se intencija zakonodavca da ide u korak sa savremenim tendencijama što je, u izvesnoj meri, došlo do iz- raÿaja i u novom ZKP, naroåito u pogledu moguãnosti primene novih radnji i tehnika za otkrivanje i dokazivanje kriviånih dela organizova- nog kriminala. Sa druge strane, uoåava se pokušaj da se ide i u pravcu pruÿanja bolje zaštite ošteãenim i svedocima, iako još uvek nema sazna- nja u kojoj meri se odgovarajuãe odredbe u praksi i primenjuju. Ali, i pored toga, moÿe se reãi da još uvek ne postoji jasna koncepcija zaštite ÿrtava i svedoka, što je prepreka uspešnom i efikasnom voðenju kriviå- nog postupka, posebno kada se radi o posebno osetljivim kategorijama ÿrtava, poput dece, ÿrtava trgovine ljudima, seksualnih delikata i nasilja u porodici.

II 3. Zakon o organizaciji i nadleÿnosti drÿavnih organa u suzbijanju organizovanog kriminala

Zakonom o organizaciji i nadleÿnosti drÿavnih organa u suzbijanju organizovanog kriminala19 regulišu se obrazovanje, nadleÿnost i ovla- šãenja posebnih jedinica drÿavnih organa kako bi se obezbedilo efika- sno otkrivanje i kriviåno gonjenje uåinilaca kriviånih dela koja su pred- viðena ovim zakonom. Za postupanje u konkretnim predmetima predviða se nadleÿnost posebnog odeljenja za suzbijanje organizovanog kriminala, tj. specijal- nog tuÿilaštva u okviru Okruÿnog javnog tuÿilaštva u Beogradu. Speci- jalnim tuÿilaštvom rukovodi specijalni tuÿilac, koga, na period od dve godine, uz saglasnost u pisanoj formi, postavlja Republiåki javni tuÿilac. Ovim Zakonom se predviða osnivanje posebne sluÿbe za suzbijanje or- ganizovanog kriminala pri Ministarstvu unutrašnjih poslova, koja po- stupa po zahtevu Specijalnog tuÿioca, a u skladu sa zakonom. Na zah- tev Specijalnog tuÿioca ili ove posebne Sluÿbe pri MUP-u RS, svi drÿav- ni organi i organizacije duÿni su da bez odlaganja omoguãe upotrebu svakog tehniåkog sredstva kojim raspolaÿu. Takoðe, oni treba da obez- bede blagovremeno odazivanje svakog svog pripadnika, odnosno zapo- slenog, ukljuåujuãi i starešine organa ili organizacije, radi davanja oba- veštenja i saslušanja osumnjiåenog ili svedoka. Pored toga, treba bez odlaganja da predaju Sluÿbi i svaki pismeni ili drugi dokaz koji posedu- ju, ili na drugi naåin saopšte informacije koje mogu pomoãi u rasvetlja- vanju kriviånih dela predviðenih ovim Zakonom (ålan 11). U pogledu stvarne nadleÿnosti sudova, predviðeno je da ãe u pred- metima kriviånih dela predviðenih ovim Zakonom u prvom stepenu 19 Sluÿbeni glasnik RS br. 42/02, 27/03, 39/03, 67/03.

19 postupati Okruÿni sud u Beogradu, unutar kojeg je obrazovano Poseb- no odeljenje, dok ãe za odluåivanje u drugom stepenu biti nadleÿan Apelacioni sud u Beogradu. Predsednik Okruÿnog suda, iz redova sudi- ja tog ili drugog suda, postavlja predsednika i sudije ovog Posebnog odeljenja, uz njihovu pisanu saglasnost, na period od dve godine. Ista situacija je i kada se radi o Apelacionom sudu, unutar kojeg se obrazuje Posebno odeljenje za postupanje u ovim predmetima. Ovim Zakonom se takoðe predviða formiranje Posebne pritvorske jedinice u Okruÿnom zatvoru u Beogradu, åiju organizaciju, rad i po- stupanje sa pritvorenicima bliÿe ureðuje Ministar pravosuða, a shodno odredbama Zakonika o kriviånom postupku i Zakona o izvršenju kriviå- nih sankcija. Pod organizovanim kriminalom, u smislu ovog Zakona, podrazu- meva se vršenje kriviånih dela od strane organizovane kriminalne gru- pe, odnosno druge organizovane grupe ili njenih pripadnika, za koja je predviðena kazna zatvora od åetiri godine ili teÿa kazna. Pod organizo- vanom kriminalnom grupom podrazumeva se grupa od tri i više lica koja postoji odreðeno vreme i deluje sporazumno u cilju vršenja jednog ili više kriviånih dela za koja je predviðena kazna zatvora od åetiri godi- ne ili teÿa kazna, radi sticanja, posredno ili neposredno, finansijske ili druge materijalne koristi. Pod drugom organizovanom grupom podra- zumeva se grupa koja nije obrazovana u cilju neposrednog vršenja kri- viånih dela, niti ima tako razvijenu organizacionu strukturu, definisane uloge i kontinuitet ålanstva svojih pripadnika, ali je u funkciji organizo- vanog kriminala. U poreðenju sa definicijom sadrÿanom u okviru posebnih odredbi ZKP o postupku za kriviåna dela organizovanog kriminala, zapaÿa se da je definisanje organizovanog kriminala tj. kriviånih dela sa elemen- tom organizovanog kriminala detaljnije u ZKP jer je, pored uslova koji su sadrÿani i u Zakonu o organizaciji i nadleÿnosti drÿavnih organa u suzbijanju organizovanog kriminala a koji se odnose na organizovano vršenje teÿih kriviånih dela (posmatrano s obzirom na zapreãenu ka- znu) u cilju sticanja dobiti, predviðeno i kumulativno ispunjenje najma- nje tri od nekoliko Zakonikom predviðenih uslova. Meðutim, i ti uslovi su dosta široko postavljani, tako da su, u suštini, obe definicije dovoljno široke da obuhvate sve forme organizovanog kriminala, meðu kojima je i trgovina ljudima. To je posebno vaÿno ako se ima u vidu da se u tom sluåaju odredbe ovih zakona koje su relevatne za otkrivanje i dokaziva- nje kriviånog dela, zaštitu ošteãenih i svedoka, i meðunarodnopravnu pomoã mogu primeniti i u sluåajevima trgovine ljudima. Kada je u pitanju trgovina ljudima, posmatrano sa stanovišta Zako- na o organizaciji i nadleÿnosti drÿavnih organa u suzbijanju organizo-

20 vanog kriminala, od posebnog znaåaja su odredbe koje se odnose na zaštitu svedoka i meðunarodnopravnu pomoã. Ovim Zakonom predviða se moguãnost prinudnog dovoðenja i preventivnog zadrÿavanja lica koje moÿe da pruÿi obaveštenja ili ukaÿe na dokaze o organizovanom kriminalu, a koje moÿe da traje najduÿe 24 sata. Slede odredbe o predlaganju dokaza, pravu na razgledanje spisa, kao i o voðenju zapisnika, i to u pisanoj formi, ali i kao audio zapis koji se u roku od 72 sata transkriptuje i åini sastavni deo pisanog zapisnika. Predviðen je i rok koji se ostavlja veštacima za sprovoðenje veštaåenja i dostavljanje nalaza i mišljenja, åije nepoštovanje povlaåi za sobom odre- ðenu kaznu, što, uz odredbe o trajanju pritvora i sa tim povezane oba- veze suda da donese prvostepenu, odnosno drugostepenu odluku, ima za cilj obezbeðivanje hitnosti postupka. Jedna od najvaÿnijih odredaba odnosi se na svedoka ili ošteãeno li- ce, kojom je predviðeno da ukoliko ova lica nisu u moguãnosti da pri- sustvuju glavnom pretresu, njihovo saslušanje moÿe da se vrši putem video konferencijske veze. Na isti naåin moÿe se sprovesti saslušanje svedoka ili ošteãenog lica i putem meðunarodne kriviånopravne pomo- ãi. Ova odredba je od velikog znaåaja kada se radi o sluåajevima trgovi- ne ljudima jer se izbegava retraumatizacija ošteãenog ili svedoka, do ko- je dolazi zbog pojavljivanja na pretresu i boravka u istoj prostoriji sa optuÿenim, a ujedno se smanjuje njihova sekundarna viktimizacija i stvaraju uslovi za davanje verodostojnog iskaza. Na kraju, na obrazloÿeni predlog zainteresovanog lica sud moÿe doneti odluku o zaštiti liånih podataka svedoka ili ošteãenog, što je ta- koðe u skladu sa standardima koje predviða meðunarodna zajednica.

II 4. Zakoni o prekršajima i Zakon o kretanju i boravku stranaca

Odredbama Zakona o prekršajima kojima se povreðuju savezni propisi20 i Zakona o prekršajima Srbije,21 odnosno Crne Gore22 reguliše se, izmeðu ostalog, sistem prekršajnih sankcija, postupak, status i nadle- ÿnost organa koji rešavaju prekršaje. U drugim zakonima sadrÿane su norme kojima se predviða konkretno ponašanje kao prekršaj (na pri- mer, Zakoni o prekršajima protiv javnog reda i mira koji su doneti i u Srbiji i u Crnoj Gori). 20 Sluÿbeni list SFRJ br. 4/77, 36/77, 20/82, 14/85, 10/86, 74/87, 57/89, 3/90, 35/91, Sluÿbeni list SRJ br. 27/92, 50/93, 24/94, 28/96, 64/01. 21 Sluÿbeni glasnik SRS br. 44/89, Sluÿbeni glasnik RS 21/90, 11/92, 6/93, 20/93, 53/93, 67/93, 28/94, 16/97, 37/97, 36/98, 44/98, Sluÿbeni list SRJ br. 62/02, Sluÿbeni glasnik RS br. 65/01. 22 Sluÿbeni list RCG br. 25/94, 29/94, 38/94, 48/99.

21  U sistemu prekršajnih sankcija posebno je vaÿna zaštitna mera pro- terivanja stranca, odnosno udaljenja sa teritorije Srbije i Crne Gore. Je- dino se za prekršaj iz ålana 106 st. 1. taåka 1. Zakona o kretanju i borav- ku stranaca23 (ako stranac doðe u SiCG kad mu je to zabranjeno po od- redbama ålana 25. istog zakona — a to je kada postoje razlozi za neiz- davanje vize ili turistiåke propusnice) predviða obavezno izricanje za- štitne mere udaljavanja stranca sa teritorije naše drÿave. U svim drugim sluåajevima u kojima se predviða kaÿnjavanje stranaca, radi se o novåa- noj kazni uz koju se fakultativno moÿe izreãi mera proterivanja (o tome kada su ispunjeni zakonski uslovi da se stranac smatra nepoÿeljnim, procenjuje sam sudija za prekršaje, odnosno nadleÿni organ unutra- šnjih poslova). Savezno prekršajno zakonodavstvo i Zakon o kretanju i boravku stranaca trebalo bi izmeniti, odnosno dopuniti, kako bi se omoguãila za- štita ÿrtava trgovine ljudskim biãima. Naime, prema postojeãim propisi- ma, bez obzira da li je stranac ÿrtva trgovine ili ãe kasnije zatraÿiti poli- tiåki azil, on ne moÿe izbeãi prekršajnu odgovornost ako je povredio odredbe Zakona o kretanju i boravku stranaca u pogledu nedozvolje- nog dolaska u zemlju.

II 5. Ocena zakonskih odredbi znaåajnih za kriviåno gonjenje i zaštitu ÿrtava trgovine ljudima u Srbiji

Predviðanje kriviåne odgovornosti za trgovinu ljudima je osnovni preduslov kriviånog gonjenja uåinilaca ovog oblika organizovanog kri- minala. Imajuãi to u vidu, uvoðenjem posebnog kriviånog dela u Kriviå- ni zakon Republike Srbije uåinjen je znaåajan korak u harmonizaciji do- maãeg zakonodavstva sa meðunarodnopravnim standardima, pre svega onim koji su postavljeni Protokolom o prevenciji, suzbijanju i kaÿnjava- nju trgovine ljudima, posebno ÿenama i decom, iz 2000. godine. Pored toga, izmene i dopune Zakonika o kriviånom postupku po- kazuju nameru zakonodavca da ide u korak sa savremenim rešenjima u oblasti borbe protiv organizovanog kriminala. To je posebno došlo do izraÿaja u predviðanju nekih novih instituta (na primer, svedoka sarad- nika) i mera (snimanje lica, pruÿanje simulovanih poslovnih usluga, sklapanje simulovanih pravnih poslova, angaÿovanje prikrivenih isled- nika, praãenje tokova novca i sliåno) koje imaju za cilj otkrivanje, doka- zivanje ili spreåavanje izvršenja kriviånih dela organizovanog kriminala. Dobro rešenje je i ono koje predviða osnivanje posebnih jedinica unutar drÿavnih organa nadleÿnih za postupanje u sluåajevima organi- 23 Sluÿbeni list SFRJ br. 56/80, 53/85, 30/89, 26/90, 53/91, Sluÿbeni list SRJ br. 24/94, 28/96, 68/02.

22 zovanog kriminala, jer se time postiÿe bolja specijalizacija lica koja rade u ovim jedinicama, što moÿe da doprinese efikasnijem i boljem voðenju postupka, ali i veãoj senzibilisanosti u pogledu odnosa prema ošteãeni- ma i svedocima, što je posebno vaÿno kada se radi o ÿrtvama trgovine. Meðutim, ono što je veoma vaÿno da se istakne jeste da sve ove odredbe mogu da naðu svoju primenu u sluåajevima trgovine ljudima samo pod uslovom da se trgovina ljudima od strane nadleÿnih organa zaista i tretira kao oblik organizovanog kriminala. Za uspešnu borbu protiv trgovine ljudima, odnosno kriviåno gonje- nje uåinilaca ovog kriviånog dela, neophodno je predviðanje odgovara- juãe zaštite ošteãenih i svedoka pre, tokom i nakon kriviånog postupka. Kao što se iz prethodnog izlaganja moglo videti, neke moguãnosti zašti- te ošteãenog ili svedoka postoje, ali još uvek nedostaje jasan koncept zaštite ovih lica, naroåito kada se radi o posebno osetljivim kategorijama s obzirom na uzrast, psihofiziåke karakteristike ili vrstu i teÿinu kriviå- nog dela. S tim u vezi, trebalo bi insistirati na daljim izmenama i dopu- nama relevantnih zakona u smislu zaštite ÿrtava od sekundarne viktimi- zacije tokom kriviånog postupka (odgovarajuãa pravila u vezi sa saslu- šanjem, primena tehniåkih sredstava za prenos slike i zvuka i sliåno), ali i nezavisno od njega, i to kroz odlaganje deportacije, davanja dozvole privremenog boravka ÿrtvama trgovine ljudima i obezbeðivanje odgo- varajuãe pomoãi i podršake ovim licima.

23  III Pregled dosadašnjih istraÿivanja i drugih raspoloÿivih podataka o trgovini ljudima u cilju seksualne eksploatacije i eksploatacije rada u Srbiji

Bilo da se posmatra i/ili analizira sa kriminološkog, viktimološkog, kriviånopravnog, psihološkog, moralnog, migracionog ili nekog drugog aspekta, trgovina ljudima predstavlja ozbiljan i sloÿen društveni pro- blem. Utvrðivanje obima i karakteristika trgovine ljudskim biãima je ote- ÿano iz više razloga. Najpre, veoma mali broj ÿrtava obraãa se za pomoã policiji ili nekoj od organizacija za pruÿanje pomoãi ÿrtvama. Osim to- ga, veãina vladinih i nevladinih meðunarodnih organizacija daje razliåi- te podatke o ovoj pojavi, što je posledica nepostojanja objedinjenog si- stema praãenja i analize. Tako na primer, prema izveštaju Ujedinjenih nacija, procenjuje se da svake godine 700.000 ÿena i dece iz celog sveta postanu ÿrtve trgovine ljudima, dok se prema rezultatima švedske ne- vladine organizacije Kvinna till Kvinna procenjuje da oko 500.000 ÿena iz celog sveta svake godine bude trafikovano u Zapadnu Evropu. Me- ðunarodna organizacija za migracije je u svom izveštaju za 1997. godi- nu zabeleÿila da je te godine 175.000 ÿena trafikovano iz Centralne i Is- toåne Evrope i zemalja sa prostora bivšeg Sovjetskog Saveza. Noviji iz- veštaji Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije pokazuju da 120.000 ÿe- na svake godine biva trafikovano u zemlje Evropske unije, uglavnom preko Balkana.24 Najnoviji izveštaji za jugoistoånu Evropu (UNICEF, 2002) ukazuju da åak 90% ÿena, stranih drÿavljanki ukljuåenih u seks industriju na Balkanu, predstavljaju ÿrtve trgovine radi seksualne eks- ploatacije.25 U ovom odeljku biãe dat pregled podataka o trgovini ljudima u Sr- biji kojima raspolaÿu drÿavni organi, nevladine i meðunarodne organi- zacije, kao i pregled rezultata dosadašnjih istraÿivanja. Ovi podaci, pri- kupljani tokom istraÿivanja, mogli bi se smatrati nivoom znanja o trgo- vini ljudima u Srbiji sa kojeg smo krenuli u analizi dobijenih podataka.

24 Limanowska, B. (2002) Trafficking in Human Beings in Southeastern Europe, UNICEF, UNOHCHR, OSCE-ODIHR, str. 4. 25 Kelly, L. (2002) Journeys of Jeopardy: A Review of Research on Trafficking in Women and Chil- dren in Europe, Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit, University of North London, U.K., str. 19.

24  III 1. Trgovina ÿenama

Najveãi broj raspoloÿivih podataka u svetu i kod nas se odnosi na trgovinu ÿenama radi seksualne eksploatacije, jer je ovaj oblik trgovine najåešãi i najuoåljiviji. Kada je reå o Srbiji bez Kosova, ona je iz zemlje destinacije zbog dugogodišnje loše ekonomske situacije postala zemlja tranzita preko ko- je vode kanali iz Moldavije, Ukrajine, Rusije, Rumunije i Bugarske ka Kosovu i Bosni i Hercegovini, i dalje ka zemljama Zapadne Evrope. Be- ograd je postao jedan od glavnih tranzitnih centara za ovo podruåje. Trafikovane ÿene i devojke iz Istoåne Evrope se åuvaju u privatnim ku- ãama, gde su åesto prisiljene da rade kao prostitutke, åekajuãi na odla- zak ka zemljama destinacije, uglavnom ka Italiji i drugim zemljama Za- pada.

III 1.1. Zvaniåni podaci

Neposrednih pokazatelja o trgovini ÿenama je veoma malo. Prema Izveštaju Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Republike Srbije, Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove, u Srbiji je to- kom 2000. godine otkriveno 1260 drÿavljanki iz istoåne Evrope (Rumu- nija, Bugarska, Moldavija, Ukrajina) koje su prešle granicu ili pokušale da ilegalno preðu drÿavnu granicu, a izreåeno je oko 2000 prekršajnih mera i otkaza boravka prema drÿavljankama ovih zemalja koje su zate- åene da rade u ugostiteljskim objektima. U toku 2001. godine je izreåeno 1018 prekršajnih mera i mera otka- za boravka prema drÿavljankama istoånoevropskih zemalja, najåešãe prema drÿavljankama Rumunije, Moldavije, Ukrajine, Bugarske, Beloru- sije i Rusije. Tokom 2002. godine, prilikom kontrole ugostiteljskih obje- kata u kojima su bile radno angaÿovane drÿavljanke iz istoånoevropskih zemalja zateåeno je 423 strane drÿavljanke. Od ukupno navedenog bro- ja stranih drÿavljanki, nakon obavljenih detaljnih razgovora i izvršenih provera za njih 60 je utvrðeno da su bile ÿrtve trgovine ljudima radi seksualne eksploatacije, od åega su 32 drÿavljanke Rumunije, 13 drÿa- vljanki Moldavije, 10 drÿavljanki Ukrajine, åetiri drÿavljanke Rusije i jedna drÿavljanka Bugarske.26 Kada je u pitanju podnošenje kriviånih prijava protiv izvršilaca, to- kom 2000. godine je podneta 41 kriviåna prijava protiv lica koja su uåe- stvovala u ilegalnom prebacivanju ÿena, kao i protiv vlasnika ugostitelj- 26 Izveštaj Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove, Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova Republike Srbije, od 1. 4. 2003.

25 skih objekata. Broj preduzetih mera protiv lica koja uåestvuju u ilegal- nom prebacivanju, dovoðenju, angaÿovanju ili preprodaji stranih drÿa- vljanki je tokom 2001. godine poveãan, pa su tako podnete 72 kriviåne prijave protiv vlasnika ugostiteljskih objekata i lica koja uåestvuju u ile- galnom prebacivanju (u najveãem broju se radilo o drÿavljanima Srbije i Crne Gore). Tokom 2002. godine je podneta 31 kriviåna prijava protiv 47 lica (vlasnika ugostiteljskih objekata i drugih lica), zbog izvršenja 62 kriviåna dela u vezi sa trgovinom ÿenama, od kojih su najåešãe pod- nošene kriviåne prijave zbog posredovanja u vršenju prostitucije (24), zbog protivpravnog lišavanja slobode (11), zbog falsifikovanja isprava (5), kao i zbog izvršenog kriviånog dela otmice (4). Za kriviåno delo za- snivanja ropskog odnosa i prevoza lica u ropskom odnosu iz ål. 155 KZ SRJ podnete su tri kriviåne prijave. U prva tri meseca 2003. godine, prilikom kontrole ugostiteljskih objekata koji su radno angaÿovali drÿavljanke istoånoevropskih zemalja zateåena je 81 strana drÿavljanka. Od ukupno navedenog broja utvrðe- no je da je 21 bila ÿrtva trgovine radi seksualne eksploatacije, od åega je 8 drÿavljanki Moldavije, 7 drÿavljanki Rumunije i 6 drÿavljanki Ukraji- ne. U tom periodu podneto je šest kriviånih prijava protiv 18 lica zbog izvršenja 46 kriviånih dela u vezi sa trgovinom ÿenama, od åega najåe- šãe kriviåne prijave: zbog posredovanja u vršenju prostitucije (13), zbog falsifikovanja isprava (10) i zbog protivpravnog lišenja slobode (8). Zbog zasnivanja ropskog odnosa i prevoza lica u ropskom odnosu podneto je sedam kriviånih prijava.27 Takoðe, tokom akcije „Sablja", zbog kriviånih dela u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima uhapšeno je 30 osoba.28 Prema izveštaju Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova, Sekretarijata u Beogradu, Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove, na podruåju Beograda je u toku 2003. godine identifikovano oko 50 lica, organizatora trgovine ljudima, njihovih pomagaåa i sauåesnika, kao i 23 ÿrtve trgovine, od kojih je 15 ÿena ÿrtava trgovine u cilju seksualne eks- ploatacije (12 iz Moldavije, jedna iz Rumunije i dve iz Ukrajine) i dve drÿavljanke Kine ÿrtve trgovine u cilju radne eksploatacije. Identifikova- no je i 15 stranih drÿavljanki za koje postoji sumnja da su ÿrtve trgovi- ne ljudima, a da su preko teritorije Srbije i Crne Gore prebaåene i pro- date licima u Italiji i Bosni i Hercegovini. Protiv 17 lica podnete su kri- viåne prijave za oko 40 kriviånih dela vezanih za trgovinu ljudima.29 Osim neposrednih pokazatelja o ovom obliku kriminaliteta, prili- kom sagledavanja njegovog obima i rasprostranjenosti neophodno je uzeti u obzir i posredne indikatore koji ukazuju da trgovina ljudima (u 27 Izveštaj Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove od 1. 4. 2003. 28 „Trgovina bedom unosan posao", Politika, 15.10. 2003. 29 Izveštaj Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Sekretarijata u Beogradu, Uprava pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove, od 18. 6. 2003.

26 ovom sluåaju trgovina ÿenama) u Srbiji postoji, veoma åesto dobro sa- krivena iza drugih kriviånih dela ili sociopatoloških pojava (prostitucija, prosjaåenje, rad „na crno", ilegalne migracije i sliåno). Na obim trgovine ÿenama mogu ukazati i sledeãi posredni pokaza- telji. U toku prvih pet meseci 2003. godine na teritoriji grada Beograda privedeno je i registrovano 89 prostitutki. Sve su prekršajno kaÿnjavane po ål. 14 Zakona o javnom redu i miru za odavanje prostituciji. Radnici SUP-a Beograd su otkrili i zatvorili 14 agencija za poslovnu pratnju, a protiv svih vlasnika su podnete kriviåne prijave za kriviåno delo posre- dovanja u vršenju prostitucije iz ål. 251 KZ SRJ.30 Na podruåju Novog Sada je u 2001. godini zateåeno 36 devojaka angaÿovanih kao igaåice, a podneta je jedna kriviåna prijava protiv tri lica, jer se radi o istom objektu, a postupak je još uvek u toku. U pita- nju su 25 Ukrajinki, 6 Moldavki, 4 Rumunke i jedna Bugarka. Tokom 2002. godine, kontrolom objekata koji se bave radnim angaÿovanjem stranih drÿavljanki zateåene su 23 devojke angaÿovane kao igraåice (10 Rumunki, 5 Moldavki, 6 Ukrajinki, dve Ruskinje) u istom lokalu, a na osnovu prijave jedne koja je uspela da pobegne. Podnete su kriviåne prijave protiv dva lica zbog posredovanja u vršenju prostitucije.U prvih šest meseci 2003. godine zateåene su åetiri devojke strane drÿavljanke u lokalima u kojima su dobrovoljno radile.31

III 1.2. Podaci meðunarodnih organizacija

Izveštaj Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije, koji je baziran na intervjuima sa 100 ÿena ÿrtava trgovine radi seksualne eksploatacije, ko- jima je pruÿena pomoã u njihovoj kancelariji u Beogradu u periodu od 1. 1. 2002. do 31. 3. 2003, sadrÿi veãi broj podataka o trgovini ÿenama u Srbiji. Prema podacima iz pomenutog izveštaja, najveãi broj ÿrtava je iz Moldavije (46%), Rumunije (27%), Ukrajine (14%), Srbije i Crne Gore (8%), Rusije (2%) i Belorusije (2%). Najviše ÿena je izjavilo da su bile privuåene laÿnim obeãanjima o poslu u inostranstvu (81%) i turistiåkim aranÿmanima (2%), dok je åak 10% devojaka izjavilo da su kidnapovane i prisiljene na prostituciju. Ÿrtve trgovine dolaze iz svih starosnih gru- pa, najåešãe su stare od 18 do 24 godine (50%), zatim izmeðu 25 i 30 go- dina (27%), ali su meðu njima zastupljene i starosne kategorije od 14 do 17 godina sa 15%, kao i ÿrtve preko 30 godina starosti (6%). 30 Izveštaj Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Sekretarijata u Beogradu, Uprava pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove, od 18. 6. 2003. 31 Podaci Odseka za pograniåne poslove, strance i putne isprave, SUP Novi Sad [neobja- vljeno].

27  Kada je u pitanju obrazovanje, najbrojnija je grupa ÿrtava koje imaju završenu osnovnu školu (45%) i srednje obrazovanje (42%), ali su registrovane i ÿrtve sa višim obrazovanjem (7%), kao i sa univerzitet- skom diplomom (3%). Od 100 ÿrtava kojima je Meðunarodna organizacija za migracije pruÿila pomoã u Beogradu, 15% je izjavilo da je trpelo fiziåko nasilje, a 7% je bilo seksualno zlostavljano u primarnoj porodici. Što se tiåe braå- nog statusa ÿrtvi, 75% je neudato, 11% je razvedeno, isto toliko je uda- to, dok 3% ÿive odvojeno od partnera. Decu ima 33% ispitivanih ÿrtava. Kada je u pitanju odnos ÿrtve i uåinioca (namamljivaåa), uglavnom se u ulozi namamljivaåa javljaju poznanici (64%), stranci (nepoznata li- ca) (5%), prijatelj (17%), mladiã (2%), roðak (1%) i roditelj (1%).32

III 1.3. Podaci nevladinih organizacija

Prema evidenciji nevladine organizacije ASTRA, od 200 poziva pri- mljenih na njihovom SOS info telefonu, u periodu od 1. 7. 2002. godine do 31. 9. 2002, najveãi broj poziva su prijave o nestanku i trgovini ÿena- ma (58%), najåešãe prijavljene od ålanova porodice i roðaka. Ovoj grupi poziva pripadaju i oni u kojima se klijentkinje raspituju za Sklonište, jer su za postojanje istog saznali iz medija. U 10,5% sluåajeva pozivi su se odnosili na agencije za poslovnu pratnju, kada su sa njima u najveãem broju kontaktirale same ÿrtve, koje su se nalazile u situaciji u kojoj stra- huju za svoj ÿivot. Jedan broj klijentkinja se interesovao za rad razliåitih agencija koje posreduju u zapošljavanju, pre svega onih koje se nalaze u inostranstvu (8%), a bilo je i poziva gde klijenkinje traÿe razne infor- macije vezane za druge razloge odlaska u inostranstvo, radi školovanja, turistiåke posete i sl.(1%). Tu su i pozivi gde najåešãe anonimni graðani prijavljuju lokalitete ili saznanja vezana za ÿrtve trgovine (2,5%), kao i pozivi od strane drugih nevladinih organizacija (0,5%). Na SOS info te- lefon se najåešãe javljaju majke (28,5% sluåajeva), zatim oåevi (22%), kli- jentkinje (14%), partneri (12%), roðaci (8,5%), graðani (4,5%), klijenti (3,5%), nevladine organizacije (2,5%), prijatelji (2%), institucije (1,5%) i makroi (0,5%). Od ukupnog broja primljenih poziva u navedenom tro- meseånom periodu (200), samo jedan poziv se odnosio na stranu drÿa- vljanku (iz Moldavije).33 Prema podacima Skloništa za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine radi seksualne eksploatacije, koje postoji od 1. 1. 2002. godine, u njemu je od 14. 2. 32 Izveštaj Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije, Kancelarija u Beogradu, od 31. 3. 2003. [neobjavljeno]. 33 Izveštaj nevladine organizacije ASTRA o radu SOS telefona u periodu jul—septembar 2002. [neobjavljeno].

28 2002, kada je smeštena prva ÿrtva trgovine, do 1.04.2003. godine boravi- lo 79 ÿrtava: iz Moldavije (32), Rumunije (21), Ukrajine (15), Jugoslavije (8) i Rusije (3).34

III 1.4. Rezultati dosadašnjih istraÿivanja

Do sada je u vezi sa trgovinom ÿenama u Srbiji sprovedeno samo nekoliko istraÿivanja. Tokom 1999. godine Nikoliã-Ristanoviã35 je sprovela istraÿivanje uti- caja promena u svakodnevnom ÿivotu, vezanih za tranziciju i rat, na nasilje nad ÿenama (nasilje u porodici i trgovina ÿenama u cilju seksual- ne eksploatacije) u Bugarskoj, Makedoniji, Maðarskoj i Srbiji. Prikuplja- nje podataka je izvršeno upotrebom etnografskog multimetoda, pri åe- mu su podaci o trgovini ÿenama prikupljani putem intervjua sa ÿenama i muškarcima iz opšte populacije, sa struånjacima i aktivistkinjama ne- vladinih organizacija, iz natpisa u štampi i sa interneta, kao i iz razliåi- tih izveštaja i drugih objavljenih i neobjavljenih materijala. Podaci veza- ni za Srbiju pokazali su da je 1990-ih godina Srbija bila prvenstveno ze- mlja tranzita i privremene destinacije, a u manjoj meri i zemlja porekla ÿrtava trgovine, kao i da je trgovina ÿenama u Srbiji u najveãoj meri uslovljena otvaranjem granica zemalja Istoåne i Centralne Evrope, utica- jem etniåkih sukoba i ukupnom militarizacijom regiona, a u manjoj me- ri (blokiranom) tranzicijom u samoj Srbiji. Identifikovane su tri grupe faktora koji utiåu na viktimizaciju ÿena na jednoj, i vršenje kriviånog dela od strane kako muškaraca, tako i ÿena, na drugoj strani, i to: 1. Makrosocijalni faktori (trÿište i ratna ekonomija, ekspanzija seks industrije, ekonomske promene u svakodnevnom ÿivotu ljudi i prome- ne vezane za rat, poveãavanje razlika izmeðu bogatih i siromašnih ze- malja i poveãano prisustvo vojske); 2. Psihološki i psihosocijalni faktori:

a) Poveãana izloÿenost ÿena viktimizaciji usled psihološkog stanja izazvanog nasiljem u porodici i seksualnim nasiljem, beskuãništvo, poro- diåni problemi, migracije izazvane ratom, ekonomski i sliåni problemi, ni- sko samopoštovanje, nezaposlenost, društvena izolovanost i marginalizo- vanost, narkomanija; b) Nezaposlenost i siromaštvo kao faktori koji utiåu na ukljuåivanje muškaraca i ÿena u lanac trgovine ljudima na strani izvršilaca ili njihovih (legalnih) pomagaåa;

34 Podaci iz evidencije Skloništa za ÿrtve trgovine. 35 Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V. (2002) Social change, gender and violence: Post-communist and war affec- ted societies, Dordrecht/Boston/London: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

29  3. Kulturni faktori i rodna socijalizacija. Identifikovani faktori mogu biti korisni kao polazna osnova za ob- jašnjenje trgovine ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije u postkomuni- stiåkim zemljama pogoðenim ratom, u koje spada i Srbija. Nevladina organizacija Beogradska pomoã eksploatisanoj deci i omla- dini (Beosupport) je, u okviru projekta koji se odnosio na borbu protiv seksualnog zlostavljanja dece i omladine, sprovela terensko istraÿivanje seksualne eksploatacije ÿena u Srbiji, ukljuåujuãi i trgovinu ÿenama. Is- traÿivanjem je obuhvaãeno 58 ispitanica koje se bave prostitucijom, koje su kao razloge ulaska u „posao" navele svesno prihvatanje profesije prostitutke u 87% sluåajeva (iz egzistencijalnih razloga ili zbog oåekiva- ne zarade i napuštanja svoje zemlje), dok je 13% ispitanica izjavilo da su bile prisiljene ili prevarene. Ispitanice su veãinom (58%) bile stranki- nje, uglavnom Moldavke, Ukrajinke i drÿavljanke zemalja bivše Jugosla- vije (9%), ali i drÿavljanke SRJ (33%). Veãina anketiranih devojaka ima izmeðu 18 i 26 godina (89%), dok je svega 11% ispitanica izjavilo da ima preko 26 godina. Kada je reå o obrazovanju ÿrtava, 84% ispitanica ima srednje obrazovanje, 11% su visoko obrazovane, a svega 5% ima osnovno obrazovanje.36 Nevladina organizacija ASTRA je tokom 2002. godine obavila istra- ÿivanje pod nazivom „Trgovina ÿenama — naša stvarnost ili problem drugih", koje se odnosilo na ispitivanje stavova beogradske srednjoškol- ske i studentske populacije u vezi sa problemom trgovine ÿenama. Upitnikom je obuhvaãeno 173 ispitanika oba pola i to 91 srednjoškolac i 82 studenta. Skoro svi ispitanici su åuli za pojavu trgovine ÿenama, pri åemu 78% smatra da je trgovina ÿenama prisutna u našoj zemlji. Najve- ãi deo ispitanika (91,9%) ne poznaje liåno nijednu ÿenu koja je bila ÿr- tva trgovine. Kada su u pitanju stavovi o krivici, odnosno udelu ÿena u sopstvenoj trgovini, oko polovina (48,6%) nije sigurna da li su ÿene kri- ve za situaciju u kojoj su se našle, dok åak 39,9% smatra da ÿene ÿrtve trgovine nisu krive za ono što im se dogodilo. Skoro 60% ispitivane po- pulacije je mišljenja da ÿrtve ne treba da odgovaraju pred zakonom, dok skoro svi ispitanici misle da organizatori treba da odgovaraju pred zakonom. Kada su u pitanju klijenti, odnosno korisnici usluga ÿena koje se pod prinudom i pretnjom bave prostitucijom, radom u kuãi i sl., 39,9% ispitanika smatra da oni treba da odgovaraju pred zakonom, 34,1% nije sigurno da li i te osobe treba zakonski kazniti, dok 24,9% is- pitanika smatra da klijente ne treba kazniti.37 36 Dimåevska, A., Jankoviã, I. (2003) Trgovina ljudima izbliza, Beograd: Beosupport, str. 34—37. 37 ASTRA (2002) Istraÿivanje „Trgovina ÿenama — naša stvarnost ili problem drugih, stavovi beogradske srednjoškolske i studentske populacije u vezi sa problemom trgovine ÿenama" [neobja- vljeno].

30  U cilju osmišljavanja efikasne strategije za prevenciju, suzbijanje i spreåavanje pojave trgovine ljudima, nevladina organizacija „Catholic Relief Services (CRS)" je tokom 2003. godine sprovela istraÿivanje „Fak- tori rizika i zaštite — trgovina Romkinjama i romskom decom", koje je obuhvatilo ispitivanje uslova ÿivota onih društvenih grupa koje su pod posebnim rizikom i u tom smislu su izdvojili Rome kao najranjiviji deo populacije. U ispitivanju javnog mnjenja ciljna grupa su bili ukupno stanovništvo (domaãinstva) u Srbiji, preko 18 godina (644 ispitanika), graðani romske nacionalnosti (610 ispitanika) i raseljeni Romi (100), a is- traÿivanje je obavljeno na teritoriji Beograda, Vojvodine i centralne Srbi- je. Na osnovu ispitivanja dobijeni su sledeãi rezultati: veãina graðana Srbije smatra da Romi predstavljaju najugroÿeniji deo populacije kada je u pitanju trgovina ljudima. Åak 55% graðana Srbije smatra da, kada su u pitanju drÿavljani Srbije, Romi predstavljaju najåešãe ÿrtve trgovi- ne ljudima. Sami Romi su u 50% sluåajeva naveli sopstvenu naciju kao najugroÿeniju, dok su Romi raseljeni sa Kosova sebe videli kao najugro- ÿenije u 71% sluåajeva. Graðani Srbije su svesni prisustva trgovine lju- dima, 23% je spontano pomenulo trgovinu ljudima meðu oblicima kri- minala koji su im prvi pali na pamet, a samo 4% ispitivane populacije je izjavilo da im taj oblik kriminaliteta nije poznat. Meðutim, sliku koju graðani Srbije imaju o navedenoj pojavi nije moguãe uporediti sa poda- cima o samoj pojavi, jer oni prosto ne postoje. Nijedna drÿavna institu- cija, nevladina organizacija, niti meðunarodna organizacija ne raspolaÿu relevantnim podacima o trgovini Romkinjama i romskom decom.38 Na teritoriji Niša je 2002. godine, u okviru projekta „Informativna anti-sex trafficking kampanja", obavljeno istraÿivanje åiji je osnovni cilj bio da se ispita opšta informisanost stanovništva o tome šta je trgovina ljudskim biãima, koliko je ona rasprostranjena, da li postoji u Nišu, u åemu se sastoji, kako treba preventivno delovati i kako pomoãi ÿrtvama. Istraÿivanje je izvršeno anketiranjem na uzorku od 1200 ispitanika sa te- ritorije Niša, koji se sastojao iz dva poduzorka. Prvi poduzorak je åinilo 1000 ispitanika oba pola, radno sposobnih, uzrasta 16—40 godina i razli- åitih nacionalnosti, dok je drugi poduzorak obuhvatio 200 osoba ÿen- skog pola mlaðih od 30 godina, tzv. riziåne grupe, od kojih su polovinu åinile Romkinje. Na osnovu rezultata istraÿivanja utvrðeno je da 87 ispi- tanika iz prvog poduzorka (1000) poznaje liåno neku ÿenu koja je bila prinuðena da krade, 78 zna za sluåaj kada je neka ÿena bila prinuðena da prosi, 38 ispitanika zna za neku ÿenu koja se bavi prostitucijom pro- tiv svoje volje, 35 ispitanika zna za brak zakljuåen pod prinudom, 34 zna da je neka ÿena prodata da bi radila i 16 ispitanika zna za prinudno 38 Chatolic Releif Services (CSR) „Faktori rizika i zaštite — trgovina Romkinjama i romskom decom" [neobjavljeno].

31 snimanje porno materijala. Meðutim, åak 855 ispitanika (od 1000 ispita- nika iz prvog poduzorka) nema nikakvog neposrednog iskustva sa trgo- vinom, niti poznaje ijednu ÿrtvu. Više od polovine ispitanika (581) je za razliåite oblike trgovine saznalo iz medija. Jedan deo istraÿivanja sasto- jao se u ispitivanju stavova ispitanika o pojavi trgovine ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, gde åak 39,2% ispitanika ima stav okrivljavanja ÿrtve sa jedne strane i opravdavanja osoba koje uåestvuju u seksualnoj eksploataciji ÿena bilo kao organizatori, bilo kao klijenti koji koriste nji- hove usluge. Drugi deo istraÿivanja, anketiranje ispitanica tzv. riziåne grupe, dao je sledeãe rezultate: samo 7,4% devojaka je odgovorilo da bi bez razmišljanja iskoristilo priliku da na lak naåin doðe do zarade, dok je više od dve treãine ispitanica odgovorilo da bi takvu ponudu odbaci- le bez razmišljanja.39

III 2. Trgovina decom

Procene meðunarodnih organizacija o rasprostranjenosti prisilnog rada i trgovine decom su zastrašujuãe. Meðunarodna organizacija rada (MOR) procenjuje da:

— 246 miliona zaposlene dece ima izmeðu 5 i 17 godina, — 179 miliona dece radi najteÿe poslove, — 111 miliona dece ispod 15 godina radi opasne poslove, — 8,4 miliona dece je obuhvaãeno trgovinom decom i u tom smi- slu prisiljeno na razliåite oblike rada, uåestvovanje u oruÿanim suko- bima, prisiljeno na prostituciju, pornografiju i druge nezakonite aktiv- nosti, — oko 30.000 dece vojnika je ukljuåeno u preko 30 konfliktnih podruåja širom sveta. Neki su mlaði i od 10 godina. Deåaci uglavnom direktno uåestvuju u ratnim dejstvima, dok su devojåice prisiljene na prostituciju ili pak postaju „ÿene vojnika".40

Prema procenama Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije, pribli- ÿno 12% od ukupnog broja trafikovanih osoba åine deca.41 Trgovina decom radi seksualne eksploatacije je dugi niz godina bila „rezervisana" za podruåje Jugoistoåne Azije: Tajland, Singapur, Indone- ziju, gde su devojåice prodavane još kao male bebe, a zatim korišãene 39 Konstantinoviã-Viliã, S., Petrušiã, N., Ÿuniã, N. (2002) Sex trafficking — Putevi seksualne ek- ploatacije ÿena, Niš: Ÿenski izdavaåki centar za edukaciju i komunikaciju, str. 26—31. 40 http://www.antislavery.org/homepage/antislavery/child labour.htm*how. 41 IOM Kosovo (2002) Return and Reintegration Project, Situation Report, February 2000— December 2002.

32 za seksualnu eksploataciju. Procenjuje se da oko 30% svih „seks radni- ca" u Indoneziji åine deca uzrasta ispod 18 godina, koja se mogu videti po javnim parkovima, ulicama, plaÿama, diskotekama, ali i u bordelima, hotelima i sliåno.42 Poslednjih godina se meðutim, kao i kod ostalih ob- lika trgovine ljudskim biãima teÿište trgovine decom sve više pomera ka istoånoevropskim zemljama, odnosno istoånoevropske zemlje postaju glavne „izvoznice" dece u zemlje Zapadne Evrope, posebno Italiju, Grå- ku, na Kipar itd. Kao najveãa „izvoznica" dece ÿrtava trgovine posled- njih godina se pojavljuje Albanija.43 Podruåje Balkana se, kada je u pita- nju trgovina decom, pojavljuje åesto i kao tranzitno, mada se zbog na- vedenih promena koje su se poslednjih godina javile na ovim prostori- ma (rat i militarizacija regiona) odreðene zemlje javljaju i kao zemlje destinacije (Kosovo, Bosna i Hercegovina). Poseban oblik trgovine decom predstavlja trgovina bebama. Svake godine desetine Bugarki (najviše Romkinja) i Albanki raða decu da bi ih prodale. Naime, ÿene u poodmakloj trudnoãi se uz pomoã „posrednika" poraðaju u Gråkoj i tamo se novoroðenåe predaje buduãim roditeljima iz Zapadne Evrope, najåešãe iz Nemaåke, a majka dobija unapred dogo- vorenu isplatu. Ono što je posebno ciniåno kada je u pitanju ovaj oblik trgovine decom je što se uglavnom obavlja uz pomoã lekara i advokata. U junu 2002. godine je gråka policija razotkrila kriminalnu grupu ume- šanu u trgovinu bugarskom decom. Tokom istrage je ustanovljeno da se dete na crnom trÿištu prodaje za sumu od 1500 do 15.000 evra.44

III 2.1. Podaci o trgovini decom

Kada je u pitanju trgovina decom, zvaniånih podataka je još manje nego za trgovinu ÿenama, pa je „skrivenost" u ovoj oblasti daleko veãa nego kod ostalih oblika trgovine ljudima. Prema Izveštaju pograniåne policije Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslo- va Republike Srbije, u 2002. godini je u ukupnom broju identifikovanih ÿena ÿrtava trgovine bilo tri maloletnice, a u prva tri meseca 2003. godi- ne dve maloletne osobe od ukupno 23 ÿene ÿrtve trgovine.45 Radnici SUP-a Beograd su na aerodromu Suråin — Beograd otkrili pokušaj trgovine decom kada je maloletna M. A. iz Opova spreåena da 42 http://www.treda.org/research/r00010101.html. 43 Lesko, V., Avdulaj, E. (2002) „The girls and the Trafficking" — Research on the trafficking in human beings for the year 2002, str. 7. 44 Vidi: „Deca Balkana", periodiåno izdanje „Search for common Ground", str. 8—10. Ovo izdanje je deo regionalnog projekta „Mostovi za novi Blakan". Izdanje za Srbiju se priprema i di- stribuira u saradnji sa dnevnim listom Danas, mart 2003. 45 Izveštaj Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove, Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova, Sekretarijat u Beogradu, od 18. 6. 2003.

33 napusti teritoriju Srbije i Crne Gore sa falsifikovanom putnom ispravom Bugarske. Protiv njene majke je podneta kriviåna prijava nadleÿnom tu- ÿilaštvu zbog kriviånog dela iz ål. 155 st. 3 KZ SRJ. Maloletna M. A. je smeštena u Prihvatilište za decu i omladinu u Beogradu, a potom pre- data socijalnom radniku iz Centra za socijalni rad Kovaåica — Odeljenje u Opovu.46 Kada je u pitanju trgovina decom, osim neposrednih pokazatelja, neophodno je uzeti u obzir i zvaniåne podatke o posrednim indikatori- ma koji mogu posluÿiti kao paravan za ovaj teÿak oblik organizovanog kriminala (podaci u vezi sa seksualnom eksploatacijom, maloletniåkim brakovima, prisilnim radom i radom „na crno"). U 1999. godini u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori su 34 osobe optuÿene, a 31 oso- ba je osuðena za kriviåno delo prisiljavanja na seksualne odnose lica is- pod 14 godina starosti. Sliåna situacija je bila i 2000, kada je za ista kri- viåna dela optuÿeno 28, a kaÿnjeno 26 osoba, kao i 2001, tokom koje je 34 osoba optuÿeno, a 29 kaÿnjeno. U 2001.godini 1,7% deåaka izmeðu 15 i 19 godina je stupilo u maloletniåki brak, dok je kod devojåica taj procenat viši i iznosi 13,6% 47(reå je o legalno sklopljenim brakovima).48 U toku 2002. godine je na podruåju Novog Pazara registrovano 38 dece koja su bila prisiljena na rad.49 Kada su u pitanju podaci meðunarodnih i domaãih nevladinih or- ganizacija, u izveštaju Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije u Beogra- du za period od 1. 1. 2002. do 31. 3. 2003. godine zabeleÿeno je da je njihova kancelarija u Beogradu ukljuåila u IOM-ov program reintegraci- je 15 maloletnih ÿenskih osoba ÿrtava trgovine (uglavnom ÿrtve trgovi- ne decom radi seksualne eksploatacije). Prema podacima Skloništa za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine u periodu od 14. 2. 2002. godine do 24. 3. 2003. u Skloništu su boravile tri maloletnice — ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama radi seksualne eksploatacije, od kojih je jedna devojka (17) iz Srbije, kojom je trgovano unutar drÿave, dok su dve de- vojke (16) iz Rumunije a seksualno su eksploatisane na teritoriji naše zemlje.50 Osim veoma oskudnih podataka o trgovini decom, valja istaãi da do sada na teritoriji Srbije nije uraðeno nijedno istraÿivanje pojave trgo- 46 Izveštaj Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove, Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova, Sekretarijat u Beogradu, od 18. 6. 2003. 47 Information on the Implementation of Resolutions 2001/14 and 2002/27 of the Sub-Commi- sion on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights (Contemporary Forms of Slavery, Traffic in Persons and Prostitution), str. 4—5. 48 Maloletniåki brakovi mogu biti posredan indikator koji ukazuje ne moguãu trgovinu de- com radi sklapanja braka, koja je karakteristiåna za romsku populaciju. 49 Podaci Odseka za strance SUP Novi Pazar [neobjavljeno]. 50 Prema reåima Vesne Stanojeviã, koordinatorke Skloništa za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine, navedene tri devojke su bile maloletne dok su bile u Skloništu, dok su još tri ÿrtve izjavile da su u vreme sek- sualne eksploatacije bile maloletne, a u meðuvremenu su postale punoletne.

34 vine decom kao specifiånog fenomena u odnosu na trgovinu odraslima. Navedeno istraÿivanje organizacije Catholic Relief Services (CRS) je, meðutim, u okviru svog istraÿivanja „Faktori rizika i zaštite — trgovina Romkinjama i romskom decom" pokušalo da ukaÿe na ovu pojavu unutar romske populacije kao jedne od najugroÿenijih, posebno kada su u pitanju deca.51

III 3. Trgovina muškarcima

Sve do nedavno, trgovina muškarcima bila je problem koji general- no nije zaokupljao previše paÿnje ni opšte niti struåne javnosti:52 o nje- mu se malo govorilo, senzibilisanost i široke javnosti i profesionalaca na njegovo prepoznavanje bila je priliåno niska, a procene o dimenzijama i oblicima ove pojave retke i nepouzdane. Danas, meðutim, u nauånoj, a potom i u struånoj javnosti, poåinje da raste uverenje da je trgovina muškarcima fenomen koji karakteriše izuzetno visoka tamna brojka: sa- znanja o kljuånim determinišuãim faktorima migracija u savremenom svetu, krijumåarenja i trgovine ljudima neumitno su uputila na pretpo- stavku da problem trgovine muškarcima, prvenstveno u cilju radne eks- ploatacije, postoji u razmerama koje nesumnjivo premašuju njegovu ak- tuelnu spoznaju kako na lokalnom, tako i na globalnom nivou.53 Razvijene zapadnoevropske drÿave — veã tradicionalne zemlje de- stinacije migracionih talasa iz Istoåne Evrope, Balkana, Bliskog, Srednjeg i Dalekog Istoka — tretirale su ekonomske migracije tokom 90-ih godina XX veka prevashodno kao bezbednosni problem, što je rezultovalo poo- štravanjem imigracione politike u veãini njih. No, pristup problemu tr- govine ljudima u socijalnom kontekstu i iz perspektive ponude i potra- ÿnje na trÿištima rada, uz saznanja o faktorima nastanka i širenja orga- nizovanih kriminalnih mreÿa kao preteÿnih realizatora krijumåarenja i trgovine ljudima, omoguãuje uvid u kompleksnu povezanost izmeðu sveopšteg trenda ekonomske liberalizacije, ponude i potraÿnje na legal- 51 Navedeno istraÿivanje Catholic Relieff Services (CRS), str. 6. 52 Paÿnja opšte i struåne javnosti do skora je bila usmerena gotovo iskljuåivo na trgovinu ljudima u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, åije su ÿrtve daleko najåešãe ÿene i deca. Problem trgovine ljudima u cilju radne eksploatacije (kao tipiånog oblika viktimizacije odraslih muškaraca) poåinje tek u poslednje vreme da pobuðuje istraÿivaåku paÿnju i pokreãe politiåku volju u Evropi i SAD u pravcu potpunije zaštite migrantskih radnika i potencijalnih ÿrtava. 53 Dosadašnje procene o strukturi ÿrtava trgovine ljudima na globalnom nivou ukazuju na predominantnu, skoro apsolutnu zastupljenost ÿena kojima je najåešãe trgovano u cilju seksualne eksploatacije. I najnovije procene Centra za meðunarodnu prevenciju kriminala Ujedinjenih nacija (UNCICP) govore da u broju od 700.000 do milion ljudi, koliko svake godine biva viktimizirano tr- govinom ljudima širom sveta, ÿrtve seksualne eksploatacije uåestvuju sa 80—90%, dok je åak 96% ÿrtava ÿenskog pola. Neka istraÿivanja su, meðutim pokazala da su u odreðenim regionima upra- vo muškarci primarne ÿrtve trgovine. O tome videti: IOM (2000) Migrant Trafficking and Human Smuggling in Europe. IOM: Geneva.

35 nom i ilegalnom trÿištu rada i organizovanog kriminala, kao snaÿnih, unutrašnjih sila savremenih migracionih kretanja koje ne popuštaju pred restriktivnom migracionom politikom.54 Globalne društvene promene koje su se krajem XX veka na Zapa- du oåitavale kao tranzicija u postindustrijsko doba, a u znatnom delu ostatka sveta kao duboka duÿniåka i ekonomska kriza, politiåka nesta- bilnost, kriza spoljašnje i unutrašnje bezbednosti ili tranzicija u kapitali- zam praãena dubokim i nepovoljnim strukturalnim potresima, danas se smatraju opštim socijalnim kontekstom izvan kojeg nije moguãe istraÿi- ti, objasniti niti rešavati problem trgovine ljudima kao specifiånog oblika organizovanog kriminala. Uspon ekonomske liberalizacije koji se odvija bezmalo na planetarnom nivou, uz istovremeno jaåanje globalizacije, dramatizovao je socijalnu poziciju ogromnog broja ljudi, generišuãi isto- vremeno brojne faktore „privlaåenja" i „guranja" ka traÿenju alternativa u lokalnim, regionalnim ili globalnim okvirima.55 Dok na jednoj stra- ni borba za poziciju na lokalnom ili globalnom trÿištu u nikad oštrijoj konkurenciji „gura" preduzimaåe ka angaÿovanju alternativne (jeftinije) radne snage,56 na drugoj ratovi, ekonomska kriza i politiåka nestabilnost u zemljama u razvoju i tranziciji još snaÿnije potiskuju ka preuzimanju rizika na alternativnom (legalnom ili ilegalnom) trÿištu radne snage i ÿi- votnih perspektiva. Visok migracioni pritisak iz siromašnih ka bogatim zemljama57 sa sve restriktivnijom imigracionom politikom, uslovio je razvitak ilegalnog trÿišta radne snage, rada i razliåitih „prateãih" usluga za kojima je prirodno porasla potraÿnja (ponuda poslova i smeštaja u 54 Schloenhardt, poput mnogih drugih, tvrdi da restriktivna imigraciona politika ne smanju- je ukupni migracioni priliv, veã ga samo „preusmerava" ka zemljama sa liberalnijom imigracionom politikom. Na drugoj strani, restriktivna imigraciona politika još odluånije upuãuje potencijalne mi- grante ka ilegalnim kanalima i zapravo obezbeðuje ukljuåenost i interes organizovanih kriminalnih grupa. Videti Schloenhardt, A. (2001) „Migrant Trafficking and Regional Security", Forum for Ap- plied Research and Public Policy, Summer: 86. 55 O tome: Taylor, I. (1999) Crime in context: A Critical Criminology of Market Societies. Cam- bridge: Polity Press; Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V. „Illegal markets, human trade and transnational organi- zed crime", u: Proceedings of 4th Colloquium on Cross-Border Crime, Ljubljana [u štampi]; Aronowitz, A. A. (2001) „Smuggling and Trafficking in Human Beings: The Phenomenon, the Markets that Dri- ve It and the Organizations that Promote It", European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research 9 (2), Summer: 163—195. 56 Od eksploatacije jeftine radne snage ilegalnih migranata finansijsku korist imaju ne samo „preduzimaåi" koji ih neposredno radno angaÿuju i prisiljavaju na rad pod nehumanim uslovima, veã i legalna ekonomija. Aronowitz ukazuje na svojevsnu „simbiotiåku povezanost" izmeðu legalne i ilegalne ekonomije u tom domenu. Videti Aronowitz, A. A. (2001) op. cit., str. 173. 57 Prema neoklasiånoj teoriji o migracijama, obim migracionih kretanja prevashodno je odre- ðen razlikom u visini zarade i stanja na trÿištu rada zemalja porekla i destinacije. Mnogim istraÿi- vanjima dokumentovana je negativna povezanost izmeðu dohotka po glavi stanovnika i stope za- poslenosti u zemlji porekla i obima emigracije. Više o tome: Bauer, T. K. i Zimmermann, K. F. (1999) Assessment of possible Migration Pressure and its Labour Market Impact Following EU En- largement to Central and Eastern Europe. Bonn: IZA. U teorijskim modelima koji migracije obja- šnjavaju ishodom dejstva faktora „privlaåenja" i „guranja", najveãi znaåaj se obiåno pridaje razlika- ma u zemlji porekla i destinacije s obzirom na ÿivotni standard, moguãnosti za zaposlenje, socijal- nu sigurnost i politiåku stabilnost.

36 zemljama destinacije, transfer, falsifikovanje isprava i dr.). Iako se trgo- vina ljudima u cilju radne eksploatacije razvija pod razliåitim okolnosti- ma, meðu kojima dominiraju potraÿnja za radnicima koji bi obavljali ilegalne poslove ili radili pod nezakonitim uslovima u zemljama desti- nacije i visoka potraÿnja radnika iz nerazvijenih zemalja za odlaskom u zemlje koje po pravilu imaju restriktivnu imigracionu politiku, ona po- stoji i zahvaljujuãi åinjenici da ilegalni migracioni kanali obezbeðuju ve- oma visoke prihode svima koji na bilo koji naåin participiraju u njiho- voj organizaciji.58

III 3.1. Podaci o trgovini muškarcima

Zvaniåni podaci o trgovini muškarcima u Srbiji su veoma oskudni. U izveštaju Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslo- ve Sekretarijata u Beogradu stoji da su, posle stupanja na snagu Zakona o izmenama i dopunama KZ RS, radnici SUP-a Beograd sredinom maja meseca presekli lanac trgovine ljudima i podneli kriviånu prijavu po ålanu 111b za kriviåno delo trgovine ljudima protiv dva kineska drÿa- vljana koji su za raåun radne eksploatacije u zemljama Zapadne Evrope namamili osam kineskih drÿavljana, od åega šest muškaraca i dve ÿene, a uz pomoã više lica drÿavljana Srbije i Crne Gore sa namerom da ih ilegalnim kanalima prebace u Italiju i okolne zemlje, kako bi tamo bili radno eksploatisani.59 Prilikom prouåavanja obima i rasprostranjenosti ovog fenomena neophodno je uzeti u obzir i posredne indikatore koji mogu ukazati na njegove skrivene oblike. U tom smislu se posebna paÿnja obraãa na po- datke o ilegalnim migracijama i krijumåarenju ljudi. Geografski poloÿaj Srbije i liberalni vizni reÿim prema pojedinim zemljama uslovili su da drÿavljani zemalja tzv. afro-azijskog kompleksa, kao i drÿavljani istoånoevropskih zemalja, koriste teritoriju Srbije kao tranzitnu stanicu na putu za ilegalno prebacivanje u zemlje Zapadne Evrope. Samim tim, kada je u pitanju krijumåarenje muških migranata, Srbija se najåešãe pojavljuje kao zemlja tranzita kroz koju prolaze orga- nizovane grupe krijumåarenih ljudi od Istoka ka Zapadu.60 U toku 2000. godine zateåeno je 3788 stranih drÿavljana u nedo- zvoljenom prelasku drÿavne granice, od kojih su 1528 åinile osobe mu- 58 ILO (2002) „Forced Labour, Child Labour and Human Trafficking in Europe: An ILO Per- spective", Technical paper for the EU/IOM STOP „European Conference on Prevention and Com- bating Trafficking in Human Beings", 18—20 September 2002, Brussels, Belgium, str. 4. 59 Izveštaj Uprave pograniåne pollicije za strance i upravne poslove, Ministarstvo unutra- šnjih poslova, Sekretarijat u Beogradu, od 18. 6. 2003. 60 www.mup.sr.gov.yu/domino/skzn.nsf/fc9e82a3073a74fac1256c3200393d62/$FILE/izvestaj2002. doc.

37 škog pola. U toku 2001. godine ukupan broj stranih drÿavljana koji su zateåeni u nedozvoljenom prelasku drÿavne granice je smanjen na 1278. Najveãi broj ovako uhvaãenih stranih drÿavljana åinili su Rumuni, a motivi za ilegalni prelazak su bili ekonomski. Istovremeno je u 2001. godini u odnosu na 2000. bitno smanjen broj kineskih drÿavljana koji su na nedozvoljen naåin ušli u zemlju, i to je predstavljalo direktnu posle- dicu pooštravanja procedure izdavanja viza i ukidanja direktne avion- ske linije Beograd—Peking. U toku 2002. godine je zateåeno 823 strana drÿavljana u nedozvo- ljenom prelasku drÿavne granice, što ukazuje na dalji trend opadanja broja ilegalnih prelazaka drÿavne granice. Najåešãe se radilo o drÿavlja- nima Turske (216), Avganistana (136), Rumunije (123), Iraka (104), Ma- kedonije (55), Irana (36), Tunisa (26), Moldavije (24) i Kine (18). Porast ilegalnih prelazaka avganistanskih drÿavljana je oåigledno direktna po- sledica rata u Avganistanu, ali je primeãen i znatan porast broja turskih drÿavljana (kurdske nacionalnosti) koji preko teritorije Srbije i Crne Go- re ilegalno prelaze na Zapad. U prva tri meseca 2003. godine 128 stranih drÿavljana zateåeno je u nedozvoljenom prelasku drÿavne granice Srbije i Crne Gore, od toga najviše iz Rumunije (28), Makedonije (23), Avganistana (15), Turske (12), Iraka (12) i Bugarske (8). Ovde treba istaãi da je veliki broj ilegalnih pre- lazaka poåinjen od strane lica koja su na legalan naåin ušla na teritoriju Srbije i Crne Gore, a uhvaãeni su prilikom ilegalnog izlaska iz zemlje, u pokušaju daljeg odlaska prema zapadnoevropskim zemljama (najåešãe su to graðani Rumunije, Moldavije i Kine). U toku 2001. godine je preseåeno 14 kanala za ilegalno prebaciva- nje drÿavljana Rumunije, Moldavije, Avganistana i Kine, dok je u 2002. godini preseåeno 15 takvih kanala i pronaðeno 289 lica. U 2002. godini je podneto 30 kriviånih prijava protiv lica koja su uåestvovala u organi- zovanju ilegalnog prebacivanja lica (24 kriviåne prijave po ålanu 249. KZ SRJ i 6 prijava po ålanu 155 KZ SRJ).61 U toku 2003. godine je na podruåju Sekretarijata u Beogradu iden- tifikovan 41 ilegalan ulazak u Srbiju i Crnu Goru. Svi strani drÿavljani su uz prekršajne prijave predati gradskom sudiji za prekršaje, a po ka- ÿnjavanju najåešãe smešeteni u Prihvatilište za strance do pribavljenja dokumenta, nakon åega su vraãani u zemlje porekla.62

61 Izveštaj Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove, Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova Republike Srbije, od 1. 4. 2003. 62 Izveštaj Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove, Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova, Sekretarijat u Beogradu, od 18. 6. 2003.

38  III 4. Zakljuåak

Izloÿeni podaci i rezultati dosadašnjih istraÿivanja, iako ne daju potpunu sliku trgovine ljudima u Srbiji, ipak ukazuju na njeno postoja- nje i ozbiljnost. Pri tome najviše podataka ima o trgovini ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, koja je istovremeno i jedini oblik trgovine ljudima koji je bio predmet dosadašnjih istraÿivanja. Meðutim, znaåajan ograniåavajuãi faktor kada su u pitanju ta istraÿivanja jeste okolnost da su ona uglav- nom bila limitirana na faktore koji doprinose javljanju trgovine ÿenama i ispitivanje stavova graðana o njoj, tako da njihovi podaci ne daju ni izdaleka sliku o obimu i karakteristikama trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji. Podaci koji se odnose na trgovinu decom i muškarcima su sasvim sporadiåni i nedovoljni za iznošenje bilo kakvih ozbiljnijih zakljuåaka. Takoðe, do sada nije sprovedeno nijedno istraÿivanje koje bi za pred- met imalo mehanizme delovanja drÿavnih organa, meðunarodnih i ne- vladinih organizacija, kao i nivo obaveštenosti/edukovanosti struånjaka koji se u svom svakodnevnom radu sreãu ili mogu sresti sa sluåajevima trgovine ljudima. Parcijalna i nepotpuna saznanja o obimu, rasprostranjenosti i ka- rakteristikama trgovine ljudskim biãima u Srbiji, posebno gotovo potpu- no odsustvo saznanja o trgovini decom, muškarcima i našim drÿavljani- ma/drÿavljankama, kao i odsustvo evaluacije društvenih odgovora na ovu pojavu, ukazuju na neophodnost sveobuhvatnijih istraÿivanja ovog fenomena jer je znanje o ovoj pojavi osnovni preduslov za njeno suzbi- janje, prevenciju i adekvatnu zaštitu ÿrtava.

39  IV Odreðenje i razgraniåenje osnovnih pojmova63

Definisanje osnovnih pojmova vaÿan je preduslov svakog empirij- skog istraÿivanja. Meðutim, to je posebno znaåajno kada se radi o obli- cima kriminaliteta, poput trgovine ljudima, o kojima ima malo empirij- skih istraÿivanja i teorijskih uopštavanja, nasuprot velikom prostoru ko- ji im se poklanja u medijima, od strane raznih vladinih i nevladinih or- ganizacija i u drugim oblicima javnog (nenauånog) bavljenja. Neposto- janje sistematiånog znanja, kao i prikrivenost, komplikovanost i varija- bilnost (u vremenu i prostoru) same pojave, uticali su na åitav niz neja- snoãa i konfuzija u pogledu pojmova koji se koriste u medijima, zvaniå- nim i nezvaniånim izveštajima, pa i u akademskim radovima kod nas i u svetu. Trgovina ljudima åesto se ne razlikuje od prostitucije ili ilegalne migracije, što moÿe da rezultira pogrešnim ili neadekvatnim sagledava- njem prirode samog fenomena. Takoðe, trgovina ljudima åesto se ne razlikuje od krijumåarenja ljudi, što moÿe voditi neadekvatnoj pravnoj regulativi i drugim oblicima neadekvatnog reagovanja drÿave, ali i po- grešnom istraÿivaåkom pristupu. Najzad, trgovina ljudima se åesto neo- pravdano svodi samo na jedan oblik — trgovinu ÿenama, a sama trgo- vina ÿenama na trgovinu u cilju seksualne eksploatacije. Upravo stoga, za potrebe ovog istraÿivanja bilo je neophodno jasno definisati osnovne pojmove. Odreðenje i razgraniåenje pojmova izvršile smo na naåin koji je opisan u tekstu koji sledi, a na bazi pregleda raspo- loÿive literature i imajuãi u vidu definicije ovih pojava koje je dala Me- ðunarodna organizacija za migracije, kao i definicije sadrÿane u meðu- narodnim dokumentima, posebno u Protokolu o trgovini ljudima iz Pa- lerma. Pod trgovinom ljudima podrazumevale smo namamljivanje, prevoz odnosno drugi naåin transfera, prijem ili drÿanje u nekom prostoru drugih lica i to pretnjom silom ili upotrebom drugih oblika prinude, otmice, prevare, obma- ne, zloupotrebe moãi ili teške situacije u kojoj se ta osoba nalazi, ili davanjem osobi ili primanjem novca ili druge koristi od osobe koja ima kontrolu nad dru- 63 Ovaj deo je preuzet iz Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V. (2003) „Trgovina ljudima i organizovani kri- minalitet: odreðenje osnovnih pojmova i metode prikupljanja podataka" u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S. i Mihiã, B., Trgovina ljudima: pojam, karakteristike i pravna regulativa, Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraÿivanja [neobjavljeno].

40 gom osobom sa ciljem njene seksualne, radne ili neke druge eksploatacije. Pod krijumåarenjem ljudi podrazumeva se posredovanje, odnosno uåestvovanje u obezbeðivanju ilegalnog ulaska u drugu zemlju osobama koje su sa time sa- glasne i to sa ciljem ostvarivanja direktne ili indirektne materijalne korisiti, ali bez namere eksploatisanja ovih osoba.64 Eksploatacija, odnosno drÿanje u ropskom odnosu je najvaÿniji ele- menat trgovine ljudima, koji je istovremeno razlikuje od krijumåarenja ljudi. Dakle, krijumåarenje ljudi nije isto što i trgovina ljudima. Meðu- tim, ono lako moÿe da preraste u to, imajuãi u vidu nezaštiãenost ilegal- nih migranata i njihovu upuãenost na ilegalna trÿišta dokumenata, rada i sl., kao i povezanost krijumåara ljudi sa raznim agencijama koje posre- duju u nalaÿenju posla na ilegalnom trÿištu rada. Takoðe, krijumåarenje ljudi uvek podrazumeva prelaz granice, dok se trgovina ljudima moÿe izvršiti i unutar granica jedne zemlje. Za bolje razumevanje problema trgovine ljudima potrebno je odre- diti i šta se podrazumeva pod transnacionalnim, a šta pod organizova- nim kriminalitetom. Transnacionalni kriminalitet predstavlja kriminalitet koji se vrši na teritoriji više zemalja i kojim se krše zakoni više zemalja.65 Osnovna ka- rakteristika organizovanog kriminala, pak, jeste da on predstavlja pro- ces ili metod vršenja kriviånih dela, a ne specijalni tip kriviånog dela ili kriminalca. On se u literaturi naziva još i „kriminalno preduzeãe" („cri- minal entreprise"), koje se prevashodno bavi trgovinom nedozvoljenim robama i servisima, ali uz to koristi još i pretnje, nasilje, ucene (reket), zastrašivanje ili korupciju.66 To praktiåno znaåi da je u organizovani kri- minalitet inkorporiran åitav niz meðusobno povezanih oblika konvenci- onalnog kriminaliteta. Savremeni organizovani kriminalitet karakteriše profesionalizacija, fleksibilnost i oslanjanje na osobe van organizacije (biznismeni, politiåari i birokrate). Najzad, vaÿno je napomenuti još jednu odliku organizovanog kri- minala koja je vaÿna za razumevanje trgovine ljudima kao kriviånog dela što ukljuåuje više ljudi koji imaju razliåite pozicije i zadatke, a to je da izvršilac, odnosno organizovani kriminalac, vrši kriviåno delo na osnovu zauzimanja odreðenog mesta u kriminalnoj organizaciji.67 S tim u vezi je i pojam kriminalne organizacije. U savremenoj kriminološkoj 64 IOM Pristina, Situation report — February 2000 to May 2001. 65 Williams, P. (2001) „Organizing Transnational Crime: Networks, Markets and Hierarchies" in P. Williams and D. Vlassis, Combating Transnational Crime: Concepts, Activities and Responses, London and Portland: Frank Cass, str. 61. 66 Adamoli, S., Di Nikola, A., Savona, E. i Zoffi, P. (1998) Organised Crime around the World, Helsiniki: HEUNI. 67 Cressay, D. (1997) „The Functions and Structure of Criminal Syndicates" u P.J. Ryan i G.E. Rush (ur.) Understanding Organised Crime in Global Perspective: A Reader, Thousand Oaks, London, New Delhi: Sage, str. 14.

41 literaturi smatra se da su kriminalne organizacije integralni deo ilegal- nog trÿišta, ali one nisu jedini uåesnici trgovine ljudima. One su na åelu mreÿe snabdevanja, ali pored njih uåesnici su i razne legalno registrova- ne firme i pojedinci (turistiåke agencije, agencije za zapošljavanje koje nude i legalne i ilegalne poslove, prijatelji koji rade kao namamljivaåi), kao i korumpirani sluÿbenici, policija i sliåno.68 Trgovina ljudima sama po sebi predstavlja oblik ilegalnog trÿišta. Sa stanovišta kriminalnih organizacija, ljudi su roba kao i svaka druga.69 Pod ilegalnim trÿištem podrazumevaju se mesta na kojima se razmenju- ju robe i usluge åija proizvodnja, promet i korišãenje su zabranjeni ili strogo regulisani meðunarodnom regulativom i/ili nacionalnim zakono- davstvima veãine zemalja.70 Iako se ilegalna trÿišta javljaju i nezavisno od postojanja sive ekonomije, njihovom javljanju posebno pogoduje društveni kontekst u kojem dominiraju ilegalna trÿišta, odnosno siva ekonomija. Naime, postojanje neformalnih trÿišta,71 odnosno društveni kontekst u kojem nema jasne granice izmeðu legalnog i ilegalnog, jeste kontekst koji ohrabruje pojavu ilegalnih (crnih) trÿišta (npr. kod nas za vreme rata i sankcija, i posledice toga koje se još uvek oseãaju). Trgovina ljudima je uobiåajeno povezana i sa drugim ilegalnim tr- ÿištima, poput crnog trÿišta dokumenata (pasoši, vize, radne dozvole, dozvole boravka), crnog trÿišta rada, sa trgovinom drogama, oruÿjem, švercom cigareta i sl. Neki kriminalci se ograniåavaju na krijumåarenje migranata, ali neki, takoðe, nude i adrese poslodavaca. Ovi trgovci lju- dima istovremeno predstavljaju i posrednike izmeðu migranata i poslo- davaca, pa se mogu smatrati i skrivenim agentima za zapošljavanje. No, time se, ne tako retko, bave i legalno registrovane agencije za zapošlja- vanje koje imaju na raspolaganju ponude kako legalnih tako i ilegalnih poslova. Razliåiti oblici ilegalne trgovine, odnosno razliåiti oblici delova- nja unutar ilegalnog trÿišta åesto se kombinuju ili, što je još åešãe, sa ri- ziånijih se prelazi na trgovinu ljudima kao visokoprofitabilnu a manje riziånu. Najåešãe ÿrtve trgovine ljudima su ÿene, deca i muški migranti. Iako je trgovina ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije oblik trgovi- ne ÿenama o kojem se najviše zna i najviše govori u javnosti, trgovina ÿenama je širi problem i i javlja se u tri osnovna oblika: 68 Williams, P., op. cit., str. 79—80. 69 Williams, P. (1999) „Trafficking in Women and Children: A Market Perspective", Transnati- onal Organized Crime, Special Issue „Illegal Immigration and Commercial Sex — the New Slave Tra- de" (ed. P. Williams), Vol. 3—4, str. 145—170. 70 Arlacchi, P. (1998) „The Dynamics of Illegal Markets" u P. Williams and D.Vlassis (ur.) Combating Transnational Crime: Concepts, Activities and Responses, Milano: ISPAC, str. 203. 71 Neformalna trÿišta i siva ekonomija se mogu definisati kao ilegalna trgovina inaåe legal- nim robama i uslugama.

42  — trgovina ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, — trgovina ÿenama u cilju eksploatacije (domaãeg) rada, — trgovina ÿenama u cilju sklapanja braka (mail-order brides).

Kade se govori o trgovini ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, treba praviti razliku izmeðu trgovine ÿenema i prostitucije. Osnovna razlika sastoji se u tome da trgovina ÿenama podrazumeva ropski od- nos, odnosno potpuno odsustvo slobode odluåivanja i kretanja — ÿena je vlasništvo osobe koja ju je kupila i ne moÿe svojom voljom prestati da se bavi prostitucijom, odnosno napustiti svog vlasnika. Na drugoj strani, takoðe, ma koliko ukljuåivala razliåite oblike prinude i eksploata- cije, prostitucija podrazumeva moguãnost raspolaganja sopstvenim te- lom i zaradom, slobodu kretanja, slobodu odluåivanja o bavljenju ili ne- bavljenju prostitucijom i sliåno. Ÿrtva trgovine ljudima moÿe biti kako ÿena koja je na prevaran na- åin primorana da se bavi prostitucijom, tako i ÿena koja je svojevoljno poåela da se bavi prostitucijom ali je kasnije uvuåena u lanac trgovine ljudima i došla u ropski odnos. Trgovina decom,72 takoðe, pored trgovine u cilju seksualne eksplo- atacije i eksploatacije rada obuhvata i trgovinu decom koja ima za cilj njihovu eksploataciju za vršenje kriviånih dela i drugih asocijalnih po- našanja (npr. prosjaåenje, upotreba u pornografiji), za trgovinu organi- ma, radi usvojenja, upotrebe u oruÿanim sukobima i sliåno. Trgovina (muškim) migrantima je u tesnoj vezi sa krijumåarenjem migrantima i u osnovi se svodi na razne oblike eksploatacije rada (pri- silni rad).73 Poznate su organizovane kriminalne grupe koje trguju kine- skim i drugim migrantima iz azijskih zemalja.

72 U ovom istraÿivanju pod decom smo, u skladu sa Konvencijom o pravima deteta, podra- zumevale lica oba pola mlaða od 18 godina. 73 Pod prisilnim radom podrazumevale smo svaki rad pod prinudom, u uslovima duÿniåkog ropstva i pod drugim uslovima u kojima se ostvaruje eksploatacija neåijeg rada. Prinudu na prosja- åenje i vršenje kriviånih dela smatrale smo posebnim oblicima prisilnog rada.

43  V Predmet, cilj, metod i uzorak istraÿivanja

V 1. Predmet i cilj istraÿivanja

Predmet istraÿivanja bilo je prikupljanje podataka o trgovini ljudi- ma u Srbiji, bez Kosova. Istraÿivanje je bilo prvenstveno usmereno na prikupljanje podataka o trgovini ljudima u cilju seksualne i radne eks- ploatacije, ali smo istovremeno nastojali da doðemo do saznanja i o nje- nim drugim oblicima. U skladu sa napred odreðenim pojmovima, pred- met istraÿivanja bila je kako trgovina ÿenama, tako i trgovina åije su ÿr- tve (muška i ÿenska) deca i odrasli muškarci, i to bez obzira da li ima transnacionalni karakter ili se odvija unutar granica naše zemlje. To, ta- koðe, znaåi da je istraÿivanjem bila obuhvaãena trgovina stranim i do- maãim drÿavljanima, odnosno trgovina åiji je smer u Srbiju, iz Srbije u druge zemlje i trgovina ljudima za koju je Srbija samo tranzitna zemlja. S obzirom da je ovo prvo empirijsko istraÿivanje trgovine ljudima u Srbiji, koje je imalo pretenzije ka dobijanju celovitije slike o ovoj poja- vi, ono je imalo eksploratorni karakter. U tom smislu njegov osnovni cilj je bio da uåini prve korake ka empirijskim procenama rasprostranje- nosti i karakteristika ove pojave, i tako posluÿi kao osnova za razvoj mehanizama delovanja u pravcu suzbijanja i prevencije trgovine ljudi- ma, kao i za sagledavanje potreba i pravaca za njeno dalje i produblje- nije prouåavanje. Cilj istraÿivanja je bilo dolaÿenje do saznanja o:

— rasprostranjenosti, strukturi i karakteristikama trgovine ÿenama, decom i muškarcima u Srbiji; — faktorima koji utiåu na javljanje trgovine ljudima iz Srbije, u Sr- biju i kroz Srbiju; — nivou svesti struånjaka (sudija, tuÿilaca, advokata, policije, soci- jalnih radnika, lekara, školskih i domskih psihologa, nastavnika, vaspita- åa u domovima za nezbrinutu decu i sl.) i predstavnika nevladinih or- ganizacija o problemu trgovine ljudima; — naåinima reagovanja i bavljenja trgovinom ljudima od strane drÿavnih organa, (pre svega policije, tuÿilaštava, sudova i centara za so- cijalni rad) i domaãih i meðunarodnih nevladinih organizacija.

44  Pored osnovnog cilja koji se odnosio na dolaÿenje do što više po- dataka o ispitivanoj pojavi, istraÿivanje je imalo i akcioni karakter jer su istraÿivaåice, pored prikupljanja podataka tokom rada na intervjuima, kada je bilo potrebno, ispitanicima objašnjavali osnovne pojmove i na neki naåin „u hodu" uticali na podizanje njihove svesti/obaveštenosti o trgovini ljudima. Upravo stoga, bilo je neophodno da svi uåesnici u prikupljanju po- dataka za ovo istraÿivanje budu dobro upoznati sa postojeãim saznanji- ma o trgovini ljudima, da dobro vladaju osnovnim pojmovima i imaju jasnu predstavu o tome šta je predmet, šta su ciljevi i koje metode i za- što se koriste za prikupljanje podataka. Jednom reåju, zbog dinamike i nepredvidljivosti razvoja samog procesa prikupljanja podataka, kao i zbog neophodnosti korišãenja polustruktuiranog upitnika, odnosno upit- nika sa otvorenim i poluotvorenim pitanjima, prikupljanje podataka za ovo istraÿivanje zahtevalo je od lica koja vode intervjue poznavanje po- jave koje je veãe od uobiåajenog. Dobro prethodno znanje trebalo je da im omoguãi da u sluåaju potrebe na licu mesta prilagoðavaju unapred datu skicu za intervju — na primer, da preformulišu ili prilagode poje- dina pitanja, dodaju nova i sliåno. Od istraÿivaåica se traÿilo da budu strpljive i uporne da do podata- ka doðu åak i onda kada oni izgledaju neuhvatljivi, odnosno nedostup- ni. Drugim reåima, one su morale imati kreativan i proaktivan pristup prikupljanju podataka jer je to bila garancija za dolaÿenje do kvalitetnih informacija. Upravo stoga, istraÿivaåice74 koje su prikupljale podatke za ovo istraÿivanje prethodno su pohaðale dvodnevnu intenzivnu (teorij- sku i praktiånu) obuku za prikupljanje podataka o trgovini ljudima, ko- ju je za njih organizovalo Viktimološko društvo Srbije. Takoðe, za po- trebe obuke bio je saåinjen i poseban priruånik o trgovini ljudima, prila- goðen potrebama ovog istraÿivanja.

V 2. Metod i uzorak

S obzirom da se radi o pojavi o kojoj postoji sasvim malo pouzda- nih informacija, kao i o obliku organizovanog kriminaliteta za koji nije moguãe prikupljati podatke korišãenjem uobiåajenih metoda, koristeãi se iskustvima drugih istraÿivaåa75 odluåile smo se za etnografski multi- metod, odnosno za kombinaciju više razliåitih izvora podataka. Ovaj 74 U prikupljanju podataka bilo je angaÿovano 13 istraÿivaåica. 75 O tome više videti u Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., „Trgovina ljudima i organizovani kriminalitet: odreðenje osnovnih pojmova i metode prikupljanja podataka", u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S. i Mihiã, B., Trgovina ljudima: pojam, karakteristike i pravna regulativa, neobjavljena studija u okviru pro- jekta Instituta za kriminološka i sociološka istraÿivanja u Beogradu Teški oblici kriminala u uslovima tranzicije.

45 metod nam je omoguãio pristup istraÿivanoj pojavi sa razliåitih strana, odnosno korišãenje veãeg broja raznovrsnih izvora informacija, kao i kontinuirano uåenje o pojavi tokom samog prikupljanja podataka, pa tako i stalno menjanje, dopunjavanje i razvijanje istraÿivaåkih instrume- nata. Na ovaj naåin nastojali smo da ostvarimo maksimalnu obuhvat- nost potencijalnih izvora podataka, imajuãi u vidu åinjenicu da, kako je dobro primetila prof. Liz Kelly, kada je ovako skrivena pojava u pita- nju, dolaÿenje do taånih procena njenog stvarnog obima moÿe biti upo- reðeno sa traÿenjem igle u plastu sena.76 Najveãi deo podataka prikupljen je putem intervjua sa struånjaci- ma razliåitog profila, odnosno sa predstavnicima drÿavnih organa, ne- vladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija, i nauånim radnicima.77 Za potre- be ovog istraÿivanja ispitanici su najveãim delom bili izabrani s obzirom na oåekivano susretanje sa ovim problemom u njihovom svakodnev- nom radu, pa samim tim i s obzirom na oåekivana saznanja o trgovini ljudima u Srbiji. Pored pomenutih intervjua, koristile smo i sledeãe izvore:

— podaci drÿavnih organa; — rezultati dosadašnjih istraÿivanja; — podaci domaãih nevladinih organizacija; — podaci meðunarodnih organizacija; — drugi pisani materijal.

Navedeni materijali prikupljani su nezavisno od intervjua ili u kombinaciji sa intervjuima, odnosno tako što su istraÿivaåice svoje ispi- tanike uvek pitale da li poseduju i neki pisani materijal, odnosno izvor podataka. Najzad, kao dopunske metode prikupljanja podataka koristile smo i posmatranje i intervjue sa licima (5) smeštenim u Prihvatilište za stran- ce u Padinskoj Skeli kod Beograda, kao potencijalnim ÿrtvama, kao i ne- formalne razgovore sa ljudima koji su imali neposredna saznanja o ispi- tivanoj pojavi. Naši ispitanici su bili svojevrstan i veoma raznovrstan i obuhvatan izvor podataka o ispitivanoj pojavi. Uzorak su åinile 123 osobe, zaposle- ne u razliåitim institucijama i organizacijama, razliåitog profesionalnog profila iz 17 mesta u Srbiji. Istraÿivanje nije raðeno na reprezentativ- nom uzorku, niti je uopšte imalo pretenzije ka reprezenativnosti, s obzi- rom da sa postojeãim nivoom znanja o trgovini ljudima u Srbiji takav uzorak nismo bili u stanju da koncipiramo. Ipak, nastojali smo da u 76 Kelly, L., Regan, L. (2000) Stopping Traffic: Exploring the extent of, and responses to, trafficking in women for sexual exploitation in the UK, London: Home Office, Police Research Series, Paper 125, str. 6. 77 U daljem tekstu ãemo za njih koristiti naziv ispitanici.

46 uzorku budu zastupljeni svi regioni i, posebno, veãi gradovi i mesta u pograniånoj zoni za koja smo pretpostavljali da su u veãoj meri na uda- ru trgovine ljudima. Najveãi broj ispitanika je iz Beograda — 55 (44,7%), zatim iz Novog Sada 13 (10,6%) i iz Niša 10 (8,8%). Ostali ispitanici su iz sledeãih mesta: Zajeåar 7 (5,7%), Poÿarevac 6 (4,9%), Šabac, Velika Plana i Novi Pazar po 5 (4,1%), Vrnjaåka Banja 4 (3,2%), Apatin i Sombor po 3 (2,4%) Alek- sinac 2 (1,6%) i Kraljevo, Miloševac, Subotica, Vlasotinci i Zrenjanin po 1 ispitanik (0,8%). Ispitanici oba pola su bili zastupljeni u sliånoj meri, mada ÿenskih osoba ima u nešto veãem procentu (56,1%) u odnosu na ispitanike mu- škog pola (43,9%). U pogledu starosti ispitanika, najzastupljeni su bili is- pitanici srednje ÿivotne dobi (41—56 godina), koji su åinili više od polo- vine ukupnog broja ispitanika — 69 ili 58,9%. Najveãi broj ispitanika je zaposlen u policiji — njih 27 ili 21,9%, za- tim u domovima i prihvatilištima za decu i omladinu — 13 ispitanika (10,6%), kao i u opštinskim organima za prekršaje i nevladinim organi- zacijama — po 12 ili 9,7% ispitanika. Po 10 ispitanika ili po 8,1% je za- posleno u sudovima i osnovnim i srednjim školama, a u centrima za so- cijalni rad 9 ispitanika (7,3%). U drÿavnim tuÿilaštvima i medijima zapo- sleno je po 8 ispitanika (6,5%). Nauåne ustanove i fakulteti, zdravstvene institucije, ministarstva i meðunarodne organizacije zastupljene su sa po tri ispitanika (2,4%), dok je po jedan ispitanik zaposlen u Prihvatili- štu za strance u Beogradu i Kazneno-popravnom zavodu za ÿene u Po- ÿarevcu. U pogledu zanimanja, meðu ispitanicima ima najviše diplomiranih pravnika (42 ili 34,1%), zatim policajaca, inspektora i rukovodilaca u po- liciji (19) i psihologa (19), ili po 15,4%. Pored toga, naši ispitanici su bili i novinari (7), ispitanici koji su kao svoje zanimanje navodili zanimanje koordinatora ili aktiviste NVO (6), profesori univerziteta i socijalni rad- nici (po 4), kao i pedagozi, sociolozi, lekari, ekonomisti, vaspitaåi, defek- tolozi, filolozi i drugi. Meðu pravnicima dominiraju sudije, sudije za prekršaje i javni tuÿioci (24). Zbog slabe prethodne istraÿenosti, pa samim tim i nedovoljnog prethodnog znanja o razmerama, oblicima i karakteristikama trgovine ljudima u Srbiji, odluåili smo se za etapno prikupljanje podataka i suk- cesivnu analizu prikupljenog materijala, uz stalno preispitivanje i usa- vršavanje instrumenata, bazirano na razmeni iskustava meðu istraÿiva- åima. U skladu sa predmetom i ciljem istraÿivanja i uz korišãenje iskusta- va i upitnika nekih stranih istraÿivanja,78 saåinile smo sopstveni upitnik. 78 Tokom pripreme prikupljanja podataka kontaktirale smo sa prof. Liz Kelly iz Child & Woman Abuse Studies Unit, London Metropolitan University, UK, kao i sa Carron Somerset, koja

47 Koristeãi iskustva drugih i naša prethodna saznanja, i imajuãi u vidu specifiånosti lokalnog konteksta, koncipirale smo osnovni upitnik (za struånjake i predstavnike nevladinih organizacija), upitnik za potencijal- ne ÿrtve i protokol posmatranja, koji su dati u prilogu. Upitnik za struånjake i predstavnike nevladinih organizacija sasto- jao se iz sledeãih grupa pitanja:

1. Opšti podaci o ispitaniku; 2. Upoznatost sa osnovnim pojmovima vezanim za trgovinu ljudima; 3. Saznanja o trgovini ljudima koja su zasnovana na iskustvu nepo- srednog rada sa konkretnim sluåajevima; 4. Opšta (posredna i neposredna) saznanja o seks industriji i prosti- tuciji, prosjaåenju i beskuãništvu, radu „na crno", prisilnom radu, prinu- di dece na vršenje kriviånih dela, otmicama, nestancima i krijumåarenju dece, kao i o trgovini ljudima.

Kao što se iz navedenih grupa pitanja vidi, pored podataka koji se neposredno odnose na trgovinu ÿenama, decom i muškarcima, u cilju dobijanja kompletnije slike o rizicima trgovine ljudima u Srbiji, istraÿi- vanjem su prikupljani i podaci o tzv. markerima,79 odnosno o pojava- ma koje predstavljaju posredne pokazatelje postojanja trgovine ljudima (seks industrija, prostitucija, prosjaåenje itd.). Najzad, ispitanici su pitani da daju primer dobre i loše prakse dr- ÿavnih organa i/ili nevladinih organizacija u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima u Srbiji, kao i da daju svoje viðenje mera koje treba preduzeti kako bi se naše društvo efikasnije suprotstavilo trgovini ljudima i prisilnom ra- du, posebno širenju prisilnog rada dece. Ispitanici su pitani da li ÿele da budu citirani pod punim imenom i prezimenom ili ÿele da ostanu ano- nimni.80

je radila na ECPAT-ovom istraÿivanju trgovine decom u UK. Zahvaljujuãi njihovoj predusretljivo- sti, dobile smo upitnike koji su korišãeni u istraÿivanju trgovine ÿenama (2000) i decom (2002) u UK, na åemu im se najsrdaånije zahvaljujemo. Upitnik koji je korišãen u istraÿivanju trgovine ÿe- nama u UK pokazao se posebno korisnim. Takoðe, prilikom koncipiranja upitnika koristile smo i upitnik koji je korišãen u istraÿivanju trgovine ÿenama i decom u cilju seksualne eksploatacije u Latinskoj Americi, koje je sproveo International Human Rights Institute sa De Paule University, Chicago, SAD, tokom 2001. i 2002. godine. Više o tome u: In Modern Bondage: Sex Trafficking in the Americas — Central America and Caribbean (Belize, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua & Panama). Chicago: International Human Rights Law Institute DePaul University College of Law, October 2002. Dostupno na veb sajtu: <http://www.law.de- paul.edu/institutes_centers/ihrli/pdf/fu ll_document.pdf www.law.depaul.edu/institutes_centers/ihr- li/pdf/full_docu ment.pdf. 79 Više o tome u Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., „Trgovina ljudima i organizovani kriminalitet: odre- ðenje osnovnih pojmova i metode prikupljanja podataka", u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S., Mi- hiã, B. (2003) Trgovina ljudima — pojam, karakteristike i pravna regulativa, Institut za kriminološka i so- ciološka istraÿivanja [neobjavljeno, str. 10]. 80 Najveãi broj ispitanika se saglasio da bude citiran pod punim imenom i prezimenom. Me- ðutim, zbog osetljivosti dobijenih podataka, citiranje pod punim imenom i prezimenom u ovom radu je svedeno na najmanju meru.

48  Upitnik za intervjuisanje potencijalnih ÿrtava, koji je takoðe dat u prilogu, sastojao se iz sledeãih grupa pitanja:

1. Opšti podaci, 2. Pitanja o sadašnjim problemima, 3. Ÿivot u mestu/zemlji porekla, 4. Informacije o namamljivanju i transportu, 5. Informacije o kontroli i eksploataciji, 6. Odnos drÿavnih organa (pre svega policije) i drugih, 7. Buduãnost.

Ovim upitnikom smo prema prvobitnoj ideji imale nameru da in- tervjuišemo ÿrtve smeštene u Skloništu za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine i (poten- cijalne) ÿrtve smeštene u Prihvatilištu za strance. Meðutim, s obzirom da nismo dobile dozvolu od Skloništa, intervjue sa ÿenama smeštenim u njemu nismo bile u moguãnosti da obavimo. U Prihvatilištu su oba- vljeni intervjui sa pet lica (jedna ÿena i åetiri muškarca) koja su se u njemu zatekla 22. avgusta 2003. godine, odnosno posle dobijanja dozvo- le za razgovor, a bilo je moguãe obaviti razgovor sa njima neposredno ili preko raspoloÿivog tumaåa. Pitanja u upitniku su koncipirana tako da se od ispitanika dobije što više informacija o pojavnim oblicima trgovine ljudima u Srbiji,81 o nivou njihove senzibilisanosti i upoznatosti sa osnovnim pojmovima, kao i o mehanizmima delovanja drÿavnih organa i nevladinih organiza- cija. Na taj naåin ÿelele smo da doðemo do što celovitije slike o trgovini ljudima u Srbiji, kao i o stanju u pogledu otkrivanja i gonjenja uåinila- ca, zaštite, rehabilitacije i reintegracije ÿrtava i o naporima u vezi sa pre- vencijom. Ova saznanja posluÿila su nam kao osnova za koncipiranje preporuka u pogledu mera koje treba preduzeti u cilju efikasnijeg go- njenja uåinilaca, prevencije i zaštite ÿrtava (3 P = prosecution, preven- tion, protection). Prikupljanje podataka obavljeno je u periodu od 1. maja do 30. av- gusta 2003. godine, a intervjui su u proseku trajali 1 sat 43 minuta.

81 Vaÿno je napomenuti da se u najveãem broju sluåajeva koje su ispitanici prepoznali kao trgovinu ljudima radi o sluåajevima åije postojanje iz razliåitih razloga (dogodili su se ranije, kada nije postojala odgovarajuãa inkriminacija, zbog teškoãa u dokazivanju, jer je postupak u toku i sl.) nije utvrðeno pravnosnaÿnom sudskom presudom. Meðutim, s obzirom da se radi o obliku krimi- naliteta za koji je uobiåajen veoma nizak nivo otkrivanja i gonjenja uåinilaca, oslanjanje na åinjeni- ce utvrðene sasvim retkim pravnosnaÿnim presudama, kao i uopšte korišãenje tradicionalnih naåi- na prikupljanja podataka, nije adekvatan pristup za dolaÿenje do podataka koji mogu dati sliku rasprostranjenosti i karakteristika trgovine ljudima.

49  VI Trgovina ÿenama u Srbiji

Trgovina ÿenama, naroåito trgovina ÿenama u cilju seksualne eks- ploatacije, pojava je o kojoj se sve više zna i, naroåito u poslednje vre- me, mnogo govori i piše, kako u svetu tako i kod nas. Meðutim, trgovi- na ÿenama u Srbiji je pojava koja je i dalje u velikoj meri obavijena ve- lom tajne. Saznanja o njoj su uglavnom parcijalna i bazirana na pojedi- naånim sluåajevima, dok se veoma malo zna o njenom obimu, strukturi i karakteristikama. Ovim istraÿivanjem smo, izmeðu ostalog, pokušale da doðemo do nešto bliÿih podataka o tome. Ovaj zadatak nije bio nimalo lak. Naime, trgovina ÿenama je oblik organizovanog kriminala i stoga je karakterišu prikrivenost, mobilnost i povezanost sa legalnim akterima. Takoðe, prepreka utvrðivanju obima trgovine ÿenama je i velika tamna brojka koja pre svega proizilazi iz åi- njenice da se jako mali broj ÿena koje se naðu u lancu trgovine ÿenama obraãa policiji ili drugim agencijama za pomoã ÿrtvama.82 Procenu obi- ma trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji je izuzetno teško dati i zbog åinjenice da je trgovina ljudima tek od aprila 2003. godine, izmenama i dopunama Kri- viånog zakona Republike Srbije, inkriminisana kao posebno kriviåno de- lo,83 tako da se postupci koji su bili u toku u vreme sprovoðenja ovog istraÿivanja, a za koje je postojala sumnja da se radi o trgovini ÿenama, nisu vodili za ovo kriviåno delo.84 Stoga su ispitanici sa kojima smo raz- govarale, naroåito sudije i tuÿioci, bili prinuðeni da na osnovu opisa do- gaðaja procene da li se u konkretnom sluåaju radilo o trgovini ili ne. Iz istog razloga, ni u sluåajevima koji su procesuirani nije bilo moguãe do- biti statistiåke podatke o broju sluåajeva trgovine ÿenama. Gotovo sva dosadašnja istraÿivanja trgovine ÿenama suoåavala su se sa problemom utvrðivanja broja ÿrtava trgovine ÿenama.85 Buduãi da u Srbiji do ovog istraÿivanja nismo imali podatke o broju ÿrtava trgovi- 82 Mihiã, B. (2003) „Trgovina ÿenama radi seksualne eksploatacije — kriminološki aspekt", u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S., Mihiã, B. (2003) Trgovina ljudima — pojam, karakteristike i pravna re- gulativa, Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraÿivanja [neobjavljeno, str. 16]. 83 Ålan 111b Kriviånog zakona Republike Srbije, Sluÿbeni glasnik Republike Srbije 39/03. 84 Uglavnom se radilo o kriviånom delu Posredovanje u vršenju prostitucije, ål. 251. KZ RS, više na str. 8. 85 Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V. (2003) „Trgovina ljudima i organizovani kriminalitet: odreðenje osnovnih pojmova i metode prikupljanja podataka", u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V, Ãopiã, S., Mihiã, B., op. cit., str. 13.

50 ne, smatrale smo da i procena broja ÿrtava moÿe da posluÿi kao dobra osnova za buduãe strategije delovanja u cilju prevencije i suzbijanja ovog oblika kriminaliteta kod nas, ali i kao polazna taåka za dalja istra- ÿivanja u ovoj oblasti. Sledeãe pitanje na koje smo potraÿile odgovor je ko su ÿrve trgovi- ne ÿenama u Srbiji — koliko su stare, iz kojih zemalja dolaze, koje su nacionalnosti i obrazovanja. O ÿrtvama trgovine se, za razliku od uåini- laca, mnogo više zna, ali su saznanja koja imamo o njima sporadiåna i nesistematizovana. Naroåito je malo podataka o našim drÿavljankama ÿrtvama trgovine. Pretpostavljeno je da ãe ovo istraÿivanje potvrditi da se u Srbiji trguje uglavnom ÿenama iz Istoåne Evrope, ali da i naše dr- ÿavljanke åesto završe u rukama trgovaca ljudima. Zatim, pokušale smo da pronaðemo odgovor na pitanje da li je Sr- bija zemlja porekla, tranzita ili destinacije. Odgovor na ovo pitanje tako- ðe je preduslov stvaranja efikasnog sistema prevencije i suzbijanja ove pojave. Na trgovinu ÿenama u Srbiji, pretpostavile smo, utiåu brojni mi- kro- i makrofaktori koji deluju unutar lokalnog i regionalnog kontek- sta.86 Imajuãi u vidu da u Srbiji, pored makrofaktora, deluju i brojni mi- krofaktori kriminalizacije i viktimizacije (faktori guranja — push factors i faktori privlaåenja — pull factors), kao i faktori koji olakšavaju trgovinu ÿenama,87 pretpostavile smo da je Srbija pre svega zemlja tranzita, ali i zemlja porekla i destinacije. Dosadašnja saznanja pokazuju da se trgovina ÿenama odvija kroz tri osnovne faze: namamljivanje, transport/transfer i viktimizacija. Ima- juãi to u vidu, jedan od ciljeva istraÿivanja bio je dolaÿenje do podataka o putevima trgovine punoletnim ÿenama, od zemlje porekla do zemlje destinacije, kao i o mestu koje u lancu trgovine zauzima naša zemlja; potom, o naåinima namamljivanja ÿrtava, njihovom trasportu/transferu do zemlje (privremene ili trajne) destinacije, kao i o mehanizmima kon- trole i eksploatacije kojima su one izloÿene. U tom smislu ispitanicima su postavljana pitanja koja se odnose na neposredna saznanja o trgovini ÿenama — da li su se u svom radu sre- tali sa sluåajevima trgovine ÿenama, sa koliko sluåajeva su se sreli, koli- ko sluåajeva je bilo u poslednje dve godine, ko su bile ÿrtve u tim sluåa- jevima, u koliko sluåajeva se radilo o trgovini u Srbiji, iz Srbije i kroz Srbiju, kao i kojim putevima su one došle u našu zemlju. Takoðe, ispi- tanici su odgovarali na pitanje o tome ko su, po njihovom saznanju, najåešãe ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama, na koji naåin one bivaju uvuåene u la- 86 Više o tome u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V. (2003) „Trgovina ljudima i organizovani kriminalitet: odreðenje osnovnih pojmova i metode prikupljanja podataka", u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S., Mihiã, B. (2003) op. cit., str. 7—9 i str. 26. 87 Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V. (2002) „Trgovina ÿenama u Srbiji i okolnim zemljama: obim, karak- teristike uzroci", Temida: br.1: str. 9—10.

51 nac trgovine, kako se transportuju, odnosno prebacuju do odredišta i na koji naåin su viktimizirane od strane trgovaca/eksploatatora. Najzad, pokušale smo da preko posrednih pokazatelja — obima i rasprostranjenosti seks industrije i prostitucije, prosjaåenja, beskuãništva i rada „na crno", doðemo do još pribliÿnije procene o rasprostranjenosti trgovine ÿenama u cilju seksualne i radne eksploatacije u Srbiji, odno- sno rasprostranjenosti rizika od nje. U tom smislu ispitanici su odgova- rali na pitanja vezana za posredne pokazatelje — markere: o obimu i strukturi seks industrije, prostitucije, prosjaåenja, beskuãništva i rada „na crno" odnosno prisilnog rada, broju osoba koje su, po njihovom sa- znanju, prijavljene, kaÿnjene ili na drugi naåin registrovane zbog ovih ponašanja, da li se radilo o stranim ili domaãim drÿavljankama i da li se u nekom od tih sluåajeva radilo o trgovini ÿenama. Analizom intervjua došle smo do podataka koje ãemo izloÿiti u odeljcima koji slede.

VI 1. Obim i struktura trgovine ÿenama

VI 1.1. Obim i geografska rasprostranjenost trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji

Prema rezultatima istraÿivanja, ispitanici su se u svom radu ili kroz posredna saznanja sreli sa oko 750 sluåajeva trgovine ÿenama, odnosno sluåajeva za koje postoji sumnja da se radi o trgovini, a u kojima je identifikovano oko 960 ÿrtava trgovine ÿenama.88 Od ukupno 123 ispitanika sa kojima smo razgovarale 69 ispitanika (56%) iz 13 gradova u Srbiji se neposredno u svom radu srelo sa sluåa- jevima trgovine ÿenama. Od tog broja 37 ispitanika je iz Beograda, 7 iz Novog Sada, 4 iz Šapca, 4 ispitanika iz Novog Pazara, po 3 ispitanika iz Poÿarevca, Vrnjaåke Banje, Sombora i Niša, i po jedan iz Zrenjanina, Zajeåara, Kraljeva, Subotice i Apatina. Samo ispitanici u Aleksincu, Milo- ševcu, Velikoj Plani i Vlasotincu nisu u svom radu imali sluåajeve trgo- vine ÿenama. Ispitanici koji su se neposredno u svom radu sreli sa slu- åajevima trgovine ÿenama su pripadnici policije, sudije opštinskih i okruÿnih sudova, sudije za prekršaje, tuÿioci, predstavnici nevladinih 88 Ovi brojevi predstavljaju ukupan broj na bilo koji naåin pomenutih sluåajeva/ÿrtava trgo- vine ÿenama i sluåajeva u kojima se sumnjalo na trgovinu. Pretpostavljamo da su se neki ispitanici u svom radu sretali sa istim sluåajevima/ÿrtvama trgovine ÿenama (npr. ispitanici iz istog grada koji rade u policiji, tuÿilaštvu i sudstvu, zatim ispitanici koji rade u Skloništu za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine i is- pitanici iz Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije). Kada smo, na osnovu opisa ispitanika, bile u moguãnosti da utvrdimo da se radi o istim sluåajevima, te sluåajeve nismo uraåunali u ukupan broj. Sa druge strane, imajuãi u vidu da je tamna brojka kod ovog oblika kriminaliteta veoma izra- ÿena, kao i da odreðen broj ispitanika nije bio u moguãnosti da precizira broj sluåajeva sa kojima su se sreli, moguãe je da je broj sluåajeva odnosno ÿrtava trgovine ÿenama veãi od gorenavedenih.

52 organizacija, zaposleni u centrima za socijalni rad i Prihvatilištu za sme- štaj stranaca, kao i predstavnici medija. Ispitanici su se neposredno sreli sa oko 730 sluåajeva trgovine ÿenama, odnosno sluåajeva u kojima se sumnjalo na trgovinu, i sa 940 ÿrtava trgovine. Od tog broja je u 2002. godini bilo 376 sluåajeva trgovine ÿenama sa 462 ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama, a u 2003. godini 125 sluåajeva sa 139 ÿrtava.89 Najveãi broj sluåajeva tr- govine ÿenama prepoznali su predstavnici policije u Beogradu, Novom Sadu i Novom Pazaru, kao i ispitanici iz nevladinih i meðunarodnih or- ganizacija iz Beograda koje pruÿaju pomoã ÿrtvama trgovine. Precizan ili okviran broj sluåajeva odnosno ÿrtava sa kojima su se sreli u svom radu dalo je 57 ispitanika, a 9 ispitanika dalo je procene o tome. Tako je pet ispitanika, tri iz Šapca i dva iz Novog Pazara, izjavilo da su se sreli sa „nekoliko sluåajeva". Tri ispitanika (dva iz Beograda i jedan iz Zrenjanina) dali su procenu sluåajeva na godišnjem nivou. Ta- ko je ispitanik iz Zrenjanina rekao da se sreãe sa „5—6 sluåajeva godi- šnje, a u svakom od njih ima 2—8 lica ÿrtava trgovine", ispitanik iz Beo- grada (predstavnik policije) da se sreãe sa oko 300—500 sluåajeva godi- šnje, a sudija V opštinskog suda u Beogradu da ima 2—3 predmeta go- dišnje. Jedan ispitanik iz beogradske policije rekao nam je da se za „dvadeset godina staÿa sreo sa 1000 sluåajeva trgovine i krijumåarenja". Tri ispitanika (dva iz Beograda, iz policije i sudija za prekršaje, i je- dan ispitanik iz Novog Pazara) nisu mogli da daju ni pribliÿan broj slu- åajeva, ali su pojedine sluåajeve sa kojima su se sreli u praksi opisali. Posredna saznanja o sluåajevima trgovine ÿenama imalo je 20 ispi- tanika iz 8 gradova u Srbiji i to: 6 ispitanika iz Beograda, 3 iz Novog Sa- da, 3 iz Novog Pazara, 3 iz Velike Plane, 2 iz Poÿarevca i po jedan iz Šapca, Vlasotinca i Zrenjanina. Opisano je 17 sluåajeva trgovine ÿenama sa 21 ÿrtvom trgovine.

VI 1.2 Ko su ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji?

VI 1.2.a. Starost

Iako ispitanici åesto nisu raspolagali podacima o starosti ÿrtava tr- govine ÿenama, rezultati istraÿivanja pokazuju da su ÿrtve, u najveãem broju sluåajeva sa kojima su se ispitanici neposredno sreli ili o njima 89 Ispitanici åesto nisu bili sigurni koliko su sluåajeva imali 2002. a koliko 2003. godine. Tada su neki ispitanici precizirali koje godine su imali više sluåajeva. Tako su, na primer, dva ispitanika iz Novog Pazara i predstavnica NVO ASTRA iz Beograda izjavili da su 2002. godine imali više slu- åajeva u odnosu na ovu godinu. Na osnovu prikupljenih podataka i izjava ispitanika moÿe se za- kljuåiti da je veãi broj sluåajeva zabeleÿen 2002. godine, s tim što treba imati u vidu da je najveãi deo prikupljanja podataka obavljen na sredini tekuãe godine.

53 imaju posredna saznanja, vrlo mlade odnosno mlaðe ÿenske osobe koje spadaju u starosnu grupu od 18 do 30 godina. Tako predstavnik policije iz Beograda, koji se u svom radu sreãe sa 300—500 sluåajeva godišnje, ima saznanja da je naveãi broj ÿrtava staro- sti od 18 do 22 godine. Sandra Slijepåeviã, programska asistentkinja Me- ðunarodne organizacije za migracije, koja je u svom radu imala oko 140 ÿrtava trgovine, iznela je podatak da je 50% ÿrtava u starosnom dobu od 18 do 24 godine, odnosno 27% u dobu od 25 do 30 godina. Slobodan Lovriã, zamenik predsednika NVO Beosupport iz Beograda, u svom ra- du se sreo sa oko 35 ÿrtava trgovine ÿenama i sve su, po njegovim reåi- ma, bile devojke starosti do 20 godina. Pet predstavnika policije, åetiri iz Beograda i jedan iz Subotice, govore o ÿrtvama — „punoletnim devoj- kama", dok sudija Okruÿnog suda u Novom Sadu pominje „devojke od 18 godina i nešto starije". Jedan ispitanik iz Novog Pazara sreo se sa ne- koliko sluåajeva, od åega åetiri devojke od 21, 25 i 30 godina. Ispitanici iz SUP-a Šabac sreli su se sa nekoliko sluåajeva trgovine a ÿrtve su, pre- ma njihovim saznanjima, bile tri devojke mlaðe od 25 godina. Ispitanik iz V opštinskog tuÿilaštva u Beogradu sreo se sa dva sluåaja trgovine, a ÿrtve su imale 18 i 19 godina. Dragica Mršiã, sudija kriviånog odeljenja opštinskog suda u Šapcu, koja se u radu srela sa nekoliko sluåajeva trgovine, o starosti ÿrtava kaÿe:

„Sve ÿrtve sa kojim sam se ja sretala u svom radu bile su punoletne, ali sasvim mlade devojke u ranim dvadesetim godinama."

Ipak, ima i sluåajeva ÿena ÿrtava trgovine koje pripadaju starosnoj kategoriji od 40 do 50 godina. Tako se jedna ispitanica u svom dosada- šnjem radu srela sa ÿrtvom trgovine koja ima 42 godine. Marija Anðel- koviã, aktivistkinja NVO ASTRA, srela se sa 27 ÿena ÿrtava trgovine, a ÿene su bile svih starosnih kategorija. Vesna Stanojeviã, koordinatorka Savetovališta protiv nasilja u poro- dici i Skloništa za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine, na pitanje o starosti ÿrtava trgo- vine kaÿe:

„One su uglavnom mlade, prosek godina u Skloništu je 23 godine starosti, ali ima i pojedinaånih sluåajeva ÿena u poodmaklim godinama."

Takoðe, ispitanici imaju saznanja da se kao ÿrtve trgovine javljaju i ÿene koje su u trenutku trgovine bile u drugom stanju (nekima je trgo- vano i kada su bile u devetom mesecu trudnoãe) i majke (naši ispitanici imali su saznanja da su trafikovane i ÿene koje su majke dvoje, odno- sno åetvoro dece).

54  VI 1.2.b. Drÿavljanstvo

Ispitanici su precizno identifikovali 148 ÿrtava trgovine iz Moldavi- je, 123 iz Rumunije, 67 ÿrtava iz Ukrajine, 10 Bugarki, 6 Ruskinja, 5 Ki- neskinja, 2 Jermenke, 2 Uzbekistanke i po jednu ÿrtvu iz Åeške Republi- ke i Belorusije. Meðutim, ovi brojevi svakako nisu pravi odraz stanja na terenu jer su ispitanici åesto govorili i o skupinama ÿrtava, na primer „20 ÿrtava iz Rumunije i Moldavije" ili „pet ÿrtava, Ukrajina i Moldavi- ja", pa nije bilo moguãe utvrditi taåan broj i stoga ove podatke treba uzeti sa rezervom. Takoðe, neki ispitanici nisu bili u moguãnosti da da- ju precizne podatke o broju ÿrtava i zemlji porekla ÿrtva trgovine ÿena- ma. Tada su samo navodili zemlje porekla, bez navoðenja brojki, ili su pribliÿno odreðivali iz kojih zemalja je najviše ÿrtava (na primer, „najvi- še iz Moldavije, pa onda Ukrajina i Rumunija" ili „strankinje i naše, ali mnogo manje — Moldavija, Ukrajina, Rusija, Rumunija, Kosovo"). Na osnovu podataka do kojih smo došle ipak moÿemo zakljuåiti da su Mol- davija, Rumunija i Ukrajina najåešãe zemlje porekla ÿrtava trgovine ÿe- nama. Precizno je identifikovano i 96 drÿavljanki Srbije — ÿrtava trgovine ÿenama. One su iz Åaåka, Ãiãevca, Šapca, Kraljeva, Vranja, Loznice, Panåeva i drugih gradova i sela u unutrašnjosti, naroåito onih koji se nalaze u blizini graniånih prelaza sa Maðarskom, Rumunijom i Bugar- skom (Vršac, Zrenjanin, Negotin, Sombor, Subotica, Odÿaci, Novi Sad, Pirot).

VI 1.2.c. Nacionalnost ÿrtava iz Srbije

Nacionalnost ÿrtava trgovine ÿenama — domaãih drÿavljanki je ša- rolika. Ispitanici su identifikovali 15 ÿrtava (15,6%) romske nacionalno- sti. Ipak, najveãi broj trafikovanih ÿena drÿavljanki Srbije je srpske, cr- nogorske i muslimanske nacionalnosti.

VI 1.2.d. Obrazovanje

Iako najveãi broj ispitanika nije imao saznanja o obrazovanju ÿrta- va, na osnovu podataka koje su nam izneli moÿemo zakljuåiti da su ÿr- tve trgovine u najveãem broju sluåajeva ÿene sa završenom srednjom školom, frizerke, krojaåice i sliåno, ali je bilo i sluåajeva ÿrtava koje su bile izuzetno obrazovane — diplomirane pravnice, pedagozi, profesorke muzike, lekarke i sliåno.

55  VI 1.2.e. Radna ili seksualna eksploatacija

Rezultati istraÿivanja pokazuju da se u najveãem broju sluåajeva tr- govine ÿenama radilo o trgovini ÿenama radi seksualne eksploatacije. U tri sluåaja sa kojima su se ispitanici neposredno sreli radilo se o trgovini radi eksploatacije rada. To su bile dve Kineskinje koje su trafikovane kroz Srbiju — krajnja destinacija je trebalo biti Italija, i dva sluåaja trgo- vine za poslove domaãice u Srbiji. Jedna od ÿrtava u drugom opisanom sluåaju, Moldavka, drÿana je zatvorena u stanu i radno eksploatisana za domaãe poslove. Šest ispitanika je imalo posredna saznanja o sluåajevi- ma prodaje naših ÿena u inostranstvu radi eksploatacije rada. Opisana su tri sluåaja u kojima se radilo o našim drÿavljankama prodatim u Itali- ji. Bilo je i graniånih sluåajeva, gde su naše drÿavljanke dobrovoljno od- lazile u inostranstvo ali tamo prisiljavane da rade u kafanama i na plan- taÿama, bez hrane, plate itd., kao i sluåajeva naših ÿena koje su završa- vale na Bliskom Istoku, u Libiji i Kuvajtu, gde su radile kao medicinske sestre, a postoje saznanja da su im pasoši oduzimani.

VI 1.3. Trgovina u Srbiji, iz Srbije i kroz Srbiju

Srbija je poåetkom devedesetih godina prošlog veka uglavnom bila zemlja destinacije, da bi se, zbog sve lošije ekonomske situacije, lagano transformisala u zemlju tranzita, ali i zemlju porekla ÿrtava trgovine ÿe- nama.90 Prema procenama Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije, naj- veãi broj ÿrtava trgovine koje završe u Zapadnoj Evropi stigne u zemlju destinacije preko balkanskih zemalja.91 Srbija danas, kako pokazuju re- zultati istraÿivanja, predstavlja zemlju tranzita, destinacije i porekla ÿr- tava trgovine ÿenama, ali i zemlju sa razvijenom unutrašnjom trgovi- nom ÿenama sa teritorije Srbije, koja ne podrazumeva prelazak drÿavne granice. I pored teškoãa u odreðivanju da li se u konkretnom sluåaju trgo- vine radi o trgovini u Srbiji, kroz Srbiju ili iz Srbije, ispitanici su identifi- kovali 299 sluåajeva trgovine u Srbiji sa 310 ÿrtava trgovine, 86 sluåajeva trgovine iz Srbije sa 89 ÿrtava i 151 sluåaj trgovine kroz Srbiju sa 154 ÿr- tve trgovine ÿenama. U sluåajevima kada nisu imali potrebna saznanja, ispitanici su da- vali procene o tome. Najveãi broj ispitanika smatra da je Srbija uglav- 90 Mihiã, B. (2003) „Trgovina ÿenama radi seksualne eksploatacije — kriminološki aspekt", u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S., Mihiã, B. (2003) Trgovina ljudima — pojam, karakteristike i pravna re- gulativa, Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraÿivanja [neobjavljeno, str. 17]. 91 Limanowska, B. (2002) Trafficking in Human Beings in Southeastern Europe, UNICEF, UNOHCHR, OSCE-ODIHR: str. 4.

56 nom tranzitna zemlja, odnosno imaju saznanja da je podruåje na kojem oni ÿive i rade tranzitno. Istovremeno, veliki broj ispitanika smatra da je Srbija i zemlja destinacije i zemlja tranzita. Manji broj ispitanika je izra- zio uverenje da je, kada se radi o trgovini ÿenama, Srbija i zemlja pore- kla, i tranzita i destinacije. Tvrdnju da je Srbija zemlja tranzita, porekla i destinacije zastupa Marija Anðelkoviã, diplomirana pravnica i aktivistkinja NVO ASTRA iz Beograda:

„Bilo je svih sluåajeva… Srbija je zemlja i porekla i tranzita i destina- cije kod trgovine ljudima. Za devojke koje su pronaðene na našoj teritoriji ne moÿe se uvek sa sigurnošãu reãi da li im je Srbija bila krajnje odredište ili se radilo samo o tranzitu. Iz Srbije devojke idu u Španiju, Albaniju, Ne- maåku, Italiju, Makedoniju, na Kosovo, kroz Srbiju u Makedoniju, Libiju, Tursku, na Kosovo…U Srbiju iz svih okolnih zemalja, zatim iz Moldavije, Ukrajine, Rumunije, Jermenije…"

Ispitanici koji su u svom radu imali najviše sluåajeva tranzita, od- nosno prolaska ÿrtava kroz Srbiju, smatraju da je razlog tome stacioni- ranost vojnih snaga na Kosovu i Bosni i Hercegovini, i ÿelja trgovaca da bolje zarade u zemljama Zapada. Ipak, i u tim sluåajevima retko se de- šava da nema eksploatacije na teritoriji Srbije. Sandra Slijepåeviã, programska asistentkinja u Meðunarodnoj orga- nizaciji za migracije, pravi razliku izmeðu zemlje destinacije za trgovce (prave destinacije) i zemlje destinacije za ÿrtve (fiktivne destinacije), i o tome još kaÿe:

„Kada je u pitanju tranzit, odnosno samo prolazak kroz Srbiju, bez eksploatacije u granicama Srbije, to se veoma retko dešava, svega u dese- tak sluåajeva. Skoro sve ÿene kojima je IOM asistirao bile su eksploatisane na teritoriji Srbije, što znaåi da je za trafikere zemlja destinacije Srbija. One uglavnom nisu ostajale u istom mestu, åesto su se selile, ali sve u okviru Srbije. Za ÿrtve je, meðutim, zemlja destinacije uvek neka zemlja Zapadne Evrope, najåešãe Italija, a za trafikere je to Srbija. Prema našim statistikama, vidi se da bivše republike Jugoslavije, pa i Srbija, naroåito u zadnje vreme, postaju sve poÿeljnije zemlje destinacije i tranzita."

Ove tvrdnje potvrðuju i drugi ispitanici:

„Ÿene su uglavnom krijumåarene kroz Srbiju, ali je veliki broj devo- jaka bio i seksualno eksploatisan na podruåju Srbije, iako im prilikom do- govora u vezi sa poslom Srbija nije bila dogovorena destinacija."

57  „U 90% sluåajeva njima se obeãa posao u Italiji, Španiji ili Nemaåkoj, Austriji, bilo kakav posao, pa i fiziåki koji njima svakako odgovara ako je dobro plaãen za njihove uslove. Najåešãe su devojke bile planirane da za- vrše kod nas u nekom od naših bordela, odnosno noãnih barova. Devojke åesto bivaju prodate više puta pre no što budu uhvaãene i sprovedene u Sklonište. Jedna devojka je oko dve godine bila prodavana, prvo u Pado- vi, zatim u nekim mestima nadomak Beograda, sledila je Bosna, pa Lesko- vac, i tek onda je završila u Skloništu."

Italija i Kosovo figuriraju kao najåešãe krajnje destinacije ÿrtava tr- govine. Zatim se navode i Makedonija, Bosna i Hercegovina, Albanija, Gråka i druge zemlje Zapadne Evrope (Nemaåka, Austrija). Postoji mišljenje da se unutar Srbije preprodaju ÿene iz drugih ze- malja — Rumunije, Bugarske, Moldavije, a da naše ÿene uglavnom idu na Zapad. Meðutim, iskustva nevladinih organizacija koje se bave pru- ÿanjem pomoãi ÿrtvama govore da se naše ÿene, pre no što ih trgovci prodaju u inostranstvu, uglavnom prodaju kroz Srbiju i to po nekoliko puta. Sandra Ljubinkoviã, koordinatorka NVO ASTRA iz Beograda, ipak smatra da je „teško reãi da li je i koliko puta neka ÿena prodata kroz Sr- biju ako to ÿrtva sama ne identifikuje. Ÿrtve to veoma åesto ne znaju. Jedini naåin da se to utvrdi je ako su one same svedoci kupoprodaje ili na neki drugi naåin saznaju šta se dogodilo…" Prema rezultatima istraÿivanja, unutrašnja trgovina našim ÿenama je veoma razvijena, o åemu svedoåi i sluåaj iz prakse Okruÿnog javnog tuÿilaštva u Šapcu:

„Dve punoletne ÿene, domaãe drÿavljanke (od kojih je jedna stara 45 godina i majka petoro dece, a druga oko 25 godina), prodate su od strane nekog åoveka iz Niša vlasniku lokala u Šapcu. Obe ÿene su iz sela iz oko- line Niša i, po njihovoj priåi, taj åovek iz Niša im je sipao 'nešto u piãe', nakon åega su one zaspale i probudile se u Poÿarevcu. Tada su usledila si- lovanja, a zatim su došli ljudi iz Šapca (jedan åovek — gazda lokala i jed- na ÿena) i odveli ih u Šabac, gde su poåele da rade u lokalu kao konobari- ce. Prema njihovom iskazu, gazda lokala ih je drÿao zatvorene, silovao ih i prinuðivao na vršenje prostitucije, sve dok jedna od njih nije uspela da pobegne i prijavi sluåaj policiji."

VI 2. Karakteristike trgovine ÿenama

Rezultati dosadašnjih (mahom stranih) istraÿivanja, izveštaji meðu- narodnih organizacija, lokalnih nevladinih organizacija koje pruÿaju po-

58 moã ÿrtvama trgovine, kao i druga saznanja,92 pokazuju da se trgovina ÿenama po pravilu odvija u tri glavne faze: namamljivanje (vrbovanje, regrutovanje); transport, odnosno transfer iz zemlje porekla do zemlje destinacije po unapred utvrðenim putevima (kanalima); viktimizacija kojoj su ÿrtve izloÿene, bilo tokom puta ili nakon što stignu u mesto od- redišta. Imajuãi to u vidu, do podataka o glavnim fazama trgovine ÿe- nama u Srbiji, kroz Srbiju i iz Srbije došlo se kroz pitanja o sluåajevima sa kojima su se ispitanici neposredno susreli u praksi, a koji su bili iden- tifikovani kao sluåajevi trgovine ÿenama, kao i pitanja o opštim (posred- nim) saznanjima o osnovnim fazama trgovine ÿenama. U daljem izlaga- nju biãe data analiza podataka o putevima trgovine punoletnim ÿena- ma, naåinima njihovog namamljivanja, transfera i transporta, kao i me- hanizmima kontrole i eksploatacije kojima su ÿene ÿrtve izloÿene.

VI 2.1. Putevi trgovine ÿenama93

Do podataka o putevima trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji, kroz Srbiju i iz Srbije došle smo na osnovu opisanih sluåajeva sa kojima su se ispitanici susreli u neposrednoj praksi, kao i na osnovu njihovih opštih saznanja o putevima trgovine ÿenama.

VI 2.1.a. Putevi trgovine stranim drÿavljankama

Podaci dobijeni istraÿivanjem pokazuju da se trgovina ÿenama — stranim drÿavljankama odvija iz pravca zemalja Istoåne Evrope, mahom drÿava bivšeg Sovjetskog Saveza, prema Zapadu. Ÿene ÿrtve trgovine uglavnom dolaze iz Ukrajine, Moldavije i Rumunije, a nešto reðe iz Ru- sije i Bugarske. Kanali trgovine punoletnim ÿenama najåešãe kreãu iz Ukrajine i Moldavije i idu preko Rumunije, Bugarske i, nešto reðe, pre- ko Maðarske. Nakon ulaska na teritoriju Srbije i Crne Gore, putevi idu od istoka ka zapadu i od severa prema jugu, mada ima i pravaca ka se- veru (Maðarskoj). Tako putevi od istoka prema zapadu idu preko Poÿa- revca ili Panåeva i Beograda prema Republici Srpskoj (preko Šapca) ili prema Hrvatskoj (preko Šida), pri åemu jedan krak ide i ka severu, tj. prema Maðarskoj (preko Subotice). Od severa ka jugu, kanali trgovine ÿenama vode, takoðe, preko Beograda, prema Kosovu, Makedoniji ili Albaniji, ili prema Crnoj Gori (preko Novog Pazara), a potom na Ko- 92 Mihiã, B. (2003) „Trgovina ÿenama radi seksualne eksploatacije — kriminološka analiza", u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S., Mihiã, B. (2003) Trgovina ljudima: pojam, karakteristike i pravna re- gulativa. Beograd: Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraÿivanja [neobjavljeno, str. 19—23]. 93 Putevi trgovine ÿenama prikazani su na mapi koja se nalazi u dodatku.

59 60  „Iz Rumunije, preko dela oko Velikog Gradišta, Vršca i Bele Crkve, gde su šume, polja, a granica nije dovoljno dobro åuvana…" (Odeljenje za strance u okviru Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove SUP Beograd) „Rumunke koje dolaze kod nas ilegalno obiåno ulaze u delu oko Go- lupca, preko Dunava prelaze åamcem, ili u delu oko Srpske Crnje. Iz Ukrajine dolaze obiåno vozom, preko prelaza Horgoš…"

Unutar Srbije i Crne Gore, identifikovano je nekoliko pravaca kre- tanja trgovine stranim drÿavljankama. Ÿrtve koje uðu u SiCG iz pravca Rumunije, i to preko Velikog Gra- dišta, Vršca i Bele Crkve, prebacuju se do Panåeva, gde se dosta njih za- drÿava, ili direktno idu u Poÿarevac, a jedan deo odlazi do Beograda. Ÿene koje ulaze na prelazu Srpska Crnja (takoðe iz Rumunije) pre- voze se do Ÿitišta, odakle jedan krak ide prema Panåevu a drugi prema Zrenjaninu, potom Novom Sadu i Šapcu (ka Republici Srpskoj) ili Beo- gradu. Prelaz Mokranje je, prema reåima Tomislava Stojanoviãa, inspekto- ra za granicu u SUP Poÿarevac, „vrlo pogodan teren za sve mahinacije, krijumåarenje i trgovinu ljudima… Gusta naseljenost, guste šume… iz- vanredni uslovi za ilegalan prelaz granice", a odatle se koriste još dva pravca: preko Majdanpeka i Kuåeva do autoputa Beograd—Niš, ili pre- ko Donjeg Milanovca, Golupca, Velikog Gradišta i Poÿarevca do auto- puta Beograd—Niš. Iz zajeåarkog kraja, tj. sa prelaza kod Vrške Åuke, ide se u pravcu Poÿarevca ili Velikog Gradišta pa za Beograd. Iz Maðarske se dolazi do Beograda uz obiåno kraãe zadrÿavanje u Subotici ili okolini (u nekom motelu, restoranu, stanu), o åemu govori i sluåaj iz prakse Odseka za strance SUP Subotica:

„2000. i 2001. godine podnošene su kriviåne prijave protiv vlasnika jednog motela u Subotici u koji je on smeštao devojke, da bi ih dalje tran- sportovao… Ovog åoveka i njegovu devojku prepoznala je jedna Ukrajin- ka i protiv njih su podnete prijave za posredovanje u vršenju prostitucije krajem 2001. godine. Naime, Ukrajinka je sama krenula da izaðe iz SiCG, ali je na graniånom prelazu nastao problem oko njene putne isprave, pa je privedena i dovedena u SUP Subotica (njoj je veã bila istekla viza). U razgovoru sa njom došlo se do toga da je bila u tom motelu, ali da tu nije bilo duÿeg zadrÿavanja, niti bavljenja prostitucijom. Devojke su ostajale po dan-dva a onda bi išle dalje, što na Kosovo, u Republiku Srpsku ili u Beograd."

61  Zapaÿa se da Beograd predstavlja nezaobilaznu stanicu za veãinu ÿena ÿrtava trgovine, odnosno da je postao jedan od glavnih tranzitnih centara za ovo podruåje,94 o åemu jedan ispitanik kaÿe:

„Put ih nezaobilazno vodi preko Beograda, u kome se obavlja trgovi- na. Devojke se u Beogradu zadrÿavaju (u stanovima ili kuãama koje su iz- najmljene samo za tu svrhu) dok se ne naðe kupac i onda se razgranatim pravcima prebacuju dalje…"

O tome svedoåe i sledeãi primeri, navedeni od strane naših ispita- nika:

„Navešãu sluåaj ÿene iz Rumunije koja je radila na Kosovu — bavila se prostitucijom i bila u ropskom odnosu kod gazde kafane u Kosovu Po- lju… Iz njene priåe saznali smo da je preko svoje komšinice došla do adrese åoveka koji joj je obeãao dobar posao u Italiji i vizu. Nije se bojala jer je imala poverenje u komšinicu. Bilo ih je pet u grupi do Maðarske, gde su im se pridruÿile dve Bugarke. Iz Budimpešte su došle u Beograd, gde ih je preuzeo åovek iz Panåeva. Nju i jednu devojku iz Moldavije smestio je u kuãu na Zvezdari, gde su ostale 15 dana a posle je, po onome što je åula, ta devojka prodata nekom licu u Beogradu. Ovu devojku više nije videla. Gazda kafane kod koga je poåela da radi kao konobarica ubr- zo je poåeo da je prisiljava na prostituciju — kada je odbila dobila je bati- ne. Mesec dana kasnije prebaåena je na Kosovo…" „Rumunska drÿavljanka (1971)… srela je svoju školsku drugaricu ko- ja joj je ponudila da radi kao konobarica u istoj kafani gde ona radi duÿe vreme. Ponudila joj je da stanuju zajedno i dele stanarinu, i ona je to pri- hvatila. U stanu je upoznala tri Rumunke i jednu Moldavku i saznala da ãe one za dva-tri sata biti prebaåene za Jugoslaviju. Posle dva dana po nju je došao jedan Rumun, a kasnije su im se pridruÿila još dvojica, koji su je ilegalno prebacili preko granice. Sa ove strane granice saåekala su je dva jugoslovenska drÿavljanina, koji su je dÿipom doveli do Beograda i sme- stili je u jedan stan. U stanu u Beogradu je zatekla tri Moldavke i Rumun- ku koja je prodata u Gråkoj, a tri Moldavke u Italiji. Nju je prodao jed- nom licu iz Beograda. U Beogradu je bila prodata sedam puta. Pretposled- nji kupac ju je zlostavljao i pretio bombom koju je stalno nosio sa sobom. Danju je spavala u nekom stanu u Raškoj, a noãu ju je vodio u Zveåan (Kosovo) i prodavao je vojnicima KFOR-a…."

94 Tako, na primer, Meðunarodne organizacije upozoravaju da u beogradskom predgraðu rade bar tri velika trgovca ljudima, povezana sa makroima i vlasnicima bordela, koji u svakom mo- mentu drÿe i do 15 ÿena za dalju preprodaju. Više o tome u: „Ku(r)vanje u drÿavnom kazanu", Be- ograd: Reporter: br. 184, 31.oktobar 2001, str. 15—16. Prema: Mihiã, B. (2003) „Trgovina ÿenama radi seksualne eksploatacije — kriminološka analiza", op. cit., str. 17.

62  Meðutim, pored Beograda, ÿene se åesto dovode i u druga mesta, u kojima se neko vreme zadrÿavaju, bivaju eksploatisane, a potom ih gazde prodaju dalje. Tako postoje razni lokali, moteli ili sliåni objekti u koje se ove ÿene smeštaju u Mladenovcu, Smederevu, Poÿarevcu, na Ibarskoj magistrali, u selu Piroman kod Obrenovca, Batajnici i sliåno. U vezi sa tim, a na osnovu rezultata istraÿivanja koje je sprovela NVO Beosupport, Slobodan Lovriã kaÿe:

„Ÿrtve trgovine ljudima u ispitivanom uzorku su uglavnom bile stran- kinje, koje su 2—3 meseca radile u Srbiji. Gazda bi ih zadrÿavao 2—3 me- seca, pa bi ih prodavao drugome ili u granicama Srbije ili u Republici Srp- skoj, reðe na Kosovu."

Isti ispitanik navodi i sledeãi primer:

„U okolini Velikog Gradišta je postojao lokal åiji je gazda trgovao de- vojkama radi seksualne eksploatacije. Uvek je 'raspolagao' sa 7—8 devoja- ka i prodavao ih je za 500—3000 DM. Devojke su, uglavnom, bile iz Mol- davije i Rumunije."

Iz Beograda put dalje vodi na nekoliko strana. Jedan krak ide pre- ma Šapcu i Bijeljini, tj. Republici Srpskoj, pri åemu se u ovom kraju ÿe- ne åesto prebacuju åamcima preko Drine; potom prema Šidu, gde se iz- lazi iz SiCG i ulazi u Hrvatsku; ili prema Subotici (prema graniånom pe- lazu Kelebija), pa u Maðarsku. Jedna takav primer naveli su ispitanici — predstavnici policije:

„Radilo se o ÿeni iz Moldavije koja je u SiCG dospela u devetom me- secu trudnoãe. Ona je sa još jednom drugaricom došla preko Budimpešte, ilegalno su ušle u SiCG uz pomoã našeg drÿavljanina protiv koga je pod- neta kriviåna prijava. U Srbiji je trebalo da dobiju rumunske pasoše kako bi onda mogle legalno da uðu u Italiju. Ove iz Moldavije je vrbovao Mol- davac, obeãavši im posao u Italiji, drugo lice ih u Maðarskoj (u koju su ušle legalno) preuzima, treãi ih dovodi kod nas, åetvrti im obezbeðuje pa- soše i predaje dalje. Put obiåno ide od Beograda, preko Hrvatske, Sloveni- je, Austrije do Italije ili autobusom — redovnom linijom Beograd—Milano koju drÿi jedan prevoznik. Tako je tim autobusom (preko agencije koja ima liniju Beograd—Bergamo—Verona) krenula jedna grupa devojaka, za koje se na granici kod Subotice posumnjalo da su ÿrtve trgovine. One su uporno negirale da su to njihovi pasoši. One su dospele u policiju i, kada im je reåeno gde i kako je trebalo da završe, pristale su na saradnju i is- priåale šta se desilo, rekle su gde su bile, i tako se preko njih saznalo za stan u kojem je naðena spomenuta Moldavka i još nekoliko devojaka. U

63  toj grupi koja je uhvaãena bila je i Moldavkina drugarica. Trebalo je da završe u Italiji kao prostitutke."

O ovim pravcima kretanja govori još jedan sluåaj iz prakse Odelje- nja za strance SUP Beograd, kao i sluåaj iz prakse Odseka za strance SUP Subotica. Maja 2003. godine u Beogradu je otkrivena grupa od osam kineskih drÿavljana, meðu kojima su bile i dve punoletne ÿene. Oni su bili ÿrtve trgovine u cilju radne eksploatacije, a prema saznanji- ma policije trebalo je da preko Hrvatske stignu do Italije (kao zemlje privremene ili trajne destinacije). U okolini Subotice je marta 2003. godi- ne otkrivena grupa od 10 punoletnih drÿavljana Kine, meðu kojima su bile dve ili tri ÿene. Oni su legalno ušli u našu drÿavu i to avionom (re- dovnom avionskom linijom Moskva—Beograd), a dalji transfer je išao preko Beograda do Subotice, odakle je trebalo da budu ilegalno preba- åeni u Maðarsku kako bi preko Budimpešte nastavili put ka Zapadu. Krajnja destinacija trebalo je da bude London. Drugi krak od Beograda ide ka jugu i to prema Nišu ili prema No- vom Pazaru. Put od Niša ide prema Vranju i Bujanovcu pa na Kosovo, dok put iz Novog Pazara vodi ili prema Prištini (Kosovo) a odatle za Makedoniju, ili preko Bjelog Polja i Podgorice do Bara pa dalje prema Italiji ili Albaniji. Što se tiåe Novog Pazara, saznanja ispitanika iz ovog mesta poka- zuju sledeãu sliku: iz Novog Pazara putevi trgovine ÿenama idu na tri strane: 1. preko Tutina, prelaza Mehov Krš, gde se ulazi u Crnu Goru, odakle se ide preko Roÿaja do Bara a potom brodovima do Barija u Ita- liji; 2. preko prelaza Mehov Krš i sela Drage i Vrbe do Dubrovnika a odatle za Italiju; 3. direktno na Kosovo, a sa Kosova za Italiju. U Italiji se jedan deo ÿena zadrÿava u Milanu, Rimu i Bolonji, a jedan deo na- stavlja put ka severu, u pravcu drugih zemalja Zapadne Evrope, tj. pre- ma Austriji, Nemaåkoj i Švedskoj. Ÿene ÿrtve trgovine koje uðu iz pravca Bugarske, na prelazima Sta- zilovce ili Bosilegrad, dalje se kreãu kroz Crnu Travu, preko Medveðe do Kosova.

VI 2.1.b. Putevi trgovine domaãim ÿenama

Kada se radi o trgovini našim ÿenama, prema saznanjima ispitani- ka, ona se odvija kako u granicama naše drÿave (unutar Srbije ili izme- ðu Srbije i Crne Gore), tako i van njih, tj. identifikovani su i sluåajevi u kojima su naše ÿene bile prodate u Bosni, Makedoniji i Italiji. U vezi sa tim, Sandra Slijepåeviã, programska asistentkinja u Meðunarodnoj orga- nizaciji za migracije, kaÿe:

64  „Od 100 ÿena kojima je IOM iz Beograda asistirao od leta 2001. godi- ne do kraja 2002. godine… u programu je bilo svega 15 ÿena iz Srbije, od kojih je pet bilo trafikovano u granicama Srbije, a ostalih 10 je bilo trafiko- vano u Italiji, Makedoniji i Bosni, pa su nam one vraãene."

Druga ispitanica navela je primer devojke iz Srbije koja je bila pro- data u Hrvatskoj:

„Devojka iz Vojvodine je i sama bila domsko dete. Uspela je da zavr- ši srednju školu i kurs za frizere i uz pomoã Centra za socijalni rad da se zaposli, i åak da ostane u domu i nakon sticanja punoletstva. Pošto nije bila zadovoljna platom, napustila je posao, otišla je kod druga kod koga je došao njegov poznanik, koji joj je ponudio da ode u drugi grad i radi u kafiãu. Otišla je tamo, ali je radila kao prostitutka. U meðuvremenu je ostala u drugom stanju, tokom trudnoãe joj je gazda lokala u kojem je ra- dila (koji je navodno i otac deteta) slao novac. Kada se porodila, smeštena je u Materinski dom u Zveåanskoj, gde je ostavila dete i pobegla. Preko neke drugarice (koja ju je odvela ili preporuåila) otišla je u Vitez u Bosni da bi se zaposlila, odatle je bila prodata za Hrvatsku, da bi je tamošnja policija uhvatila bez dokumenata i vratila u Beograd."

O tome da naše ÿene ponekad završavaju na Kosovu, u Albaniji ili Italiji, ili trgovci pokušavaju da ih tamo prebace, svedoåe reåi Slobodana Lovriãa iz NVO Beosupport:

„Poznat mi je sluåaj devojke iz Vojvodine koja je radila u kafiãu u Podgorici. Došao je gazdin prijatelj koji joj je ponudio posao u Budvi. Od- mah ju je prve veåeri silovao i pokušao da je kolima preko Bara prebaci u Albaniju ili na Kosovo. Na sreãu, devojka je uspela da pobegne, ali je po- sle silovanja ostala u drugom stanju."

Ili, primer koji je naveo drugi ispitanik:

„Lice iz Novog Pazara je za 1500 EUR pokušalo da prebaci dve de- vojke (obe iz Vranja) iz Bara za Bari trajektom, gde ga je uhvatila i uhap- sila crnogorska policija…"

Iako ispitanici nisu navodili kojim putevima se naše ÿene ÿrtve tr- govine iz Srbije kreãu prema zemljama u okruÿenju ili drugim drÿava- ma destinacije, moÿe se pretpostaviti da se tu ipak radi o istim kanalima trgovine kao kada su u pitanju strane drÿavljanke, odnosno o istim me- stima izlaska sa teritorije Srbije i Crne Gore.

65  Kada je u pitanju trgovina našim ÿenama unutar Srbije, zapaÿa se da se kao mesta njihove (privremene ili trajne) destinacije pojavljuju Beograd, Panåevo, Poÿarevac, Šabac i Novi Pazar. S obzirom da su u pi- tanju mesta koja se nalaze na putevima trgovine stranim drÿavljanka- ma, nije moguãe sa sigurnošãu zakljuåiti da li je njihova namerevana destinacija bila neka druga zemlja, pa su pre toga bile otkrivene, ili je njihova konaåna destinacija zaista trebalo da bude Srbija. Kao jedno od najznaåajnih mesta privremene ili trajne destinacije za naše ÿene identi- fikovan je Novi Pazar, pri åemu ÿene, prema saznanjima iz Novog Pa- zara, dolaze mahom iz gradova u blizini graniånih prelaza sa Rumuni- jom, Bugarskom i Maðarskom, i to iz Vršca, Negotina, Sombora, Odÿa- ka, Novog Sada, Zrenjanina, Bora, Šapca, Pirota. O putevima trgovine našim ÿenama unutar granica Srbije i Crne Gore govori veã spomenuti primer iz prakse Okruÿnog javnog tuÿila- štva u Šapcu,95 u kojem su dve punoletne domaãe drÿavljanke iz okoli- ne Niša preko Poÿarevca dospele u jedan lokal u Šapcu, kao i primer koji navodi Vesna Stanojeviã, koordinatorka Savetovališta protiv nasilja u porodici i Skloništa za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine:

„Åetiri devojke iz Åaåka, od kojih je jedna bila maloletna, krenule su na more da zarade pare. Otišle su u Herceg Novi, ali tamo nije bilo posla. Došao je åovek iz Novog Pazara i ponudio im posao. Odveo ih je u jedno mesto kod Roÿaja, u Crnoj Gori. One su posle ispriåale da su tu bile veã neke devojke iz Beograda koje su posle nestale, i da je trebalo da doðu još tri devojke. To govori da se radilo o organizovanom prebacivanju devo- jaka."

VI 2.2. Namamljivanje ÿena ÿrtava trgovine

Raspoloÿiva saznanja o trgovini ÿenama, pre svega u cilju seksual- ne eksploatacije, govore u prilog tome da postoji nekoliko osnovnih modela (obrazaca) namamljivanja ÿena: prevara kroz ponudu posla ali bez ikakvog ukazivanja na moguãnost seksualne eksploatacije; prevara kroz ponudu posla zabavljaåice, igraåice, konobarice i sliåno; prevara kroz ponudu braka; prevara u vezi sa uslovima u kojima ãe se ÿena ba- viti prostitucijom (u onim sluåajevima kada su ÿene svesne da ãe se ti- me baviti); otmice i kidnapovanje, i prodaja od strane ålana porodice, mladiãa ili drugog lica.96 Pored toga, kao åest oblik namamljivanja ÿena ÿrtava trgovine pojavljuju se i laÿni pozivi ili aranÿmani za putovanje u 95 Primer je naveden na stranama 44—45. 96 Kelly, L. (2002) Journeys of Jeopardy: A Review of Research on Trafficking in Women and Chil- dren in Europe. Child and Women Abuse Studies Unit, University of North London, U.K.: str. 30.

66 inostranstvo.97 Veãina izveštaja i pregleda o stanju trgovine ÿenama u evropskim drÿavama, kao i pojedina istraÿivanja (na primer u Albaniji), pokazala su da se ipak kao najåešãi oblik regrutovanja ÿrtava trgovine pojavljuju prevare u vezi sa prirodom posla koji bi u zemlji destinacije ÿena trebalo da obavlja, uslovima rada i platom.98 Do ovakvih podataka došlo se i istraÿivanjem trgovine ljudima u Srbiji. Prema saznanjima ispitanika, kao najåešãi naåini vrbovanja ÿena ÿr- tava trgovine identifikovani su:

— prevara u vezi sa poslom (prirodom posla ili uslovima u kojima i pod kojima ãe se raditi), odnosno obeãanje primamljivog posla u ino- stranstvu, kao i brzog i lakog dolaÿenja do dobre zarade; — obeãanje lepšeg i boljeg ÿivota; — laÿna obeãanja braka; — laÿni aranÿmani za uåenje stranih jezika, pohaðanje raznih kur- seva ili laÿni aranÿmani za putovanje u inostranstvo; — prinuda (prisila) u vidu otmice ili kidnapovanja (što je, prema reåima ispitanika, prisutno u manjem broju sluåajeva).

Zapaÿa se da ispitanici nisu isticali razliku u naåinima vrbovanja stranih drÿavljanki s jedne, i naših ÿena sa druge strane, kao ni u pogle- du trgovine ÿenama u cilju seksualne odnosno radne eksploatacije. Saznanja ispitanika pokazuju da je najrasprostranjeniji oblik regru- tovanja ÿena ÿrtava trgovine prevara u vezi sa poslom, odnosno obeãa- nje primamljivog, interesantnog posla u inostranstvu, kao i brzog i la- kog dolaÿenja do dobre zarade. Ovo se moÿe objasniti time da najveãi broj ÿena koje su dospele u Srbiju ili su kroz nju prošle na putu do krajnje destinacije potiåe iz zemalja Istoånog bloka, mahom iz drÿava bivšeg SSSR, koje „na potragu za boljim ÿivotom izvan granica zemlje u kojoj ÿive uglavnom tera ekstremno siromaštvo".99 Ovakvim obeãanjima ÿene se dovode u poziciju da veruju da mogu da odu na bogati Zapad, zarade novac, otpoånu novi ÿivot, istovremeno smatrajuãi da je to jedini naåin da one i njihove porodice izmaknu siromaštvu i beznaðu.100 Tome pogoduju i rašireni mitovi o lagodnom ÿivotu i brzoj zaradi na Zapadu. Tako se, prema reåima Sandre Slijepåeviã, programske asistentkinje u Meðunarodnoj organizaciji za migracije, „u preko 90% sluåajeva radi o obeãanju posla u inostrantvu". Ove ponude se vrše ili preko oglasa u 97 Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V. (2002) „Trgovina ÿenama u Srbiji i okolnim zemljama: obim, karak- teristike i uzroci". Beograd: Temida: br. 1: str. 6. 98 Kelly, L. (2002) op. cit., str. 29.; Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V. (2002) op. cit., str. 6. 99 Sandra Sljepåeviã, programska asistentkinja u Meðunarodnoj organizaciji za migracije, Beograd. 100 Keonig (ed.) (1997) Trafficking in Women. Vienna: Federal Chancellery. Ministry for Wo- men's Affairs, prema Kelly, L. (2002) op. cit., str. 30.

67 novinama ili putem neformalnih razgovora sa poznanicima, prijateljima, drugaricama i sliåno. Ÿenama se najåešãe nude poslovi åuvanja dece ili starih osoba, ko- nobarica, igraåica, zabavljaåica, fotomodela, manekenki, sobarica, potom poslovi u restoranima, u kuãi ili kao poslovna pratnja. Tako jedan ispi- tanik navodi:

„Ÿrtve budu namamljene razliåitim oglasima tipa: Devojke atraktivnog izgleda potrebne za rad u inostranstvu — izuzetna zarada, obezbeðena viza, ko- rektan odnos. Znaåi, oglasi obeãavajuãe sadrÿine u kojima se traÿe devojke za rad u inostranstvu."

O tome na koji naåin ÿene bivaju prevarene i ukljuåene u lanac tr- govine, a åega ponekad nisu svesne sve dok ne stignu do odredišta, pa åak ni onda kada im se na granici oduzme pasoš, govori i primer jedne ÿene iz Moldavije.

„Reåeno joj je da ãe raditi kao frizerka, jer je to njena struka. Kupila je (to je traÿeno od nje) ceo komplet pribora za frizerske usluge (profesio- nalne åetke koje su koštale pravo malo bogatstvo, za koje je pozajmila no- vac), da bi se ispostavilo da je to samo bila prazna priåa puna obeãanja."

Jedna ispitanica se, radeãi kao sudija za prekršaje, poåetkom 2003. godine susrela sa sluåajem ÿene iz Rumunije koja je krenula baš u Srbi- ju i Crnu Goru u nameri da se bavi poljoprivredom kako bi došla do novca.

„Ona je ilegalno prešla granicu jer joj je obeãano da ãe za izvesnu svotu novca biti prebaåena preko granice, bez putne isprave i drugih pa- pira. Krenula je sa idejom da doðe baš u Srbiju i Crnu Goru, da radi na zemlji (bila je spremna na tu vrstu fiziåkog rada, ali ne i za prostituciju), da zaradi… Stanje u Rumuniji je bilo jako loše, nije bilo para, a drugarica (koja ju je vrbovala) joj je rekla da ima osobu koja ãe da joj pomogne da je prebaci preko granice, da je tamo åeka neko drugi i da ãe posle biti na sigurnom i gde je dobra zarada… Dovedena je u neki bar (kafanu) neda- leko od Beograda… Preko noãi je radila kao striptizeta i pruÿala seksualne usluge klijentima, a danju je radila u baru — åistila, prala sudove…"

Meðutim, prema saznanjima ispitanika, ÿenama se nudi i posao u prostituciji, ali u tim sluåajevima bivaju prevarene u vezi sa uslovima u kojima ãe i pod kojima ãe da rade, u smislu da ãe moãi da ostanu koliko ÿele i da se vrate kuãi kada to poÿele:

68  „Jedan manji broj zna da ãe biti plesaåice ili animir dame, a sasvim mali procenat (oko 1%) da ãe se baviti prostitucijom." „Mnoge su ÿelele da se bave prostitucijom da bi sebi promenile ÿivot i svesno kreãu iako znaju da ãe biti ÿrtve trgovine, ali ne znaju šta sve moraju da proðu i koliko ãe im ÿivot malo vredeti. Trgovci im obeãavaju da ãe biti slobodne i da ãe moãi da štede da bi se vratile kuãi i ÿivele bolje."

S tim u vezi, Dragan Ÿivkoviã iz Prihvatilišta za strance u Padin- skoj Skeli istiåe da „åak 50% devojaka dobrovoljno ulazi u prostituciju, ali ne i u ropski odnos koji je karakteristiåan za trgovinu". Sledeãi oblik vrbovanja ÿena je obeãanje lepšeg i bogatijeg ÿivota, bolje buduãnosti, ekonomskog prosperiteta, lagodnog ÿivota, a bivaju namamljene i raznim poklonima u odeãi i novcu. Tako se njima, prema reåima jednog ispitanika, „uglavnom obeãava laka zarada, lep ÿivot… Ÿrtve postaju svesne šta im se dešava tek kada je veã kasno, kada ih tu- ku, teraju da rade… Ÿrtve ne shvataju situaciju ozbiljno ni kada im oduzmu pasoše… Tek kad poåne prinuda, shvate šta im se dešava". Prema saznanjima ispitanika, jedan od prisutnih metoda namamlji- vanja je i putem laÿnih obeãanja o braku u inostranstvu. Slede laÿni aranÿmani za uåenje stranih jezika u inostranstvu, za pohaðanje razliåitih kurseva, kao i laÿni aranÿmani za putovanje u ino- stranstvo, o åemu jedan ispitanik kaÿe:

„Neosetno namamljivanje se vrši kroz razne kurseve za strane jezike, za rad na raåunaru, kulinarske veštine, za manekene i sliåno. To je ono što moÿe biti primamljivo za svakoga. Znaåi, skoro sve ÿrtve su se javile na oglas u svojoj zemlji u nadi da ãe pobeãi od siromaštva, u ÿelji da obezbede neku perspektivu za ÿivot."

S tim u vezi, prema reåima jednog ispitanika, „posebno bi trebalo obratiti paÿnju na vrbovanje naših ÿena putem raznih modnih agencija, oglasa za sezonske poslove, sajamske manifestacije i sliåno". U manjem broju sluåajeva ispitanici su navodili prinudu ili prisilu kao metod regrutovanja ÿrtava, kao što su otmica ili kidnapovanje. U vezi sa kidnapovanjem Vesna Stanojeviã, koordinatorka Savetovališta protiv nasilja u porodici, rekla je sledeãe:

„Nema neke posebne razlike izmeðu naåina namamljivanja malolet- nica i punoletnih, åak ni kidnapovanje nije karakteristiåno samo za jedne. Izaðe na ulicu sa drugaricom, ocem, sestrom i trafikeri samo stanu pored njih kolima i uvuku ih u kola. Kao da gledaš kriminalne filmove."

69  Na kraju, pojedini ispitanici su naveli i sledeãe naåine vrbovanja ÿena: iskorišãavanje (zloupotrebu) teške materijale situacije, zloupotrebu poverenja, sipanje droge u piãe u kafiãima, obeãanje vize za zemlju u koju ÿena ÿeli da ode, kao i prodaju od strane ålana porodice. Tako je, na primer, Sandra Sljepåeviã, programska asistentkinja u Meðunarodnoj organizaciji za migracije, u dosadašnjem radu sa ÿenama ÿrtvama trgo- vine, koje su bile ukljuåene u program povratka i reintegracije, eviden- tirala prodaju ÿene od strane ålana porodice u samo jednom sluåaju.

VI 2.2.a. Namamljivaåi ÿena ÿrtava trgovine

Namamljivaåi ÿena ÿrtava trgovine su obiåno prvi u lancu trgovine ÿenama, pri åemu se veoma åesto radi o osobama koje ÿrtve poznaju i u koje imaju poverenja, ali neretko se u ulozi onih koji vrbuju ÿene poja- vljuju i razne agencije, klubovi i sliåno. Namamljivaåi su uglavnom oso- be iz zemlje porekla ÿrtava, ali mogu da budu i naši drÿavljani. To ilu- struju saznanja do kojih se došlo u Odseku pograniåne policije za stran- ce i upravne poslove SUP Sombor:

„Tokom 1990-ih godina dešavalo se da i naši drÿavljani odu, na pri- mer, u Ukrajinu, Moldaviju, Rumuniju, naðu devojku, naprave joj pasoš, sve plate (na primer 200 DM), dovedu je kod nas legalno, jer nije trebala viza, ona poåne da radi u baru, a potom pozove i svoje drugarice kojima kaÿe kako je ovde dobro, fino se zaraðuje."

Na osnovu podataka do kojih se došlo istraÿivanjem trgovine ljudi- ma u Srbiji zapaÿa se da se u ulozi namamljivaåa pojavljuju pre svega ÿene (drugarice, poznanice, ÿene koje su veã bile ukljuåene u lanac tr- govine, bivše prostitutke); potom braåni parovi (muÿ i ÿena); agencije (za manekene, fotomodele, izbore lepotica, turistiåke agencije), pa åak i sportski klubovi i neke firme, dok su u manjem broju sluåajeva to prija- telji ili poznanici, roðaci, mladiãi, roditelji.

„Namamljivaåi su uglavnom ÿene — poznanice, koje su upoznate sa njihovom porodiånom i ekonomskom situacijom. To je ono što najviše po- gaða ÿrtve, åinjenica da ih je izdala ÿena, jer se od muškaraca to nekako više oåekuje." (Sandra Slijepåeviã, programska asistentkinja u Meðunarod- noj organizaciji za migracije) „Namamljivanje putem poznanica koje im priåaju o tome da su åule za posao u inostranstvu. Obiåno se ukljuåe 2—3 devojke, pa koja uspe da ode. Poznanice im obeãavaju bolji ÿivot, govoreãi da poznaju åoveka koji ãe im obezbediti posao, stan i tako dalje." (Svetlana Šuhartoviã, psiholog, Kazneno-popravni zavod za ÿene Poÿarevac)

70  Ili, kako istiåe jedan ispitanik iz Novog Pazara „neke su namamlje- ne od svojih prijateljica koje su plaãene za to". Tako je u vezi sa sluåajem iz prakse Odseka za strance SUP Suboti- ca, åiji su radnici u 2003. godini identifikovali tri punoletne devojke, i to dve iz Moldavije i jednu iz Ukrajine, reåeno:

„Ove dve Moldavke su rekle da je njihova prijateljica veã bila u Beo- gradu, da je ona kontaktirala sa njima, rekla kako je tamo, da moÿe da se zaradi i one su preko nje i došle…"

U veã spomenutom sluåaju iz prakse jedne ispitanice, sudije za prekršaje, devojku iz Rumunije je vrbovala njena drugarica:

„Nju je vrbovala njena drugarica (Rumunka) koja inaåe radi u istom baru u koji je ona dospela u blizini Beograda, koja se bavi prostitucijom ali ima poseban status jer povremeno odlazi u Rumuniju i vrbuje nove devojke…"

Namamljivaåi su obiåno osobe u koje ÿene imaju poverenja. Tako je u praksi opštinskog suda u Vrnjaåkoj Banji 2001. godine zabeleÿen sluåaj åetiri moldavske drÿavljanke koje su uhvaãene u jednom lokalu:

„Iz policijskog zapisnika se vidi da su u dva sluåaja posredovali muÿ i ÿena iz Moldavije. Oni su ih (devojke) ubeðivali da idu u inostranstvo da rade u barovima kao konobarice. Devojke su imale puno poverenje u ove osobe. Druge dve devojke je na sliåan naåin obmanula drugarica.."

Sliåan primer naveo je i ispitanik iz Odseka za strance SUP-a Su- botica:

„U 2002. godini bio je jedan sluåaj Ukrajinke koja je htela da izaðe iz SiCG, ali je imala problema jer nije imala naš ulazni peåat. Privedena je u SUP Subotica. Ona je bila vrbovana od strane druge Ukrajinke koja je udata za našeg drÿavljanina i ÿivi u Beogradu. Oni su bili u Ukrajini i ovoj devojci rekli da doðe kod njih, da radi u njihovom lokalu u Beo- gradu."

Vrbovanje ÿena se vrši i posredstvom razliåitih agencija: za fotomo- dele, manekene, za izbore lepotica, igraåice, ali i preko turistiåkih agen- cija, agencija za zapošljavanje, pa åak, prema saznanjima nekih ispitani- ka, i sportskih klubova i firmi. Tako se, na primer, u intervjuu sa jed- nom ispitanicom došlo do sledeãih saznanja:

71  „Ÿena Moldavka, inaåe medicinska sestra, ÿeli da na legalan naåin, sa svojim znanjem, kao medicinska sestra u inostranstvu zaradi novac radi izdrÿavanja dvoje dece… Ona se obraãa agenciji koja organizuje nalaÿenje posla u inostranstvu, sa garancijom… Agencija se nalazi u Kišinjevu, u njoj radi ÿena srednjih godina, respektabilna, od poverenja. Ÿeni se nudi da radi kao medicinska sestra u Italiji, ali mora da sakupi nekoliko stotina dolara radi pokriãa, jer oni nisu agencija koja se bavi prostitucijom. Novac je da se snaðe u poåetku i da plati sebi put. Donosi svoje dokumente na uvid i tada joj se objašnjava da treba da ide u Budimpeštu, da u italijan- skoj ambasadi podnese zahtev za vizu. Sve deluje vrlo legalno, niko ne ide ilegalnim kanalima, niko je ne prati. Ona sasvim regularno dolazi na aerodrom u Budimpešti, ide do taksija, prilazi joj 'åiåica' sa aerodromskom kapom, sa registrovanim taksijem. Oni kreãu u pravcu ambasade, ali posle izvesnog vremena taksi usporava i na oba zadnja vrata uleãu dvojica tipo- va koji joj silom otimaju tašnu sa dokumentima i novcem. Od tog trenut- ka ona postaje niko i ništa, osoba bez identiteta…"

U ulozi namamljivaåa se, prema saznanjima ispitanika, u manjem broju pojavljuju prijatelji ili poznanici, roðaci, mladiãi, roditelji.

VI 2.3. Transport/transfer ÿena ÿrtava trgovine

Od zemlje porekla do zemlje destinacije, ÿene se transportuju i prebacuju unapred utvrðenim kanalima (putevima) koji su kontrolisani od strane trgovaca ljudima ukljuåenih u dobro organizovanu meðuna- rodnu mreÿu kriminala.101 Na tom putu one najåešãe prelaze više grani- ca, u nekim zemljama se zadrÿavaju neko vreme (zemlje privremene destinacije), bivaju prodavane i preprodavane dok ne stignu do kraj- njeg odredišta. Prema saznanjima ispitanika, ÿene ÿrtve trgovine u veãini sluåajeva dolaze u našu zemlju ilegalno. Ilegalno se prelazi van graniånih prelaza (ide se tzv. „zelenom linijom", na primer kroz šumu, polja, pojas koji nije baš najbolje åuvan), što je, prema mišljenju nekih ispitanika, lako zbog „šupljikave", „porozne" granice, korumpiranih sluÿbenika na nji- ma i sliåno. Pod ilegalnim prelaskom granice podrazumeva se i prelaÿe- nje na graniånom prelazu, ali sa falsifikovanim putnim ispravama i dru- gim dokumentima, ili, pak, preko graniånog prelaza, ali skriveno u kro- vovima vagona, gepeku i tome sliåno. 101 Mihiã, B. (2003) „Trgovina ÿenama radi seksualne eksploatacije — kriminološka analiza", u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S., Mihiã, B. (2003) Trgovina ljudima: pojam, karakteristike i pravna re- gulativa. Beograd: Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraÿivanja [neobjavljeno: str. 21].

72  U vezi sa tim, spominje se i prelaÿenje granice uz postojanje veze na graniånom prelazu, odnosno podmiãivanje carinika i/ili policajaca. O tome jedan ispitanik, predstavnik policije, kaÿe:

„Ide se 'zelenom linijom', 'na crno', ilegalno… Ilegalno se prelazi van graniånih prelaza, ili preko prelaza ali skriveno — u krovovima vagona, u gepeku… Najveãi problem je što svaki organizator trgovine ima svog åo- veka, carinika i/ili policajca koji puštaju devojke tokom njihove smene…"

Tokom istraÿivanja se, putem neformalnog razgovora sa vlasnikom jedne kafane iz istoåne Srbije, došlo i do sledeãih saznanja:

„Ranije su ÿene i muškarci dovoÿeni iz Rumunije Dunavom i suvo- zemnim putem. Dunavom je lako jer nema gotovo nikakve kontrole — iz- meðu Golupca i Majdanpeka je praktiåno rupa u tom pogledu. Nema voj- ske, a policija samo povremeno obilazi, ali je lako dobiti informacije kada ãe doãi patrola. Osim toga, ko plati, moÿe da radi šta hoãe. Policija je ko- rumpirana i sama je ukljuåena u trgovinu i krijumåarenje ljudima. Neki policajci prodaju devojke koje treba da štite — oni ih navodno štite, a u stvari ih prodaju, što njihovu situaciju åini bezizlaznom. Sada je sve to stalo, ali pitanje je do kada ãe tako biti. Ljudi koji su bili u policiji u vreme šverca nafte su još na istim mestima."

Åešãe korišãenje ilegalnog prebacivanja ÿena ÿrtava trgovine iz jed- ne drÿave u drugu, jedna ispitanica, sudija za prekršaje, objašnjava na sledeãi naåin:

„Mali je procenat onih koji uðu legalno, jer namamljivaåi i drugi u lancu upravo traÿe ÿene koje su zavisne, koje nemaju isprave i kojima obeãavaju da ãe ih oni prebaciti ilegalno (åak se ne ide ni na pravljenje falsifikovanih isprava jer sve to poveãava cenu), a sve to olakšava njihovu dalju eksploataciju, ucenjivanje, drÿanje pod kontrolom nego da su u pi- tanju devojke koje imaju uredne isprave i koje bi lakše mogle da pobeg- nu, prijave policiji…"

Pored toga, prema saznanjima pojedinih ispitanika, „prelaz granice je ilegalan najåešãe zbog neregularnosti dokumenata", što jedna ispita- nica objašnjava na sledeãi naåin:

„One daju odreðene pare za pasoš ali i njima samima je jasno da to nisu regularna dokumenta, jer u njihovoj zemlji nije nimalo lako doãi do pasoša. Pasoš u Rumuniji košta 1000 dolara, iako im ne treba viza, a one plate par stotina dolara. Moguãe je da im se objasni da je to neka pojed-

73  nostavljena procedura, ali najåešãe znaju da to nije regularan pasoš. Ipak, kada treba da se ilegalno preðe granica, one se bune jer su ipak za njiho- ve pojmove dale veliku sumu novca za pasoš, ali ništa ne mogu da izme- ne. Nekada im se pasoš obeãa sa naknadnim vraãanjem novca (od prvih nekoliko meseci zarade), a ilegalni prelazak je objašnjen time što pasoš još nije izraðen, ali ãe ih åekati na odredištu."

Prema saznanjima ispitanika, granica se prelazi i legalno, na graniå- nom prelazu, sa urednim putnim ispravama i vizama (ukoliko su po- trebne). O tome Dušan Zlokas, zamenik naåelnika Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i putne isprave MUP-a RS, kaÿe: „Ÿene ulaze uglav- nom iz pravca Rumunije i Bugarske, peške ili åamcima, noãu… Najveãi broj njih dolazi ipak legalno, imaju pasoše…" Ali, u tim sluåajevima se ÿenama pasoši uglavnom oduzimaju odmah nakon prelaska granice, ili one posle isteka vize ostaju u našoj zemlji, ili nemaju prijavljen boravak kod nas (ilegalno borave na našoj teritoriji). Meðutim, iako se prema mišljenju pojedinih ispitanika granica u gotovo istom broju sluåajeva prelazi i legalno i ilegalno, prema reåima Vesne Stanojeviã, koordinatorke Savetovališta protiv nasilja u porodici i Skloništa za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine, od onih ÿena koje su u Skloništu ili su kroz njega prošle vrlo malo je onih koje su ušle u našu zemlju legalno. Tako podaci dobijeni u Skloništu za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine pokazuju da je u periodu od 14. februara 2002. godine do 24. marta 2003. godine od 41 strane drÿavljanke, njih 24 ilegalno ušlo u Srbiju i Crnu Goru, 11 legal- no, a za 6 ÿena se ne zna. Pored toga, beleÿe se i sluåajevi kombinovanog prelaÿenja granice, tj. prelaÿenja i na jedan i na drugi naåin, što je „vrlo åesto kada su u pi- tanju Moldavke koje u našu zemlju ulaze legalno jer im ne treba viza, kod nas pribavljaju rumunske pasoše u koje stavljaju njihove slike sa kojima mogu, bez vize, da idu u Italiju jer je Rumunija na listi zemalja tzv. belog Šengena". Interesantan primer u vezi sa falsifikovanim dokumentima izneo je Dušan Zlokas, zamenik naåelnika Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove:

„Sluåaj Milivoja Zarubice — kod njega je 1999. godine u objektu Sv. Nikola pored 46 devojaka naðeno i 170.000 DM, oruÿje i falsifikovana do- kumenta devojaka (ÿrtava) — falsifikovani rumunski pasoši, kako bi mo- gle legalno da uðu u Italiju. To se radi tako što se ukradu pasoši ili se na- ðu pa se stavljaju slike drugih devojaka koje treba da se prebace u odre- ðenu zemlju…"

74  U Odeljenju za strance u okviru Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove Sekretarijata unutrašnjih poslova u Beogradu naveden je i sledeãi primer sa kojim su se inspektori sreli u praksi:

„Devojka iz Moldavije je sa još jednom drugaricom došla preko Bu- dimpešte, ilegalno su ušle u SiCG uz pomoã našeg drÿavljanina protiv ko- ga je podneta kriviåna prijava. U Srbiji je trebalo da dobiju rumunske pa- soše kako bi onda mogle legalno da uðu u Italiju… Ovde se te devojke slikaju i slike se stavljaju u prethodno pribavljene rumunske pasoše u koje se stavlja i naš ulazni peåat (falsifikovan) da izgleda kao da su legalno ušle u SiCG pa da nemaju problema da legalno i izaðu i odu za Italiju…"102

Ili, primer iz prakse Odseka pograniåne policije, za strance i uprav- ne poslove Sekretarijata unutrašnjih poslova u Subotici:

„U 2003. godini identifikovane su tri punoletne devojke, i to dve iz Moldavije i jedna iz Ukrajine. Operativnim radom policije saznalo se za jednu kuãu u kojoj se, prema informacijama koje je imala policija, nalazilo nekoliko stranih drÿavljanki koje je trebalo da idu u Maðarsku ili u Srbiju (centralnu). Kako je u vreme akcije „Sablja" bio dozvoljen ulazak u kuãe, stanove i druge prostorije bez odobrenja (naloga), policija je ušla u tu ku- ãu i naðene su dve devojke koje su bile strane drÿavljanke. Prilikom legi- timisanja, one su pokazale rumunske putne isprave, za koje je policija po- sumnjala da su falsifikovane. Devojke su priznale da su iz Moldavije i re- kle su da su im falsifikovane isprave pribavljenje u Beogradu, gde su rani- je bile smeštene… Kod gazdarice su naðeni njihovi pasoši, dok su u falsi- fikovanim rumunskim pasošima naðeni originalni maðarski peåati — je- dan Maðar je uzeo 100 EUR da bi overio ove pasoše (stavio je ulazni pe- åat kako bi izgledalo da su legalno ušle u Maðarsku, kako ne bi imale pro- blema kada budu išle u Italiju)."

Granica se prelazi najrazliåitijim prevoznim sredstvima ili peške, i to najåešãe noãu. O tome jedna ispitanica kaÿe:

„Uglavnom noãu prelaze granicu, to su neki divlji prelazi, za koje one ne znaju, odnosno ne mogu da ih opišu jer su im nepoznati krajevi. Granicu prelaze peške, a zatim se noã, dve, tri zadrÿavaju u nekoj kuãi u nekom selu blizu granice."

Prema saznanjima ispitanika, najåešãi naåini prelaÿenja granice su åamcima, brodiãima, gliserima preko Dunava iz pravca Rumunije. 102 Inaåe, drÿavljanima Moldavije je od avgusta 2002. godine potrebna viza za ulazak u SiCG.

75  „Ÿrtve u Srbiju ulaze uglavnom ilegalno i to preko Dunava iz Rumu- nije, tzv. stena Babakai, kod Golubca, gde je Dunav najuÿi. Tuda su to- kom sankcija, a i kasnije, prevezene tone nafte, pa je 'sitnica' prebaciti 20-ak ÿena." „Ÿene koje su smeštene u Skloništu su uglavnom dolazile, ako su iz Rumunije, onda Dunavom noãu åamcima ili nekim volujskim kolima…"

Pored toga, granica se prelazi automobilima, peške, autobusom ili kamionom, zatim vozom i kombijem, reðe avionom, hladnjaåom, šlepe- rom, cisternom, zapreÿnim kolima i sliåno.

„U SiCG ulaze peške, åamcima, kolima, vozom — na primer, sakrive- ne po 2—3 devojke u WC-u voza dok ne proðe pasoška kontrola."

Prema reåima jednog ispitanika, „vrlo åesto se radi o duplom dnu u automobilima, autobusima, ÿrtve se sakrivaju ispod predmeta u priko- licama, u velikom broju sluåajeva angaÿuju se i taksisti… Takoðe, åesto se u vozovima smeštaju u prostor izmeðu krova vagona i plafona… Prevoze se najrazliåitijim sredstvima, kamionom, autobusom, privatnim vozilom, naroåito je brod idealno sredstvo — 'tu ne moÿeš ni fudbalski tim da pronaðeš' ". Ili, „najåešãe su to putniåki automobili, specijalne namene, kod kojih vrata ne mogu da se otvore iznutra…" Meðutim, i tu se prave odreðene razlike u zavisnosti od toga da li ÿrtva granicu prelazi legalno ili ilegalno:

„Kada se radi o ilegalnom prelasku, tzv. 'zelenoj liniji', to su brodovi, åamci, automobili (gepek), vozovi, prelazi se i pešice… Kada idu legalno, onda idu automobilom, avionom, preko pozivnih pisama, turistiåkih agen- cija i sliåno…" (Mihailo Ÿiloviã, šef Odseka za borbu protiv trgovine ljudi- ma u Upravi za borbu protiv organizovanog kriminala MUP-a RS)

Ÿene najåešãe putuju u manjim grupama: „Uvek se prevoze po dve, najviše do åetiri ÿrtve, jer åim je veliki broj, to je odmah sumnji- vo", odnosno „kada se radi sa ÿenama, radi se suptilnije, u manjim gru- pama (po 3—4), daleko su oprezniji, perfidniji i teÿe ih je otkriti".

VI 2.4. Oblici viktimizacije kojima su ÿene ÿrtve trgovine izloÿene

Ÿene ÿrtve trgovine bivaju ponekad veã tokom puta, a potom i u mestu destinacije (privremene ili trajne) izloÿene razliåitim oblicima vik- timizacije, odnosno kontrole i eksploatacije. Analizom podataka dobije-

76 nih istraÿivanjem trgovine ljudima u Srbiji, identifikovani su sledeãi ob- lici viktimizacije punoletnih ÿena ÿrtava trgovine:

— oduzimanje ili uništavanje putne isprave ili drugih liånih doku- menata, kao i oduzimanje novca ako ÿrtva njime raspolaÿe; — protivpravno lišavanje ili ograniåavanje slobode kretanja; — fiziåko, psihiåko i seksualno nasilje; — pretnje i ucene; — prinuda na bavljenje prostitucijom; — duÿniåko ropstvo; — neplaãanje ili plaãanje daleko ispod ugovorenog iznosa; — stvaranje zavisnosti od droge ili alkohola; — ÿivot i rad u veoma lošim uslovima; — prodaja i preprodaja.

Pri tome, ispitanici nisu isticali postojanje razlika u pogledu meha- nizama kontrole i eksploatacije stranih drÿavljanki s jedne, i naših ÿena sa druge strane, odnosno izmeðu sluåajeva trgovine ÿenama u cilju sek- sualne eksploatacije i u cilju radne eksploatacije. Saznanja ispitanika pokazuju da se kao jedan od oblika kontrole ÿena ÿrtava trgovine pojavljuje oduzimanje ili uništavanje putne ispra- ve ili drugih liånih dokumenata, kao i oduzimanje novca ukoliko ÿene njime uopšte u tom momentu raspolaÿu. Ÿrtve postaju zavisne od trgo- vaca, postaju niko i ništa, osobe bez identiteta, što im onemoguãava po- kušaj traÿenja pomoãi i izlaza iz zaåaranog kruga trgovine. Drugi naåin na koji se ÿene ÿrtve trgovine stavljaju u poloÿaj koji eksploatatorima omoguãava vršenje kontrole nad njima i eksploatisanje jeste nezakonito lišavanje slobode kretanja, ili njeno ograniåavanje. Ÿe- ne se zatvaraju u kuãama, stanovima, po vikendicama — bivaju izolo- vane, imaju åuvare; kretanje se strogo kontroliše, pa i kada idu negde (da kupe odeãu, šminku i sliåno) ne idu same, veã u pratnji åuvara.

„Kada je u pitanju kontrola ÿena koje se kupuju i prodaju radi sek- sualne eksploatacije, ona je vrlo rigorozna. To znaåi da ona nema slobodu kretanja ni odluåivanja, ona nema kontakta sa spoljašnjim svetom, one i kad znaju u kojoj su zemlji — ne znaju jezik, i kada izlaze u kupovinu seksi veša koji ãe gazdi doneti veãu zaradu — u pratnji su åuvara, i kada bi htele da se obrate za pomoã — ne bi smele…" „Ograniåava im se kretanje, cepa im se ili oduzima pasoš, u prvoj fa- zi se zakljuåavaju, pod stalnom su kontrolom obezbeðenja. Kasnije povre- meno mogu da se kreãu, ali uz pratnju. Bilo je sluåajeva kada su pokuša- vale da pobegnu pa su ih uhvatili i prebili, te one od straha više ni ne po- kušavaju."

77  Viktimizaciju, kontrolu i eksploataciju devojke iz Rumunije koja je došla u Srbiju i Crnu Goru poåetkom 2003. godine da bi radila na ze- mlji, a završila je u jednom lokalu — prvo kao striptizeta, a potom i kao prostitutka, ispitanica opisuje na sledeãi naåin:

„Tamo je bila u pravom ropskom odnosu. Dobila je sobu ispred koje su bila dva åuvara. Nije imala slobodu kretanja. Tu je dobijala hranu. Uveåe bi je izvodili u bar. U poåetku je radila samo kao striptizeta, a onda je 'uvode' u prostituciju…"

Ÿene ÿrtve trgovine, gotovo svakodnevno, bivaju izloÿene razliåi- tim oblicima fiziåkog, psihiåkog i seksualnog nasilja, odnosno kako je je- dan ispitanik naveo „svim vrstama torture".

„Åesto su silovane od gazda koji ih kupe i njihovih saradnika… Vrlo åesto ih fiziåki zlostavljaju, prebijaju, prinuðene su na seks bez zaštite, abortuse rade kod nekih 'mesara', fiziåki su zlostavljane i to na razne naåi- ne…" (Sandra Ljubinkoviã, koordinatorka NVO ASTRA iz Beograda)

O straviånom nasilju kojem su ÿene ÿrtve izloÿene govore ispitanici iz Novog Pazara i Subotice:

„Navešãu sluåaj ÿene iz Rumunije koja je radila na Kosovu — bavila se prostitucijom i bila u ropskom odnosu kod gazde kafane u Kosovu Po- lju. Gazda ju je zlostavljao, tukao, primoravao da pije i da ima dnevno i po dvadeset klijenata. Kada je bila neposlušna, morio ju je glaðu…" „Kada su došli, zatvorili su je u podrum, tukli je, silovali (gazda i drugi muškarci koje su on i njegova ÿena dovodili), gasili su pikavce po njoj, morala je da tråi da smrša. Nakon toga, odveli su je do Bubanj poto- ka, gde dolazi jedan Novosaðanin i odvodi je u Novi Sad, smešta je u svoj stan, a posle u jednu vikendicu kod Novog Sada, gde je veã bila jed- na Ukrajinka. Tu su obe bile zakljuåane, silovane, tuåene. Odatle su obe bile prebaåene u Vitez u BiH, u noãni bar u kojem su radile…"

Pored toga, ÿene ÿrtve trgovine bivaju izloÿene nasilju i u sluåaju kada odbiju da se bave prostitucijom ili ako pokušaju da pobegnu, o åe- mu svedoåe reåi jedne ispitanice iz Beograda:

„Prošle godine je bio aktuelan u ovo vreme sluåaj u leskovaåkom bordelu. Devojke koje nisu ÿelele da rade posao prostitutki bile su dove- dene i reåeno im je da se spreme jer ih oåekuje toliko i toliko mušterija. Pošto su odbile, usledile su batine, fiziåko zlostavljanje, nakon åega im ni- je preostalo drugo sem pristanka. Ukoliko se mušterija ÿali, one opet ima-

78  ju tretman torture. To je bila grupa devojaka koja je na svaki naåin poku- šavala da se odupre i da pobegne, pa su åak i mušterijama svakakvim znacima pokušavale da stave do znanja da nešto nije u redu. Jednom pri- likom je papir, na kojem je pisalo ko je devojka i objašnjeno da ona nije prostitutka veã trafikovana, kojeg je devojka pokušala da dâ mušteriji, pri- meãen od strane radnika bara i pokušaj nije uspeo, veã je devojka bila do- datno kaÿnjena."

Osim toga, kod ÿrtve se konstantno produbljuje oseãaj nesigurno- sti, zavisnosti i beznadeÿnosti. Veoma moãan mehanizam kontrole ÿena ÿrtava trgovine su pret- nje: pretnje nasiljem i smrãu koje su usmerene neposredno prema ÿrtvi ali i prema njenoj porodici. Na taj naåin ÿrtve se drÿe u stalnom strahu za sebe i porodicu. Takoðe se preti i time da ãe njena porodica i prijate- lji saznati gde je i šta radi, åime se bavi. Sa druge strane, preti se polici- jom, bilo da ãe je prijaviti policiji ili ãe, ako pokuša da pobegne, ona biti uhapšena jer je na teritoriji druge drÿave a bez dokumenata, da ãe zato biti kaÿnjena i deportovana u zemlju porekla. Pored pretnji, prisutne su i ucene, koje takoðe idu u pravcu ucenjivanja prijavom policiji, javlja- njem roditeljima i prijateljima gde je i šta radi, potom da ãe biti izbaåe- na iz stana, sa posla i tome sliåno. O tome svedoåe i sledeãi citati iz od- govora naših ispitanika:

„Svaka ÿrtva trgovine je prvo prošla kroz razne oblike nasilja, pretnje da se nalazi u stranoj zemlji, da ãe biti deportovana ako prijavi policiji, da ãe tamo kad se vrati svi znati åime se ona bavila. Bilo je tu i pretnji ubi- stvom, da ãe biti baåena u Dunav, da se nikad neãe saznati ni ko su ni šta su. One u te priåe vrlo veruju i plaše se tog svog trafikera i naravno, u ne- koj situaciji beznaða prihvataju da se bave prostitucijom…" „Veoma åesto se pretnja smrãu javlja kao oblik kontrole i eksploataci- je. Najbolnije i najstrašnije za ÿrtvu su pretnje koje se odnose na njene najbliÿe (decu, roditelje, braãu i sestre). Naime, prvih nekoliko dana trgov- ci se trude da uspostave dobar odnos sa ÿrtvom, koja im se neretko pove- rava, tako da se na taj naåin upoznaju sa njenom porodiånom situacijom i znaåajnim osobama u njenom ÿivotu. Kasnije upravo koriste ta poverava- nja od strane ÿrtve za kontrolu nad njom kroz pretnje da ãe joj ubiti naj- bliÿe ili da ãe je pred njima obrukati…"

Pod takvim okolnostima ÿene pristaju na sve, pa i na bavljenje pro- stitucijom, jer se boje eksploatatora i osvete. Trgovce/eksploatatore „do- ÿivljavaju kao moãne, jer ih drÿe pod pretnjom, one ÿive u stalnom strahu od njih… To su 'ljudi koji mogu sve'… Njima je sve dostupno, njima ništa nije nemoguãe, ništa im nije strano, sve mogu da postignu, mogu da uåine sve što poÿele".

79  Jedan ispitanik je naveo sluåaj iz Leskovca, gde su åetiri devojke iz Rumunije i jedna iz Ukrajine, stare oko 20 godina, bile primorane da se bave prostitucijom u jednom noãnom baru, a naåin na koji su ih vlasni- ci lokala ucenjivali govori o lukavosti i perfidnosti trgovaca ljudima:

„Vlasnici su prema njima koristili metod zastrašivanja tako što su is- cenirali ubistvo i rekli da ako neka od njih bilo šta kaÿe (o 'ubistvu' ili bilo šta drugo), isto tako ãe proãi. To je bilo priliåno uverljivo."

Jedan od oblika eksploatacije je i prinuda na prostituciju, odnosno pruÿanje seksualnih usluga. Jedan ispitanik je naveo sluåaj „kada je 12—13 devojaka dovedeno u policiju, kojima je vlasnik bara u kojem su radile dugovao po 800—850 DM (svakoj), a svaka od njih je tamo mora- la da spava sa 17—18 muškaraca za 2—3 dana". Prema reåima ispitanika iz Odseka pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove SUP Som- bor, na teritoriji njihovog grada je bilo „barova u kojima su radile devoj- ke, koje su rekle da su bile kupljene za 5000 DM, da su im potom odu- zimani pasoši, da su bile psihiåki maltretirane, eksploatisane, morale su da se bave prostitucijom." Duÿniåko ropstvo takoðe predstavlja formu eksploatacije ÿena ÿrta- va trgovine. O tome ispitanica iz opštinskog javnog tuÿilaštva u Novom Sadu kaÿe:

„Devojka se javila na oglas Lako i brzo do devizne zarade u Jugoslaviji. Bila je prebaåena iz Maðarske u SiCG, potom do Kraljeva, pa na Kosovo. Na Kosovu je morala da zaradi za svoj otkup (500 EUR) pruÿajuãi seksual- ne usluge vojnicima KFOR-a, i nakon što je jedan dan usluÿila 17 vojnika, pobegla je kroz prozor do policije…"

Ÿrtve su ekonomski zavisne od trgovca, ne dobijaju platu ili im se isplaãuju sume daleko ispod ugovorenih. Tako ispitanik iz Novog Paza- ra navodi: „Ÿrtvu preplaše na samom prelazu granice, znaåi åim uðe u drugu zemlju njoj se predoåava da je prodata i koju sumu novca mora da mu odradi, i ona još uvek ne shvata da je u duÿniåkom ropstvu i da se neãe nikad otkupiti". O ekonomskom iscrpljivanju ÿrtve i drÿanju u ropskom odnosu govore i sledeãi primeri:

„Pretprošle godine, na primer, gazda je naplaãivano 100 DM od klije- nata, od åega je ÿena dobijala samo 10 DM. Uzimao joj je gazda kao za hranu, garderobu i sliåno, a one su stanovale u nekim dvorišnim kuãerci- ma, dobijale jednom dnevno neku jednoliånu hranu. Znaåi sve je to bila samo maska da bi se one što više iscrpljivale u materijalnom smislu. Ÿena

80  je maksimalno eksploatisana brojnim klijentima, bez zarade koju uzima gazda za troškove puta, smeštaj, hranu i odeãu." „Kada su došli u Vrnjaåku Banju, gazda im je rekao da moraju da pruÿaju seksualne usluge. Gazda je uzimao 100 DM za usluge a devojka- ma nije ništa davao…"

Ispitanica, sudija za prekršaje, koja se u radu susrela sa sluåajem devojke iz Rumunije što je završila u jednom lokalu nadomak Beogra- da, navodi:

„Zaraðeni novac joj oduzimaju ili joj daju neki mali procenat jer njoj nije ni potrebno — tamo ima hranu, oni joj nabave neku odeãu…"

Jedan od naåina na koji se ÿene ÿrtve trgovine stavljaju pod kon- trolu, odnosno kontrola nad njima se olakšava stvaranjem kod njih za- visnosti od droge ili alkohola. Jedan ispitanik je naveo sledeãe:

„Neke devojke su bile drogirane i tako su prebacivane do objekata u kojima su bile eksploatisane, ili se u tim objektima 'valjala' droga, pa je tu 'navuku' kako bi lakše mogla da podnese sve što joj se tamo dešava, ili da bi fiziåki mogla sve da izdrÿi (korišãenje stimulanata), što predstavlja ujed- no i oblik njihove kontrole — kod nje se stvori zavisnost, pa joj se preti ti- me da ako nešto nekome kaÿe, saznaãe se i da je ona drogu prenela, pa ãe biti kaÿnjena."

Uslovi ÿivota i rada ÿena ÿrtava trgovine su mahom dosta loši, go- tovo nepodnošljivi, što takoðe predstavlja oblik njihove viktimizacije, odnosno kršenja osnovnih ljudskih prava:

„Javne kuãe u kojima su drÿane devojke su se razlikovale kada su u pitanju uslovi ÿivota i rada, pa su tako 'solidne' kuãe bile u Banovcima i Boljevcima, a kao najgori lokal u kojem je vlasnik drÿao i eksploatisao de- vojke spominje se kafana na stadionu BSK-a u Batajnici. To je bila ogrom- na prostorija, podeljena paravanima/zavesama iza kojih su ÿrtve pruÿale seksualne usluge."

Veoma je ilustrativan i primer koji je naveo Dušan Zlokas, zame- nik naåelnika Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove MUP-a RS, a odnosi se na Milivoja Zarubicu, u åijem objektu Sveti Ni- kola je 1999. godine, izmeðu ostalog, naðeno 46 devojaka na malom prostoru. Pored toga, ÿene se prodaju i preprodaju po nekoliko puta: „Dobi- jaju svojstvo robe i njima se trguje, tj. plaãa se, prodaje, kupuje, a ta 'ro-

81 ba' ima svoju cenu, i to, posmatrano šire na Balkanu, od 500 do 2500 EUR, dok je kod nas ta cena i manja — oko 200 EUR".103 Prema reåima jedne ispitanice, sudije za prekršaje, u sluåaju sa kojim se ona srela u praksi poåetkom 2003. godine, cena devojke iz Rumunije, stare oko 20 godina, bila je 500 EUR. Zanimljivo je da u Rumuniji i Maðarskoj još uvek postoje veliki centri za kupovinu devojaka: to su Arad u Rumuniji i Debrecin u Maðarskoj.104 O tome ispitanici iz Odseka pograniåne poli- cije za strance i upravne poslove SUP-a Sombor kaÿu:

„Kada se kupuju, sve se gleda (skida se gola, gledaju joj se zubi, ru- ke, noge), što sve odreðuje i cenu. One devojke koje se ne drogiraju ima- ju veãu cenu, ali se ipak åesto dešava da ih kasnije drogiraju kada dospeju u neki lokal. Cena je jedno vreme (tokom ratnih godina) bila oko 2000 DM."

Ovakav tretman, tj. izlaganje najrazliåitijim oblicima viktimizacije, eksploatacije i kontrole, kod ÿrtava trgovine dovodi do brojnih posledi- ca po njihovo fiziåko i psihiåko zdravlje. O tome govori dr Zoran Iliã, psihijatar u Institutu za mentalno zdravlje, koji kaÿe da se u dosada- šnjem radu susreo sa šest sluåajeva ÿena ÿrtava trgovine i da su „sve imale posttraumatski stresni poremeãaj, jedna je imala agorafobiju, kao posledicu drÿanja na malom prostoru". Pored toga on navodi i sledeãi primer:

„Jedna od njih je bila mentalno retardirana devojka, naša drÿavljan- ka, a bila je bez ikakvih papira. Dovedena je iz Makedonije u potpuno psihotiånom stanju, pa je jedno vreme provela u bolnici 'Laza Lazareviã', a zatim je prebaåena u Institut za mentalno zdravlje. Psihozu je razvila kao odgovor na torturu koju je doÿivela u Makedoniji, gde je drÿana u jednoj maloj sobi sa još sedam devojaka. Tu im je ubacivana hrana i voda, šminka. Mogle su samo da se našminkaju i odmah su izbacivane na ulicu, na posao…"

Na kraju, posebno je ilustrativan primer devojke iz Moldavije, koji govori o gotovo svim mehanizmima kontrole, eksploatacije i viktimiza- cije prisutnim u jednom sluåaju:

„Devojka Moldavka, ukljuåena u lanac trgovine, bila je zakljuåana u privatnom zatvoru na 2. ili 3. spratu. Prvih dana je odnos sa trgovcem bio

103 Intervju sa Dušanom Zlokasom, zamenikom naåelnika Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove MUP-a RS. 104 Informacija dobijena u Odseku pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove SUP-a Sombor.

82  korektan. Kupovao joj je garderobu, hranu, imali su i seksualne odnose. Prvi konflikti su nastali kada joj je dovedena prva mušterija, posle oko ne- delju dana. Devojka je bila izbezumljena jer je verovala da joj je makro deåko. Tada je dobila prve batine i ona je prisiljena na seksualni odnos. Posle seksualnog odnosa je došlo do psihiåkog sloma, pa je iskoåila kroz prozor, slomila obe noge, ali uspela je da sluåaj prijavi policiji…"

VI 3. Posredni pokazatelji (markeri) trgovine ÿenama

Kompleksna pojava kao što je trgovina ÿenama ne moÿe se sagle- dati samo na osnovu neposrednih pokazatelja. Stoga smo preko posred- nih pokazatelja — „markera" pokušale da doðemo do procena o obimu i riziku od trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji. Ispitanici su u tom smislu odgova- rali na pitanja o seks industriji i prostituciji, prosjaåenju, beskuãništvu i radu „na crno".

VI 3.1. Seks industrija i prostitucija

Seks industrija i prostitucija su pojave koje su tesno povezane sa tr- govinom ÿenama. Osnovna razlika je u tome da trgovina ÿenama pod- razumeva ropski odnos, odnosno odsustvo slobode odluåivanja i kreta- nja. Ÿena ÿrtva trgovine je vlasništvo osobe koja ju je kupila i ne moÿe svojom voljom prestati da se bavi prostitucijom. Prostitucija, sa druge strane, ma koliko ukljuåivala razliåite oblike prinude i eksploatacije, podrazumeva moguãnost raspolaganja sopstvenim telom i zaradom, slo- bodu kretanja, slobodu odluåivanja o bavljenju ili nebavljenju prostitu- cijom i sliåno. Ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama mogu biti kako ÿene koje su pre- varom primorane da se bave prostitucijom, tako i ÿene koje su svoje- voljno poåele da se bave prostitucijom, ali su kasnije uvuåene u lanac trgovine i dospele u ropski odnos.105 Rasprostranjenost seks industrije i prostitucije u jednoj zemlji pred- stavlja znaåajan faktor rizika od trgovine ÿenama. Da bi se došlo do sa- znanja, odnosno procena o rasprostranjenosti seks industrije i prostitu- cije u Srbiji, pitale smo ispitanike o obimu i oblicima seks industrije i prostitucije u njihovom okruÿenju i republici.

105 Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V. (2003) „Trgovina ljudima i organizovani kriminalitet: odreðenje osnovnih pojmova i metode prikupljanja podataka", u: „Trgovina ljudima u Srbiji — seminar za is- traÿivaåe", trening materijal [neobjavljeno, str. 6].

83  VI 3.1.a. Procena obima

Seks industrija i prostitucija su, prema procenama veãine ispitani- ka, veoma raširene pojave kako u veãini gradova u kojima smo sproveli istraÿivanje, tako i u Republici u celini. Takoðe, veãina ispitanika smatra da su ove pojave u porastu u poslednjih pet godina. Neki ispitanici su uporedili poveãanje i širenje seks industrije sa epidemijom, a drugi su precizirali da seks industrija u Srbiji cveta i da je ona negde više primet- na a negde skrivena. Ipak, bilo je i mišljenja da prostitucija stagnira, ali da je samo vidljivija u poslednjih nekoliko godina. Manji broj ispitanika smatra da se seks industrija u poslednjih pet godina smanjuje. Kao glavni uzroci porasta prostitucije navode se tranzicija u bivšim socijalistiåkim zemljama, otvaranje prema Zapadu, kolektivna viktimiza- cija na ovim prostorima — ratno okruÿenje, veliki broj izbeglica, nemiri u zemlji, ekonomska kriza i nemoguãnost zapošljavanja mladih, pore- meãaj sistema vrednosti, liberalizacija medija, aktuelna politiåka situaci- ja, neadekvatna reakcija drÿavnih organa (pre svega policije) itd. Veãina ispitanika smatra da je, nakon akcija policije u poslednje vreme, taånije u okviru akcije „Sablja", prostitucija postala prikrivenija i da lagano prelazi u ilegalu, odnosno da se seks industrija premešta i odlazi u unutrašnjost. Sve to, smatraju, ne utiåe na smanjenje obima ove pojave. Nasuprot tome, ima i mišljenja da su akcija „Sablja" i borba protiv organizovanog kriminala doprineli smanjenju prostitucije. Što se broja stranih prostitutki tiåe, veãina ispitanika smatra da se ovaj broj smanjuje, naroåito u Novom Pazaru i Beogradu. Istovremeno je, po saznanjima ispitanika iz Novog Pazara, poveãan broj naših drÿa- vljanki koje se bave prostitucijom. Dobijeni podaci ukazuju na potencijalno veãu rasprostranjenost ka- ko unutrašnje, tako i transnacionalne trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji od one na koju ukazuju neposredni pokazatelji.

VI 3.1.b. Oblici

Prepoznati pojavni oblici prostitucije su: uliåna, hotelska, agencij- ska, ne-agencijska prostitucija po stanovima, prostitucija u noãnim klu- bovima i barovima, elitna, sportska i prostitucija za popunjavanje kuã- nog budÿeta. Uliåna prostitucija je uglavnom oblik prostitucije kojim se bave so- cijalno najugroÿenije kategorije stanovništva, meðu kojima je najveãi broj Romkinja. Po saznanjima nekih ispitanika, zarada ovih ÿena u Beo- gradu uglavnom se kreãe oko i nešto iznad 10 EUR. Najveãi broj ispita-

84 nika taåno je locirao gde se uliåna prostitucija moÿe naãi u njihovom gradu, što je posledica vidljivosti ovog oblika prostitucije. Hotelska prostitucija je ranije bila puno izraÿenija i, iako i dalje po- stoji u tom obliku, uglavnom se transformisala u prostituciju po stanovi- ma. Ovim oblikom prostitucije bave se veãinom studentkinje iz unutra- šnjosti, a u organizaciju posla ukljuåeno je, pored makroa, i osoblje ho- tela u kojima se odvija prostitucija. Oni se „staraju" da prostitutke neo- paÿeno odu do soba svojih klijenata, bez upisivanja u knjigu gostiju. Razvijeniji oblik prostitucije je agencijska prostitucija, gde rade obra- zovane ÿene, boljeg materijalnog stanja. To su razne agencije — za „po- slovnu pratnju", masaÿu i relaksaciju, zapošljavanje, za manekenke i fo- tomodele, estradne agencije i sliåno. Ovaj oblik prostitucije beleÿi najve- ãi porast u poslednjih pet godina. Ona se obavlja po privatnim, iznajm- ljenim stanovima, i po saznanjima naših ispitanika veoma je razvijena i dobro organizovana. Postoji i prostitucija po stanovima koja nije agencijska — tzv. prija- teljska, gde prijatelji „nameštaju" prijateljima prostitutke. Ova prostitu- cija je uglavnom teško vidljiva. U ovaj oblik prostitucije ukljuåene su udate ÿene, stalno ili privremeno zaposlene i one nigde nisu registrova- ne kao prostitutke. Prostitucija u noãnim barovima i klubovima je, pored agencijske prostitucije, oblik koji je u najveãoj ekspanziji. Ispitanici su posvedoåili da skoro da nema grada u Srbiji u kojem ne postoje ovakvi barovi i klu- bovi. Ovaj oblik prostitucije je, åini se, najtešnje povezan sa trgovinom ÿenama. Najmanje poznata i najskrivenija je tzv. „elitna prostitucija" — pro- stitucija na telefonski poziv, u politiåkim i biznis krugovima, hotelima sa pet zvezdica i sliåno. Za ovaj oblik prostitucije devojke se angaÿuju na duÿi period a honorari su izuzetno visoki. Po saznanjima nekih ispi- tanika, oni se kreãu od 500 do nekoliko hiljada evra. Sportska prostitucija je oblik prostitucije gde klubovi (uglavnom se radi o fudbalskim klubovima) obezbeðuju prostitutke za sudije i svoje igraåe. Konaåno, postoji i prostitucija za popunjavanje kuãnog budÿeta. Ovim oblikom prostitucije bave se uglavnom udate ÿene koje su primo- rane da se prostituišu kako bi prehranile sebe i svoju porodicu. Primeãeno je, takoðe, da je prostitucija pojava koja je još uvek ne- dovoljno istraÿena, kao i da se stalno pojavljuju novi oblici — internet prostitucija i pornografija, e-mail trafficking, e-mail prostitucija, deåija pornografija. Ispitanici su primetili i porast tzv. „call girls" devojaka — „devojaka na poziv", koje na poåetku ne rade preko agencija nego za sebe, ali kasnije upadaju u organizovanu šemu. Takoðe, sadrÿaji pove- zani sa prostitucijom su sve prisutniji u medijima, pre svega u dnevnim

85 novinama i na TV-u, gde se sve više reklamiraju i stalno otvaraju novi „vruãi telefoni". U te sadrÿaje, po mišljenju nekih ispitanika, spadaju i oglasi sa ponudama posla u arapskim zemljama, Bliskom istoku, Italiji, koji mogu odvesti naše ÿene u prostituciju i åesto, u trgovinu. Ispitanici sa kojima smo razgovarali imaju saznanja i da se iza mnogih izbora za mis koji se odrÿavaju u našoj zemlji kriju trgovci ljudima.

VI 3.1.c. Geografska rasprostranjenost

Prema procenama veãine ispitanika, seks industrija i prostitucija najviše su zastupljene u velikim gradovima. Ipak, postoje i mišljenja da ovde nema pravila i da su pojavom pogoðeni i gradovi i sela, prestoni- ca i unutrašnjost. Rezultati istraÿivanja pokazuju da su seks industrija i prostitucija u okviru ispitivanih gradova razvijene u Beogradu, Novom Sadu, Novom Pazaru, Vrnjaåkoj Banji, Velikoj Plani, Poÿarevcu i Suboti- ci, a da prostitucije nema, ili ne u velikom obimu, u Zrenjaninu, Zajeåa- ru i Somboru. Pored toga, došlo se do saznanja da je prostitucija razvi- jena i u Negotinu, Kladovu i Tutinu.

Beograd

Prema saznanjima ispitanika, seks industrija i prostitucija su veoma rasprostranjene pojave u Beogradu. Zastupljeni su svi pojavni oblici, a pogoðeni su svi delovi grada. Takoðe, ispitanici su uglavnom izneli tvrdnju da je u poslednjih pet godina došlo do poveãanja ove pojave. Proseåna cena za pruÿanje seksualnih usluga u Beogradu je 50 EUR. Uliåna prostitucija u glavnom gradu locirana je na dobro poznatim punktovima — „Plavi most", Lomina ulica, Narodnog fronta, Kameniå- ka, autobuska i ÿelezniåka stanica, pored Luke Beograd, zemunski park, autoputevi, Beÿanijska kosa. Ovim oblikom prostitucije bave se uglav- nom devojke romske nacionalnosti. Kako su nam rekli ispitanici iz beo- gradske policije, u toku ove godine priveden je veliki broj prostitutki koje se bave uliånom prostitucijom na ovim punktovima, tako da je ovaj oblik prostitucije sveden na „normalne" okvire. Hotelska prostitucija, smatraju neki ispitanici, postoji u veãini hote- la u Beogradu — posebno su pomenuti hoteli Metropol i Slavija. Budimir Poluga, naåelnik Odeljenja za javni red i mir u Upravi po- licije sekretarijata u Beogradu, o ovom obliku prostitucije kaÿe:

„Uglavnom su to studentkinje, devojke iz unutrašnjosti koje studira- ju u Beogradu, obrazovane i one koriste sva raspoloÿiva sredstva zaštite.

86  Hotelska prostitucija je najteÿa za dokazivanje jer su recepcioneri poveza- ni sa devojkama koje pruÿaju seksualne usluge, najåešãe stranim gostima. Tako se dešava da devojka uðe u hotel i ne bude registrovana u knjizi go- stiju i tome sliåno."

Tokom proteklih desetak godina na teritoriji Beograda bilo je oko 30 noãnih barova u kojima su bile angaÿovane strane drÿavljanke, uglav- nom kao striptizete i prostitutke. Danas, prema saznanjima koja imaju neki ispitanici, postoje samo tri takva bara i u njima rade naše drÿa- vljanke. Mišljenja su podeljena kada se radi o agencijskoj prostituciji. Nai- me, skoro svi ispitanici se slaÿu da je ovaj oblik prostitucije bio veoma razvijen u proteklih nekoliko godina. Meðutim, po mišljenju jednog broja ispitanika, u poslednje vreme se, kao posledica policijskih racija, obim agencijske prostitucije smanjio. Drugi, pak, smatraju da je agencij- ska prostitucija i dalje veoma razvijena u Beogradu, a da su policijske akcije dovele samo do toga da se agencije presele na periferiju, u pri- vatne stanove i kuãe, tako da ih je sada još teÿe otkriti. Makroi koji rade u agencijama se, prema saznanjima nekih ispitanika, izuzetno brzo kre- ãu po gradu, znaju åak i telefone i registracije policijskih kola, i vrlo su ogranizovani i informisani. Devojke koje su angaÿovane u agencijama pruÿaju seksualne usluge uglavnom u iznajmljenim stanovima ili kod klijenata. Do hotela ili stanova klijenata odvoze ih telohranitelji, koji uzimaju procenat njihove zarade. Prema podacima kojima raspolaÿe na- åelnik Odeljenja za javni red i mir u Beogradu, u toku 2002. godine i prvoj polovini 2003. na teritoriji Beograda zatvoreno je oko 50 agencija za poslovnu pratnju. Od tog broja je, prema saznanjima ispitanika iz Odeljenja za strance SUP-a Beograd, u periodu od januara do juna 2003. godine zatvoreno 14 ovakvih agencija. Osim centra grada, kao centri prostitucije pominju se Novi Beograd i Batajnica, kao i okolni gradovi — Stara Pazova i Panåevo.

Ostali gradovi

U unutrašnjosti postoje gotovo svi oblici prostitucije: uliåna, prosti- tucija u kafanama na autoputevima, agencije za poslovnu pratnju, pro- stitucija u noãnim barovima. Prema saznanjima jednog ispitanika, pred- stavnika policije, „svaki veãi grad u Srbiji ima noãni bar koji je u stvari javna kuãa. Tu se uglavnom radi o niskom kvalitetu usluga — to su obiåne kafane, konobarice iz Rumunije koje rade kao prostitutke i tako dalje".

87  Problem prostitucije je posebno izraÿen u nekim gradovima u Srbi- ji. Novi Pazar je, po saznanjima ispitanika iz ovog grada, grad sa veoma razvijenom seks industrijom. Ispitanici sa kojima smo razgovarali potvr- dili su reåi ministra unutrašnjih poslova, Dušana Mihajloviãa, koji je jednom prilikom izjavio da u Novom Pazaru ima preko 70 objekata u kojima se odvija prostitucija. Prostitucija u Novom Pazaru, smatraju svi ispitanici iz ovog grada, raste, åak cveta. Rasprostranjeni su svi oblici prostitucije, od uliåne do noãnih barova kojih, po saznanjima ispitanika, ima preko 20. Uliånom prostitucijom bave se ÿene iz najsiromašnijih slojeva, a åesto meðu njima ima i osoba sa posebnim potrebama. Najvi- še je razvijena prostitucija u ugostiteljskim objektima i noãnim barovi- ma. Jedan ispitanik iz Novog Pazara precizira:

„U gradu postoje dve vrste barova — oni koji su registrovani kao ka- fiãi, åije radno vreme je do 23 åasa ali se ilegalno radi do jutra, i oni åije je radno vreme mnogo duÿe (do 2 åasa posle ponoãi). Uz lokal je obiåno ne- ka pomoãna prostorija koja se upotrebljava za navedene svrhe. Na pri- mer, u jednom lokalu tri devojke su zateåene u pomoãnim prostorijama sa klijentima (punoletni muškarci) i privedene. Dve punoletne devojke, jedna 21 a druga 23 godine iz Åaåka i Vojvodine, radile su kao konobari- ce. Sve su izjavile da su od svojih klijenata dobijale po 50 maraka i da su od toga davale gazdi 20 ili 30 maraka. One uopšte nisu bile prijavljene, pa je gazda i za to odgovarao kod nadleÿnih organa."

Ima saznanja i da se u Novom Pazaru åitave porodice bave prosti- tucijom:

„Poznat mi je sluåaj porodice u kojoj se ÿenski deo familije bavi pro- stitucijom. Pedesetogodišnja ÿena, majka dvoje odrasle dece (oboje bez posla), nemajuãi drugi izvor prihoda poåela je da se bavi prostitucijom, a odmah zatim i da podvodi i ãerku i snahu. Sada jedna drugoj nalaze kli- jente. One to rade van kuãe jer svi ÿive u jednoj sobi. Sin ili to ne zna ili se pravi lud."

U Novom Pazaru prostitucijom se bave i strankinje i ÿene iz Novog Pazara, ali i ÿene iz drugih krajeva zemlje — Vršca, Negotina, Sombora, Odÿaka, Novog Sada, Zrenjanina, Bora, Šapca, Kraljeva, Raške, Pirota, Åaåka, Panåeva, Beograda. O našim drÿavljankama koje dolaze u Novi Pazar da se bave pro- stitucijom jedan ispitanik kaÿe:

„Sve je više devojaka koje dolaze u Novi Pazar i traÿe posao iskljuåi- vo u kafanama i barovima, izbegavajuãi poslove koji se nude u proizvod-

88  nji dÿinsa i obuãe. Skoro svaka koja je došla sa jasnim ciljem da prodaje ljubav izjavljuje da roditelji misle da one ovde rade kao recepcionerke u hotelu, kao frizerke ili prodavaåice u butiku. Neke devojke odmah po stu- panju na posao poåinju da se bave prostitucijom i o tome govore vrlo otvoreno i drsko. Ovde se sve više krši pravilo da se tim poslom bave sa- mo siromašne devojke jer je meðu njima devojka iz Novog Sada za koju se zna da pripada bogatoj vojvoðanskoj porodici."

Osim Novog Pazara, prostitucija je veoma raširena i u Tutinu. Je- dan ispitanik ima saznanja da postoji kafana u Tutinu gde vlasnik „izlo- ÿi" gostima ÿene, njih osam ili deset, od 15 do 40 godina, i daje im da biraju. Cena je od 5 do 50 EUR. Novi Sad je, takoðe, jedna od „crnih taåaka" kada se radi o prosti- tuciji. Ispitanici iz ovog grada smatraju da je prostitucija u Novom Sadu veoma raširena i da je tamna brojka ogromna. Ima i uliåne prostitucije, ali ne u velikoj meri, a prostitucija cveta po stanovima, hotelima i noã- nim klubovima. Prema saznanjima ispitanika, za rad u agencijama za poslovnu pratnju angaÿuju se domaãe drÿavljanke, a u noãnim barovi- ma uglavnom strane (Moldavke, Ukrajinke). U mnogim lokalima rade i naše drÿavljanke. Takoðe, rasprostranjena je i agencijska prostitucija. Prostitucije ima i po prigradskim naseljima kao što su Veternik i Futog. U nekim gradovima seks industrija i prostitucija su razvijene, ali ni- su prisutni svi pojavni oblici. Tako je, na primer, u Vrnjaåkoj Banji naj- zastupljenija hotelska prostitucija, prostitucija u barovima i javnim ku- ãama. Što se prostitutki tiåe, one su uglavnom domaãe drÿavljanke ali, kako nam je rekla jedna ispitanica, „javna je tajna da dolaze strankinje koje rade kao plesaåice". U Šapcu, po saznanjima ispitanika iz ovog gra- da, prostitucije ima, ali je ona uglavnom locirana u nekoliko privatnih objekata — lokala, najviše u predgraðu, za koje postoji sumnja da funk- cionišu kao javne kuãe, dok uliåne prostitucije i agencija za poslovnu pratnju nema. U pomenutim ugostiteljskim objektima uglavnom rade strane drÿavljanke i to kako u samom gradu, tako i u okolini. Sliåno, u Subotici preteÿno postoji prostitucija u noãnim barovima, gde rade uglavnom naše devojke, ali postoje i agencije za poslovnu pratnju, erot- sku masaÿu i sliåno. U Velikoj Plani i Poÿarevcu je najviše zastupljena uliåna prostitucija. Biljana Ignjatoviã, specijalni pedagog iz Centra za socijalni rad u Poÿarevcu, o tome kaÿe:

„Ovde u Poÿarevcu prostitutki ima na ulici u po bela dana, ispred zgrade MUP-a, u selima i seoskim kafanama. Sada se one vide i ne stide."

Osim uliåne prostitucije, u Poÿarevcu postoje i privatne, neregistro- vane javne kuãe, gde rade strankinje — Rumunke i Ukrajinke izmeðu

89 18 i 25 godina, koje se åesto prevarom uvlaåe i prisiljavaju na prostituci- ju. Naši ispitanici imaju i saznanja da se i starije ÿene, od po 40 godina, bave prostitucijom zarad dopune kuãnog budÿeta. Prostitucija, po saznanjima ispitanika iz Zrenjanina, Zajeåara i Som- bora, nije razvijena u ovim gradovima. U Zajeåaru su, na primer, od 2002. godine do danas registrovana samo dva predmeta za posredova- nje u vršenju prostitucije, a zvaniåno nema poslovne pratnje, odnosno objekata u kojima se vrši prostitucija. Ipak, to što se pojava ne prijavlju- je i što ne figurira u statistici, smatraju drugi ispitanici iz istog grada, ni- kako ne znaåi da prostitucije nema. Prema saznanjima ispitanika iz Od- seka pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove SUP-a Zajeåar, prostitucija je, za razliku od Zajeåara, veoma razvijena u Negotinu i Kladovu, gde postoji dosta lokala — objekata sa prostitutkama. Razlog veãe razvijenosti prostitucije u ovim gradovima leÿi u åinjenici da Ne- gotin i Kladovo predstavljaju „gastarbajterski", bogat kraj. Prostitucija je, po saznanjima ispitanika iz Zrenjanina, u ovom gradu i okolini poåe- la da se razvija ranih devedesetih, sa pojavom devojaka iz Rusije i Ukrajine koje su se zapošljavale u kafiãima. Zatim su se, tri-åetiri godine unazad, pojavile Rumunke i Moldavke. Njihovi redovni gosti bili su pri- padnici UNPROFOR jedinica. Ipak, smatra ispitanik iz ovog grada, Zre- njanin je zatvorena, mala sredina, poljoprivredni kraj gde ljudi nemaju novca za prostituciju. Registrovanih prostitutki nema, ali ispitanik nije siguran da li je to zbog toga što ih zaista nema ili zato što policija ne ra- di dobro svoj posao.

VI 3.1.d. Veza izmeðu prostitucije i trgovine ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije

Iako postojeãi meðunarodni dokumenti i veãina modernih zakono- davstava pravi razliku izmeðu trgovine ÿenama i prostitucije, kako su pokazali rezultati istraÿivanja, teško je izvršiti jasno razgraniåenje ove dve pojave. Prostitucija je višestruko povezana sa trgovinom ljudima. Prostitucija odnosno seksualna eksploatacija je jedan od moguãih vido- va eksploatacije ÿrtava trgovine ÿenama, a granice izmeðu dobrovoljne i prinudne prostitucije, a posebno izmeðu prinudne prostitucije i trgovi- ne ÿenama, åesto je vrlo teško povuãi. I ispitanici sa kojima smo razgovarali su se, kroz svoj rad ili preko posrednih saznanja, uverili da su te granice vrlo nejasne i da je seks in- dustrija tesno povezana sa trgovinom ÿenama. Tako je jedna naša ispi- tanica, sudija za prekršaje, izjavila da se u svom radu sreãe sa trgovi- nom ÿenama, jer „meðu prostitutkama i strankinjama åesto ima ÿena kojima se trgovalo".

90  Devojke i ÿene koje se „dobrovoljno" bave prostitucijom neretko su izloÿene razliåitim oblicima viktimizacije. Od ispitanika koji se u svom radu susreãu sa ovom pojavom saznali smo da su imali sluåajeve prisi- ljavanja prostitutki na seksualni odnos bez zaštite i na „razliåite nastra- nosti", da one åesto nemaju slobodu odluåivanja prilikom odabira klije- nata, da nemaju zdravstvenu zaštitu niti se vode na lekarske kontrole, da se kreãu samo u pratnji nekog iz obezbeðenja, da ih makroi navlaåe na drogu i sliåno. Jedan ispitanik, predstavnik policije, naveo je sluåaj jedne devojke koja je „postala gazdina miljenica i bila privilegovana u smislu da je mogla da koristi kokain." Takoðe, prema saznanjima ovog ispitanika, u nekim situacijama prostitutkama je ograniåeno kretanje i oduzima im se pasoš. „To je jedan period 'åistilišta', da ne bi pobegle ili padale ljudima u oåi". A onog trenutka kada poÿele da prestanu sa pro- stitucijom, poåinju pravi problemi. Sandra Ljubinkoviã, koordinatorka NVO ASTRA iz Beograda, o to- me kaÿe:

„U agencijama (za poslovnu pratnju) rade i naše devojke koje su hte- le da se bave prostitucijom. Ali kada su u jednom momentu poÿelele da prestanu, poåinjalo je nasilje. Makroi su im pretili, plašili ih da ãe ih zvati na kuãu, neke su i zvali i sliåno."

Sa sluåajevima ÿena koje su dobrovoljno poåele da se bave prosti- tucijom a kasnije postale ÿrtve trgovine srelo se nekoliko naših ispitani- ka. Vesna Stanojeviã, koordinatorka Savetovališta protiv nasilja u poro- dici i Skloništa za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine, kaÿe da je bilo nekoliko takvih sluåajeva u Skloništu i da se radilo o Ukrajinkama koje su izjavile da je bolje ovde se baviti prostitucijom, nego se vratiti tamo odakle su došle. Jedan ispitanik iz Novog Pazara takoðe je u svom radu imao sluåa- jeve devojaka koje su u Novi Pazar došle iz ekonomskih razloga, da bi mogle da izdrÿavaju sebe i porodicu, i poåele da rade kao konobarice ili igraåice, da bi kasnije završile u prostituciji, neke dobrovoljno, a neke prisilno. On je izrazio sumnju da meðu prostitutkama ima „veliki broj ÿrtava trgovine, prostitutki koje nemaju nikakvu moguãnost izbora i od- luåivanja. One su, najåešãe, tretirane kao ÿivotinje ili stvari — u smislu, kako je izjavila jedna od ÿrtava, 'kupi, upotrebi, prodaj'." I drugi ispita- nici sa kojima smo razgovarali u Novom Pazaru potvrdili su da je broj prostitutki koje su u stvari ÿrtve trgovine u tom gradu jako veliki, kao i da su neke od njih poåele dobrovoljno da se bave prostitucijom a da su kasnije na to primoravane. Vanja Buliã, glavni urednik satelitskog programa BK Televizije, u svojoj emisiji „Biseri" imao je za sagovornicu našu drÿavljanku, prosti- tutku koja je „prvo pristajala na sve, ali je u stvari bila ÿrtva trgovine jer

91 je bila prodata a da to nije ni znala. Ona nije bila svesna åinjenice da je ÿrtva".

VI 3.1.e. Ilegalne migracije (unutrašnje i spoljne), prostitucija i trgovina ÿenama

Podaci o broju ilegalnih migranata, odnosno ilegalnih ulazaka u ze- mlju i broju stranih i domaãih drÿavljanki koje se bave prostitucijom mogu nam posluÿiti da bolje sagledamo i procenimo broj ÿrtava i rizik od trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji. Takoðe, u tu svrhu mogu nam posluÿiti i podaci o broju domaãih drÿavljanki kaÿnjenih zbog neprijavljenog bo- ravka. Na podruåju Beograda u 2002. godini zbog prostitucije primljeno je 600 prekršajnih prijava. Uglavnom se radilo o domaãim drÿavljankama — bilo je svega nekoliko stranih. Iz sudskog upisnika u Novom Pazaru došli smo do podataka o bro- ju kaÿnjenih lica ÿenskog pola zbog neprijavljenog boravka ili nedozvo- ljenog prelaska drÿavne granice. U 2002. godini kaÿnjeno je 28 lica, od åega 10 stranih drÿavljanki, 4 iz Bosne i Hercegovine, po dve iz Kine i iz Nemaåke, po jedna iz Rumunije i iz Turske. Kada se radi o domaãim drÿavljankama, to su uglavnom devojke od 20 do 25 godina koje nisu imale prijavljen boravak. Neke od njih su radile u kafiãima i kafanama u ovom gradu. Godine 2003. zbog neprijavljenog boravka kaÿnjeno je 15 lica, od åega pet stranih drÿavljanki — dve Makedonke i tri lica iz Bosne i Hercegovine. I ovde se uglavnom radi o devojkama od 20 do 25 godina. Meðu gorepomenutim sluåajevima su i åetiri mlade devojke (22 i 24 godine) iz Niša, Vršca, Obrenovca i Beograda, koje su zateåene u kockarnici, kao i jedna devojka iz Zrenjanina od 25 godina koja je pro- naðena u lokalu jedne ÿene za koju se sumnja da je trgovac ljudima. Potom, ÿena iz Panåeva koja je takoðe zateåena u noãnom baru bez pri- javljenog boravka i liåne karte i jedna iz Rumunije koja nije imala prija- vljen boravak, a bavila se prostitucijom. U svim ovim sluåajevima posto- jala je sumnja na dobrovoljnu prostituciju ili trgovinu ÿenama. Za povredu propisa o prebivalištu i boravištu u Novom Sadu 2002. godine kaÿnjena su 54 punoletna lica, a za povredu propisa o kretanju i boravku stranaca 97 punoletnih lica. Ispitanici nisu mogli da preciziraju polnu strukturu prekršajno kaÿnjenih lica. U Centru za socijalni rad u Novom Sadu raspolaÿu podacima da je na podruåju ovog grada registrovano oko 200 osoba koje se bave prosti- tucijom najniÿeg nivoa (uliåna prostitucija). One su sve domaãe drÿa- vljanke. Sa druge strane, ispitanici iz opštinskih sudova navode da je

92 registrovano oko 100 odraslih prostitutki. I tu se radi iskljuåivo o doma- ãim drÿavljankama. Policija je tokom 2002. godine pronašla 430 stranih drÿavljanki na teritoriji Novog Sada. Bez odgovarajuãe dokumentacije pronaðene su 23 osobe, od åega 10 Rumunki, pet Moldavki, šest Ukra- jinki i dve Ruskinje. Na osnovu podataka SUP-a Poÿarevac, u 2000. godini je zabeleÿeno 27 ilegalnih ulazaka u zemlju sa 59 lica. U 2001. godini — 31 ulazak sa 38 lica. Godine 2002. bilo je 18 ilegalnih ulazaka i 27 lica. Najzad, 2003. godine jedan ulazak i dva lica. U 2000. godini bilo je 11 pokušaja ilegal- nih izlazaka sa 12 lica, 2001. 12 izlazaka sa 27 lica, 2002. godine 4 izlaska i 8 lica, i 2003. godine jedan izlazak sa tri lica. Ispitanici nisu precizirali polnu i starosnu strukturu ovih lica. Na teritoriji za koju je nadleÿan Sekretarijat unutrašnjih poslova u Šapcu (a koja obuhvata osam opština), prekršajno su kaÿnjavane samo strane drÿavljanke i to ne za bavljenje prostitucijom, veã za obavljanje delatnosti bez potrebnog odobrenja (dozvole za rad strancu) ili za pre- kršaj iz Zakona o kretanju i boravku stranaca. U svim sluåajevima, ove ÿene (koje su se zapravo bavile prostitucijom) bile su zateåene u ugosti- teljskim objektima kako sede same ili u društvu gostiju, ili, eventualno, u obavljanju posla konobarice. Sve registrovane i kaÿnjene prostitutke bile su mlade punoletne ÿene, sa jednim izuzetkom (devojke iz Molda- vije uzrasta 17 godina). Struktura prekršajno kaÿnjenih ÿena koje su se bavile prostitucijom (s obzirom na drÿavljanstvo) jeste sledeãa:

Godina Rumunke Moldavke Ukrajinke Bugarke Ukupno: 2002 22 2 25 3 52 2003 2 / 14 / 16 (prvih pet meseci)

Takoðe, u 2002. i 2003. godini, identifikovane su åetiri ÿene koje su ilegalno ušle u zemlju, a u tom sluåaju radilo se, po saznanjima ispitani- ka iz šabaåke policije, o „krijumåarenju prostitutki koje su ÿelele da uðu ili proðu kroz Srbiju".

VI 3.2. Prosjaåenje i beskuãništvo

Za markere trgovine ÿenama uzele smo i prosjaåenje i beskuãni- štvo, jer se radi o pojavama koje su u bliskoj vezi sa fenomenom trgovi- ne ÿenama. Naime, ÿene prosjaci i beskuãnici izloÿene su raznim oblici- ma eksploatacije i prinude, a njihova potpuna nezaštiãenost i marginali- zovanost izlaÿu ih visokom riziku i od trgovine ÿenama. Stoga obim prosjaåenja i beskuãništva, kao i udeo ÿena u strukturi prosjaka i bes-

93 kuãnika u Srbiji, mogu posluÿiti kao posredan pokazatelj i ukazati na ri- zik od trgovine ÿenama u našoj zemlji.

VI 3.2.a. Ÿene, siromaštvo, prosjaåenje i trgovina ÿenama

Prema procenama gotovo svih ispitanika sa kojima smo razgovara- le, veãinu prosjaka i beskuãnika u njihovim gradovima åine ÿene i deca. Procene o udelu ÿena i dece u populaciji koja prosi kreãu se od više od polovine pa åak do 99%. Razlog za to je, smatraju neki ispitanici, što su ljudi više „osetljivi" na ÿene i decu, pa stoga njima lakše daju novac. Ipak, ima i drugih mišljenja. Jedna ispitanica iznela je stav da je siroma- štvo kod nas evidentno i da se suoåavamo sa pojavom koja se moÿe de- finisati kao feminizacija siromaštva. A upravo beda i siromaštvo prisilja- vaju ÿene da, u nemoguãnosti pronalaÿenja posla, pronaðu alternativni naåin kako bi preÿivele i prehranile sebe i svoju porodicu. Jedan od njih je i prosjaåenje. Prema podacima Prihvatilišta za odrasla lica u Beogradu, u ovom prihvatilištu je samo u 2002. godini zbrinuto 77 ÿena prosjaka i beskuã- nika. Naši sagovornici tvrde da su ugroÿene ÿene svih starosnih grupa. Primer iz Novog Pazara potvrðuje tu tvrdnju:

„Znam staricu od 74 godine koju je bilo sramota kad su je priveli. Objasnila je da ÿivi sama sa suprugom koji je istih godina kao ona, ali je zbog moÿdanog udara nepokretan i bez moãi govora. Sin jedinac koji je ÿiveo sa njima umro je od infarkta, a snaja se preudala. Do skoro je mogla da plete åarape i prodaje ih u komšiluku i od toga ÿivi, ali sada nije u sta- nju ni to da radi jer ima izrazit tremor ruku".

Nekoliko ispitanika je izjavilo da im iz neposrednog iskustva nisu poznati sluåajevi trgovine ÿenama koji su povezani sa prosjaåenjem i beskuãništvom, ali da veruju da ima takvih sluåajeva. Dva ispitanika iz- javili su da o tome imaju saznanja iz medija i posrednih izvora. O pro- daji naših ÿena u inostranstvu radi prosjaåenja ispitanici nisu imali sa- znanja, osim dva ispitanika koji imaju posredno saznanje da je bilo slu- åajeva prodaje Romkinja radi prošenja.

VI 3.2.b. Geografska rasprostranjenost

Prosjaåenje i beskuãništvo je, prema saznanjima veãine ispitanika, rasprostranjeno uglavnom u velikim gradovima u Srbiji i u poslednjih pet godina je u porastu. Kao osnovni uzroci porasta prosjaåenja i bes-

94 kuãništva u našoj zemlji navedeni su ratovi, veliki broj izbeglica i inter- no raseljenih lica, nedovoljna briga o deci, pre svega o Romima, zatim ekonomska kriza, veliki broj nezaposlenih i tako dalje. Ova pojava po- veãava se i zbog åinjenice da je prosjaåenje, po saznanjima nekih ispita- nika, vrlo unosan posao. Veãina ispitanika smatra da je prosjaåenje dobro organizovano i da je mali broj „pravih" prosjaka koji prose za sebe. Prosjaci su uglavnom podeljeni po teritorijama i za nju se bore. Na teritorije ih dovoze „šefo- vi", najåešãe u kombijima, koji ih i skupljaju posle završenog „radnog vremena". Ÿene i deca uglavnom idu na „strateška" mesta — mesta ko- ja su najposeãenija, gde prolazi najveãi broj ljudi. Sandra Ljubinkoviã, koordinatorka NVO ASTRA, smatra da se organizovane mreÿe prosjaka ne razlikuju mnogo od drugih oblika organizovanog kriminala. Prosjaci, po njenim reåima, moraju da zarade odreðeni iznos novca dnevno za svoga gazdu.

Beograd

U Beogradu su, prema saznanjima ispitanika, prosjaåenje i beskuã- ništvo sve izraÿeniji problemi. Razlog poveãanja ove pojave je, smatra veãina ispitanika, ekonomska kriza. Takoðe, u Beogradu su prosjaci or- ganizovani. Najugroÿenija kategorija stanovništva kada je u pitanju ova pojava su Romi, koji nisu u moguãnosti da doðu do „regularnog" posla pa su prinuðeni da prose, zatim izbeglice, invalidi, beskuãnici. Prema saznanjima Milice Simiã, koordinatorke Deåjeg romskog Cen- tra, postoje dve velike grupe prosjaka Roma: oni koji prose za sebe i oni koji prose za nekoga iz porodice. Kod crkve Svetog Marka, na primer, prose organizovano, ali za potrebe sopstvenih porodica. Na ovoj lokaciji svakodnevno prosi i majka sa petoro dece. Oni su dobro òbuåeni, ali ne i ukljuåeni u širu mreÿu prosjaka, nego ih je, po Miliåinim reåima, jed- nostavno muka naterala na prosjaåenje. To su sve velike romske poro- dice koje broje nekada i preko deset ålanova i koje moraju da se prehra- ne, a alternativa im nije ponuðena. Zvaniåne statistike potvrðuju da je problem prosjaåenja u Beogra- du veoma rasprostranjen. Prema podacima iz Organa za prekršaje, na podruåju Beograda je u 2002. godini primljeno 1413 prekršajnih prijava za prosjaåenje, ali strukturu prema polu nismo dobile.

Ostali gradovi

Novi Sad je u velikoj meri pogoðen ovom pojavom. Ispitanici iz ovog grada tvrde da prosjaka u ovom gradu ima „na stotine", a najviše

95 je ÿena i dece. Najåešãe se radi o ÿenama koje prose sa malom decom u naruåju, a najviše prosjaka nalazi se na raskrsnici Bulevara osloboðenja i Bulevara Jaše Tomiãa, kao i Temerinske i Partizanske ulice. Postoje prosjaci koji prose da bi preÿiveli i oni drugi, koji prose organizovano i na taj naåin zaraðuju za ÿivot. Prema podacima Prve policijske stanice u Novom Sadu, u vremenskom periodu od 1. januara 2003. pa do 20. juna 2003. podneto je 28 prekršajnih prijava zbog prosjaåenja, od åega se u tri sluåaja radilo o ÿenama. Prema podacima Druge policijske stani- ce, za prvih šest meseci 2003. podneta su dva zahteva za pokretanje prekršajnog postupka protiv 8 lica romske nacionalnosti, meðu kojima su veãinu åinile ÿene. Godine 2002. evidentirane su tri ÿene sa dva dete- ta iz Leskovca koje su prosile. Prosjaåenje je veoma rasprostranjeno i u Novom Pazaru. Ispitanici smatraju da je jedan od osnovnih razloga porasta prosjaka mit o No- vom Pazaru kao mestu gde ÿive samo bogati ljudi i gde nema krize. Prosjaka ima svih starosnih kategorija, åak i starica. Prose Romi, lokalno stanovništvo, ali i pridošlice iz drugih gradova Srbije i Crne Gore i Bo- sne i Hercegovine. Oni iznajmljuju sobe u siromašnim porodicama i ostaju u gradu po nekoliko meseci, a onda ih zamenjuju drugi prosjaci. Meðu prosjacima je veliki broj ÿena sa malom decom, koje i na temperaturi od minus 17 stepeni spuste dete na zemlju i prose. Jedan ispitanik iz Novog Pazara izneo je podatak da je u Novom Pazaru samo u 2002. godini zbog prosjaåenja prijavljeno više od 200 ÿenskih lica, a dve ÿenske osobe zbog beskuãništva. Jedan ispitanik iz Novog Pazara o ÿenama prosjacima kaÿe:

„Ove godine primeãuje se da meðu prosjacima ima domaãih starih ÿena obe nacionalnosti koje zaviju glavu maramom i navuku je na oåi, pokrivajuãi tako skoro celo lice. Iz takvog ponašanja moglo bi se reãi da su iz ovoga grada pa se kriju da ne budu prepoznate."

U Zajeåaru i Velikoj Plani, kako kaÿu ispitanici iz ovih gradova, ne- ma puno prosjaka, a prosjaåenjem se bave uglavnom mlade ÿene, rom- ske nacionalnosti. Prema podacima iz SUP-a Šabac, u toku 2002. godine za prosjaåenje je podneto ukupno pet prekršajnih prijava i u svim slu- åajevima se radi o domaãim drÿavljanima. U 2003. godini podneta je sa- mo jedna prijava. Meðu prijavljenima su podjednako zastupljeni i mu- škarci i ÿene, uglavnom u starijem ÿivotnom dobu. Podaci iz opštinskog organa za prekršaje u Šapcu govore da je u toku 2002. godine za prekr- šaje u vezi sa prosjaåenjem prijavljeno 10—12 osoba, od åega šestoro dece. Najåešãe se radilo o domaãim drÿavljankama ÿenskog pola.

96  VI 3.3. Rad „na crno" i prisilni rad

Trgovina ÿenama uobiåajeno je povezana sa ilegalnim trÿištima, meðu kojima je i crno trÿište rada. Procena obima rada na crno i prisil- nog rada i uåešãe ÿena u ovim ilegalnim trÿištima moÿe nam posluÿiti da doðemo do procene o riziku od trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji. Rezultati istraÿivanja pokazuju da je rad „na crno" jedan od naja- kutnijih problema našeg društva. Gotovo svi ispitanici sa kojima smo razgovarali procenjuju da je ovaj oblik ilegalnog trÿišta kod nas veoma razvijen i da ugroÿava velike gradove, ali i manje sredine. Proces rasta broja radnika koji rade „na crno" otpoåeo je poåetkom devedesetih, kao posledica društveno-ekonomske tranzicije i sankcija, a od tog vremena ovakav rad se proporcionalno poveãavao sa propadanjem privrede i in- dustrije. Oblici eksploatacije radnika koji su primorani da rade „na cr- no" su razliåiti — od neisplaãivanja zarada, prekovremenog neplaãenog rada, plaãanja troškova za „naåinjenu štetu" i sliåno. Ovakvog rada ima svugde: u usluÿnim delatnostima, trgovini, kompjuterskom biznisu, in- dustriji, u privatnom ali i drÿavnom i nevladinom sektoru.

VI 3.3.a. Rad „na crno", prisilni rad, prostitucija i trgovina ÿenama

Prema saznanjima ispitanika, ÿene su jedna od najugroÿenijih kate- gorija stanovništva kada se radi o radu „na crno". U Novom Pazaru je tokom 2002. godine zbog ovakvog rada kaÿnje- no preko 300, opomenuto oko 100 i na drugi naåin registrovano 150 pu- noletnih osoba ÿenskog pola. Zbog prisilnog rada ÿena kaÿnjeno je oko 20, opomenuto oko 20 i na drugi naåin registrovano oko 60 lica. Podaci iz inspekcije rada govore da je u 2002. godini, samo u privatnom sekto- ru u ovom gradu naðeno 130 lica koja rade „na crno", od åega su 82 ÿe- ne. U 2003. godini „na crno" je radilo 95 lica, od åega 57 ÿena. Sve ÿene su bile naše drÿavljanke. Ÿene rade „na crno" u ugostiteljstvu (noãnim barovima i kafanama), privatnim trgovinskim preduzeãima, industriji odnosno privatnim fabrikama odeãe itd. U Zajeåaru je, prema podacima opštinskog organa za prekršaje, u poslednjih 2—3 godine izreåeno dvadesetak kazni za rad „na crno". Meðu radnicima su uglavnom naši drÿavljani i drÿavljanke. U Poÿarev- cu je tokom 2002. godine bilo 30—40 prijava za ovakav rad. Dve treãine prijava se odnose na ÿene. U Šapcu je bilo nekoliko desetina takvih slu- åajeva, a osobe koje se zapošljavaju „na crno" su uglavnom naši drÿa- vljani, oba pola. Prema podacima iz Odeljenja pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove Sekretarijata unutrašnjih poslova u Šapcu, u

97 2002. na teritoriji koju pokriva ovo odeljenje za rad bez dozvole kaÿnje- ne su 52 osobe ÿenskog pola. One su, prema saznanjima naših ispitani- ka, formalno obavljale posao kelnerica ili druge poslove u ugostiteljstvu, ali su se faktiåki uglavnom bavile prostitucijom. Zorana Šijaåki, savetnica za ravnopravnost polova u Sekretarijatu za rad, zapošljavanje i ravnopravnost polova Pokrajine Vojvodine, dala je tipiåan profil radnika „na crno" u Srbiji:

„To je ÿena, izmeðu 45 i 50 godina, koja se bavi švercom, i mlada de- vojka, izmeðu 18 i 25 godina, zaposlena u butiku."

Devojke i ÿene koje ilegalno rade izloÿene su razliåitim oblicima viktimizacije. Osim uobiåajenih koji prate rad „na crno" — neisplaãiva- nje zarada, prekovremeni neplaãeni rad i sliåno, tu su i nasilje, åesta zloupotreba sluÿbenog poloÿaja i seksualno uznemiravanje. Neki ispita- nici imaju posredna saznanja da se devojke i ÿene koje rade „na crno" åesto primoravaju na seks sa vlasnikom — gazdom, a ako na to ne pri- stanu, bivaju otpuštene i ne isplaãuje im se zaraðeni novac. Kada rade „na crno", ÿene su naroåito nezaštiãene i uplašene. Ne usuðuju se da prijave inspekciji rada ono što im se dogaða. Jedna ispi- tanica je, tako, navela da poznaje ÿenu koja je prijavila svog poslodavca bez obzira što je znala da je niko više neãe zaposliti, i koja sada åuva neku staricu. Najveãem riziku da postanu ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama izloÿene su mlade devojke koje su prinuðene da ilegalno rade u ugostiteljskim objektima, buticima, kafiãima, restoranima, noãnim klubovima. Ovi po- slovi su, po saznanjima nekih ispitanika, vrlo bliski prostituciji, ali i tr- govini ÿenama. Jedan ispitanik u tom kontekstu je rekao:

„Ilegalne migracije, transfer, rad 'na crno' i prostitucija su åetiri roðe- ne sestre."

O vezi rada „na crno" i trgovine ÿenama, odnosno prostitucije, go- vore i sledeãi navodi:

„U Beogradu imamo prisilno odvoðenje devojaka da rade po barovi- ma u unutrašnjosti — najupeåatljiviji primer je Novi Pazar, gde se njima obeãavaju pogodni uslovi, velika zarada, zatim im se uzimaju dokumenta (to je taj mehanizam prisile), åesto budu pod nadzorom odreðenih lica ko- ja im ne dozvoljavaju slobodno kretanje, åesto se upotrebljava sila nad njima i po pravilu bivaju silovane." „Na teritoriji Zajeåara ima mnogo rada 'na crno'. Poslodavci izbega- vaju da plaãaju poreske obaveze, pa zapošljavaju maloletne i mlaðe puno-

98  letne ÿenske osobe u kioscima, ãevabdÿinicama, kafiãima. Åesto se u ka- snim noãnim satima te devojke podvode i nagovaraju se na pruÿanje sek- sualnih usluga, ali se, prema mojim saznanjima, tu ne radi o prisili (one mogu svakog trenutka da napuste posao ako ÿele) nego o nuÿdi siroma- šnih devojaka i njihovoj borbi da preÿive… Ipak, ne znam kako bih na- zvao pojavu koja se dešava u jednom klubu, u kome maloletne i mlaðe punoletne osobe neprijavljeno rade kao konobarice. Posle ponoãi, meðu- tim, to postaje noãni klub u kojem te devojke bivaju prisiljene, a neke i dobrovoljno pruÿaju seksualne usluge, pri åemu najviše profitira gazda lo- kala."

Mitovi o Novom Pazaru kao bogatom kraju i unosnim poslovima koji ih tamo oåekuju, po saznanjima ispitanika, predstavljaju snaÿne faktore koji privlaåe ÿene u ovaj grad, ali ih åesto uvuku i u lanac trgo- vine. Prema saznanjima ispitanika iz Novog Pazara, rad „na crno", pro- stitucija i trgovina ÿenama åesto idu jedno sa drugim:

„Ono što moÿe biti indikativno za postojanje prostitucije šireg obima jeste to da nema ugostiteljskog objekta gde se ne moÿe naãi neko lice koje radi 'na crno', što znaåi nije prijavilo boravak. To su iskljuåivo ÿene, za- pravo, više je devojaka nego ÿena i veãina ima decu. Vlasnik jednog bara mi je rekao da bi svaki vlasnik ugostiteljskog objekta kupio ÿenu za lokal jer svaki muškarac više voli da ga sluÿi lepa i mlada devojka."

Neki ispitanici smatraju da se odreðen broj devojaka koje rade „na crno" dobrovoljno bavi prostitucijom, taånije, da je rad u ugostiteljskim objektima, barovima, kafiãima, kafanama i restoranima samo paravan za prostituciju. „Na crno" rade domaãe ÿene, ali i strane drÿavljanke. Strane drÿa- vljanke su naroåito ugroÿene i veoma åesto se dešava da te ÿene i de- vojke završe u lancu trgovine ÿenama. Tako jedan ispitanik ima sazna- nja da su u negotinskom kraju, taånije u bogatim selima oko Negotina, kao konobarice ilegalno zapošljavane Rumunke, koje su posle prisiljava- ne na pruÿanje seksualnih usluga i dalje prodavane.

VI 4. Zakljuåak

Rezultati istraÿivanja nedvosmisleno pokazuju da je trgovina ÿena- ma u Srbiji veoma rasprostranjena. Ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji su iz istoånoevropskih, siromašnih zemalja u kojima su uslovi ÿivota loši, naj- åešãe drÿavljanke Moldavije, Ukrajine, Rumunije. Rezultati istraÿivanja takoðe pokazuju da su ÿrtve i naše drÿavljanke, ÿene iz gradova i sela

99 širom Srbije. Iskustva ispitanika pokazuju da svako moÿe postati ÿrtva trgovine, bez obzira na starost, nacionalnost, drÿavljanstvo, obrazovanje. Ÿrtve su u najveãem broju sluåajeva ÿene koje nisu ÿelele da se bave prostitucijom nego su na to primorane, ali ÿrtve mogu biti i ÿene koje su poåele dobrovoljno da se bave prostitucijom. Takoðe, kada se radi o prostitutkama ÿrtvama trgovine ÿenama, ne smemo zaboraviti da njihov pristanak na prostituciju ne znaåi i pristanak na ropski odnos i eksploa- taciju, i da one moraju imati isti tretman kao i druge ÿrtve trgovine ÿe- nama. Rezultati istraÿivanja pokazuju da je Srbija zemlja tranzita ÿrtava trgovine ÿenama, ali i zemlja porekla, privremene ili trajne destinacije, kao i zemlja unutar koje se odvija trgovina domaãim ÿenama. U vezi sa kanalima trgovine punoletnim ÿenama, trebalo bi istaãi da istraÿivanjem nisu utvrðene razlike u pogledu puteva trgovine ÿenama u cilju seksu- alne eksploatacije s jedne, i radne eksploatacije sa druge strane. Dobije- ni podaci govore da putevi trgovine ÿenama uglavnom polaze iz zema- lja bivšeg SSSR-a (Ukrajine i Moldavije), vode preko Rumunije, Bugar- ske i nešto reðe Maðarske, do Srbije i Crne Gore. Na teritoriju naše dr- ÿave strane drÿavljanke ulaze i ilegalno i legalno, razliåitim prevoznim sredstvima ili peške. Kroz Srbiju, kanali trgovine ÿenama idu od severa ka jugu (prema Kosovu i Makedoniji, odnosno prema Crnoj Gori, pa u Italiju ili Albaniju), i od istoka ka zapadu (prema Republici Srpskoj i Hr- vatskoj), eventualno prema severu (prema Maðarskoj). Na putevima tr- govine ÿenama Beograd predstavlja jednu od nezaobilaznih stanica u kojoj se ÿrtve neko vreme zadrÿavaju, a potom prodaju dalje. Kada su u pitanju naše drÿavljanke, saznanja ispitanika govore da se njima trgu- je unutar granica naše zemlje, ali se prodaju i u inostranstvu — uglav- nom u Bosni, Makedoniji, Italiji. Podaci dobijeni istraÿivanjem potvrðuju da se kao najåešãi oblik namamljivanja ÿena ÿrtava trgovine pojavljuju prevare u vezi sa po- slom, i to prirodom posla, uslovima u kojima i pod kojima se radi, kao i zaradom. Ÿene ÿrtve trgovine vrbuju njihove drugarice, poznanice, ÿe- ne koje su veã bile ukljuåene u lanac trgovine, bivše prostitutke, braåni parovi, ali i razne agencije — za manekene, fotomodele, izbore za mis i sliåno. Imajuãi to u vidu, posebno bi trebalo obratiti paÿnju na vrbova- nje naših ÿena preko modnih agencija, oglasa za sezonske poslove, sa- jamskih manifestacija i sliåno. Na putu, kao i u mestu privremene ili trajne destinacije, ÿene su iz- loÿene razliåitim oblicima viktimizacije: one se prodaju i preprodaju, oduzimaju im se putne isprave, ograniåava sloboda kretanja, bivaju fi- ziåki, psihiåki i seksualno zlostavljane, izloÿene pretnjama i ucenama, navlaåe se na drogu ili alkohol, prisiljavaju se na bavljenje prostituci-

100 jom, stavljaju se u duÿniåko ropstvo, a uslovi ÿivota i rada su nepodno- šljivi. Na pojavu trgovine ÿenama u velikoj meri utiåu i druge, sa njom tesno povezane pojave kao što su seks industrija, prostitucija, prosjaåe- nje, beskuãništvo i rad „na crno". Rezultati istraÿivanja pokazuju da su ove pojave, naroåito seks industrija i rad „na crno", kod nas veoma ras- prostranjene i organizovane. Ove pojave predstavljaju znaåajan faktor rizika za trgovinu ÿenama i bez njihovog rešavanja nema ni efikasne borbe protiv trgovine ÿenama.

101  VII Trgovina decom u Srbiji

Trgovina decom predstavlja veoma opasan oblik kriminaliteta koji se izdvaja nizom svojih specifiånosti u odnosu na ostale oblike trgovine ljudskim biãima, i obuhvata:

— trgovinu decom radi seksualne eksploatacije, deåije pornografije i pedofilije, — trgovinu decom radi eksploatacije rada, — trgovinu decom radi prosjaåenja, — trgovinu decom radi vršenja kriviånih dela, — trgovinu neroðenom decom ili tek roðenim bebama radi usvo- jenja, — trgovinu decom radi sklapanja braka, — trgovinu decom radi uåestvovanja u oruÿanim sukobima.

Reå je o teškom obliku kriminaliteta åije su ÿrtve deca, kao najose- tljiviji deo populacije, ali istovremeno i najnevinije ÿrtve. Trgovina de- com je još prikrivenija nego što je to sluåaj sa ostalim oblicima trgovine ljudskim biãima. Tamna brojka u ovoj oblasti je još veãa nego kod dru- gih oblika trgovine, tako da je veoma teško doãi do realnih podataka o stvarnom obimu i rasprostranjenosti ove pojave. U ovom odeljku biãe izneti rezultati istraÿivanja o rasprostranjeno- sti, strukturi i karakteristikama trgovine decom, kao i saznanja o po- srednim indikatorima. Podaci su prikupljani uglavnom putem intervjui- sanja struånjaka, aktivista nevladinih organizacija, nauånih radnika i drugih osoba za koje se smatralo da mogu biti izvor informacija o poja- vi trgovine decom. Reå je o saznanjima koja su o pojavi trgovine decom imali navedeni ispitanici, a na osnovu kojih se moÿe realnije sagledati ovaj fenomen. Analizirana su, pre svega, saznanja ispitanika o nepo- srednim pokazateljima obima, rasprostranjenosti, strukture i karakteri- stika trgovine decom u Srbiji, iz Srbije i kroz Srbiju, kao i trgovina koja se odvija unutar njenih granica. Pored toga, analizirana su i saznanja o posrednim pokazateljima postojanja trgovine decom, kao što su podaci o seksualnoj eksploataciji dece, prosjaåenju, prisilnom radu i prinudi dece na vršenje kriviånih dela, zatim podaci o otmicama, nestancima i krijumåarenju dece, koji mogu predstavljati dobar paravan za trgovinu decom.

102  VII 1. Neposredni pokazatelji obima, rasprostranjenosti, strukture i karakteristika trgovine decom

Od ukupnog broja ispitanika (123), njih 43 je imalo saznanja o ukupno 94 sluåaja ÿrtava trgovine decom na teritoriji Srbije. Saznanja o trgovini decom zabeleÿena su u sledeãim gradovima: Beograd (49), Novi Pazar (22), Novi Sad (6), Niš (5), Zrenjanin (3), Zaje- åar (3), Poÿarevac (2), Vlasotince (1), Sombor (1), Velika Plana (1), Vr- njaåka Banja (1). U navedenim sluåajevima ÿrtve su najåešãe deca strani drÿavljani (40), i to uglavnom maloletnice iz Moldavije, Ukrajine, Rumunije i Bu- garske, zatim deca naši drÿavljani romske nacionalnosti (34) i deca naši drÿavljani neromske nacionalnosti u 20 sluåajeva.106 Na osnovu analize neposrednih saznanja ispitanika o sluåajevima trgovine došlo se do saznanja da je Srbija, kada je u pitanju transnacio- nalana trgovina decom, predstavljala zemlju porekla ÿrtava u 30 sluåaje- va, a zemlju tranzita tj. privremene destinacije za decu strane drÿavlja- ne u 43 sluåaja. Meðutim, trgovina decom se odvija i unutar granica Sr- bije, tako da su naši ispitanici imali saznanja o 21 sluåaju unutrašnje tr- govine decom. Saznanja o Srbiji kao iskljuåivoj zemlji tranzita prilikom trgovine decom su nešto reða i ona se uglavnom odnose na sluåajeve kada su maloletna ÿenska lica ukljuåena u lance trgovine radi seksualne eksploatacije koji se kreãu ka Kosovu ili ka zapadnim zemljama, ili pak u sluåajevima kada se u grupi krijumåarenih ljudi naðu åitave porodice koje se kreãu od istoka ka zapadu.107 Kada su u pitanju oblici trgovine decom, prema saznanjima ispita- nika, najåešãe se radi o trgovini decom radi seksualne eksploatacije (65), zatim trgovini radi prosjaåenja (17), kao i trgovini radi sklapanja braka (12), što je posebno karakteristiåno za romsku populaciju.

VII 1.1. Trgovina decom radi seksualne eksploatacije

Najåešãi oblik trgovine decom karakteristiåan za Srbiju jeste trgovi- na decom radi seksualne eksploatacije (65 sluåajeva). Srbija se, kada je u pitanju ovaj oblik trgovine decom, pojavljuje kao zemlja porekla, ali i zemlja tranzita ili bolje reåeno privremene de- 106 Mnogi ispitanici su imali saznanja o pojavi prodaje romske dece unutar romske populaci- je, ali s obzirom da nisu naveli konkretne sluåajeve, oni nisu uvršãeni u broj sluåajeva o kojima po- stoje konkretna saznanja. 107 Za prvih pet meseci 2003. godine, Uprava pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslo- ve je evidentirala da je uhvaãeno 268 stranih drÿavljana u nedozvoljenom prelasku drÿavne grani- ce. Tu je bilo muškaraca, ÿena i dece, odnosno åitavih porodica iz Irana, Avganistana, Turske, Ru- munije i Kine koje se krijumåare sa Istoka na Zapad.

103 stinacije ÿrtava (transnacionalna trgovina decom). Deca iz Srbije se pro- daju u zemljama Zapadne Evrope (najåešãe u Italiji i Francuskoj), ali i na Kosovu, koje se, i kada je u pitanju trgovina decom, izdvaja kao zna- åajna taåka destinacije. Osim toga, decom iz Srbije se veoma åesto trgu- je i unutar teritorije, odnosno u granicama Srbije (unutrašnja trgovina decom). Kada je u pitanju trgovina decom iz Srbije u druge zemlje, ovde se najåešãe pojavljuju deca romske nacionalnosti, dok je trgovina radi sek- sualne eksploatacije unutar granica Srbije više karakteristiåna za devoj- åice neromske nacionalnosti. Srbija se, prema rezultatima istraÿivanja, åesto pojavljuje i kao zemlja tranzita, taånije privremene destinacije, maloletnim devojkama iz istoånoevropskih zemalja (Moldavije, Ukraji- ne, Rusije, Rumunije i Bugarske), kada su one praktiåno ukljuåene u meðunarodne lance trgovine ÿenama koji se iz navedenih zemalja kre- ãu ka zemljama Zapadne Evrope ili ka Kosovu ili Bosni, pa na teritoriji Srbije bivaju seksualno eksploatisane i po nekoliko meseci.

VII 1.1.a. Karakteristike trgovine decom radi seksualne eksploatacije

Trgovina decom radi seksualne eksploatacije obuhvata tri glavne faze: namamljivanje, transport odnosno transfer, i razne oblike eksploa- tacije/viktimizacije kojima su deca izloÿena.

Naåini namamljivanja

Analiza dobijenih podataka o trgovini decom pokazuje da postoji nekoliko najåešãih naåina namamljivanja dece ÿrtava trgovine radi sek- sualne eksploatacije. To su: prodaja od strane roditelja, roðaka ili pred- stavnika romske zajednice, kidnapovanje, ponude posla u inostranstvu i u zemlji (veoma åesto se pojavljuje ponuda posla u nekim gradovima, na primer u Novom Pazaru i Tutinu, gde se zapuãuju devojke iz cele Srbije), kao i prevare u vezi sa radom za tzv. modne kuãe i raznim izbo- rima za mis. Kada je u pitanju trgovina decom, najåešãi oblik namamljivanja je- ste prodaja od strane roditelja koja je posebno karakteristiåna za rom- sku populaciju, o åijem obimu i rasprostranjenosti se veoma teško moÿe doãi do realnih podataka, s obzirom da je romska zajednica veoma za- tvorena, a pojavu prodaje dece åesto objašnjava kulturološkim obele- ÿjima.

104  O prodaji romske dece najviše saznanja imaju predstavnici nevladi- nih organizacija koje se u svakodnevnom radu bave pitanjima vezanim za pruÿanje pomoãi i zaštite Romima. Predstavnik jedne ovakve organi- zacije, na primer, tvrdi:

„Naši Romi se najviše prodaju u Italiju. Prodaju se i deåaci i devojåi- ce: deåaci radi prosjaåenja i prinudnog rada, a devojåice radi prosjaåenja i prostitucije. Deca se transportuju u kartonskim kutijama. U Italiji je na najveãoj ceni dete od pet godina, jer moÿe da radi još deset godina."

O namamljivanju unutar romske populacije jedan ispitanik imao je sledeãa saznanja:

„Vrbovanje (koje i nije klasiåno vrbovanje) dešava se na sledeãi na- åin: svaka romska zajednica ima svoju organizovanu grupu koja kontroli- še sve što se dešava unutar zajednice, izmeðu ostalog i šverc robom. Pod- miãuju policiju da tu ne uðu, ako neko hoãe bilo šta da radi u toj zajedni- ci, mora prvo sa njima da se dogovori, åak su oni ti koji uzimaju deo (pro- cenat) od humanitarne pomoãi koja se daje Romima u tom naselju i sliå- no. Unutar te grupe postoji podela posla: neko drÿi trgovinu farmerkama iz Novog Pazara, drugi je zaduÿen za distribuciju kradene robe i sl. Ta ista grupa kontroliše i odlaÿenje dece u inostranstvo. Naime, oni se kreãu po gradu, lokalima, kafanama i sreãu sa drugim Romima koji dolaze iz Italije, sa kojima stupaju u kontakt i tako saznaju da je neki od ljudi iz Italije ostao 'bez dece'. Onda ovaj predstavnik romskog naselja kaÿe da moÿe da vidi da li ima dece tog uzrasta kod njega. Zatim odlazi u porodi- ce gde ima takve dece, nudi pomoã da dete ode u inostranstvo, gde ãe mu biti bolje i obiåno se tom prilikom porodici daje neka novåana pomoã (mada je pitanje koliko novca, od onog što je åovek koji je došao iz Italije po decu dao, ode porodici tog deteta, a koliko on kao deo organizovane ekipe uzme za sebe. Kasnije se dešava da ta deca šalju porodici novac iz inostranstva. Ne åudi što roditelji romske dece pristaju na ovo, ako se ima u vidu da 46% romske dece kod nas nema obrok svakog dana."108

Jedan od veoma åestih naåina namamljivanja, posebno kada su u pitanju starije maloletnice, predstavljaju i prevare u vezi sa navodno le- galnim poslom u inostranstvu, ili unutar zemlje. Najåešãe je reå o poslu konobarice, bebisiterke i sliåno. Prema kazivanju jednog ispitanika, za srednje škole je karakteristiåno da namamljivaåi uglavnom poånu da ju- re devojke krajem maja, pred kraj školske godine i u avgustu, kada su 108 Navedeni naåin namamljivanja je karakteristiåan za trgovinu romskom decom za razliåite oblike eksploatacije (seksualna, prosjaåenje i sliåno).

105 popravni ispiti. Namame ih tako što ih sa sobom „vuku" 24 sata nepre- kidno, kupuju im, oblaåe ih i sliåno. Posle desetak dana im kaÿu da imaju bogatog prijatelja koji je zainteresovan za njih, a koji ima firmu „preko". Ukoliko devojka poÿeli da se tada izvuåe iz lanca, poåinje fiziå- ki da je kaÿnjava. Neke devojke budu snimane za vreme seksualnog odnosa, pa ih ucenjuju da ãe snimke poslati porodici ili industriji porno filmova. O još jednom naåinu namamljivanja, tipiånom za maloletnice sred- njih škola, i sluåaju koji se dogodio u Školi za negu lepote u Beogradu, koji na sreãu nije završio tragiåno, govori sledeãi primer, koji nam je is- priåala jedna ispitanica:

„Sluåaj je iz 1999. godine. Jednom od zaposlenih, koordinatoru nasta- ve, koji stalno nešto trguje i pravi dogovore u vezi sa nabavkom kozmeti- ke i sredstava potrebnih za nastavu u školi, obratio se åovek koji se pred- stavio kao dizajner iz Gråke, koji otvara modnu prodavnicu u Knez Mi- hajlovoj ulici. Pošto je åuo da naša škola ima atraktivne devojke koje ume- ju i da sreðuju frizure, on bi ih angaÿovao za modne revije. Trebalo mu je desetak devojaka. Kolega je, ne sluteãi prevaru, uzeo na sebe odgovornost da odabere devojke. Meðutim, sasvim sluåajno se otkrilo šta se krije iza ove ponude. Naime, navedeni kolega je u to hteo da ubaci i svoju kãerku, koja je završila dizajn. Meðutim, kada se devojka vratila sa razgovora, bilo joj je sumnjivo što je åovek insistirao da sve bude u åipki, kao da je hteo da otvori javnu kuãu. Koordinator nastave je pozvao policiju, koja je tre- balo da doðe u vreme sledeãe ugovorene posete. Policija je uhapsila åove- ka za koga se ispostavilo da nije Grk nego naš åovek, koji vrbuje malolet- ne devojke za prostituciju. Radilo se o veoma opasnoj situaciji, s obzirom da je sve išlo preko škole, pa roditelji, imajuãi poverenja u profesore, nisu posumnjali da se radi o moguãoj prevari."

Inaåe, Škola za negu lepote spada u jednu od najbezbednijih škola u Beogradu, koja ima svoje obezbeðenje, bivšeg policajca koji deÿura u hodniku, što je, po reåima ispitanice, veoma vaÿno, jer dok nisu anga- ÿovali obezbeðenje, „momci sa kajlama" su prosto „kidisali" na uåenice. Kao poseban, nov naåin namamljivanja kada je u pitanju trgovina decom i ÿenama izdvaja se ponuda posla u tzv. „modnim kuãama." Je- dan ispitanik, predstavnik policije, na sledeãi naåin je objasnio sistem funkcionisanja tzv. „modnih kuãa", putem kojih se vrši prezentacija na- ših devojaka u inostranstvu, obeãava im se lagodan ÿivot u svetu mode, a u stvari se iza toga krije trgovina:

„Pre mesec dana je spreåen odlazak devojaka preko jedne 'modne kuãe' u inostranstvo, u šta je trebalo da budu ukljuåene sasvim mlade de-

106  vojke, maloletnice. Koordiniranom akcijom 'Miraÿ' sa zemljama u okruÿe- nju, gde je policija dala znaåajan doprinos borbi protiv trgovine ljudima, spreåen je njihov odlazak i sada se preduzimaju sve mere da se dokaÿe da se iza toga krije trgovina ljudima."

Jedan broj ispitanika imao je saznanja o specifiånom obliku nama- mljivanja mladih devojaka (åesto maloletnih) u trgovinu radi seksualne eksploatacije, i to prevarama u vezi sa raznim takmiåenjima odnosno iz- borima za mis, na koje se mogu prijaviti i devojåice uzrasta od 13 do 15 godina, iza kojih se ponekad krije trgovina decom radi seksualne eks- ploatacije. Trgovina decom se odvija i unutar Srbije i tu su ispitanicima uglav- nom poznati sluåajevi maloletnica iz unutrašnjosti koje su u lanac uklju- åivane prodajom od strane roditelja, ili pak namamljivanjem u vezi sa dobro plaãenim poslom u Beogradu ili Novom Pazaru, a potom na pre- varu uvuåene u lanac trgovine decom radi seksualne eksploatacije. U manjem broju sluåajeva ispitanici su naveli i prodaju dece neromske populacije od strane roditelja, mada je ovaj naåin namamljivanja åešãi unutar romske populacije. Prema kazivanju jednog ispitanika, tako je npr. Beograðanka stara 37 godina, koja se od svoje 16 godine bavi pro- stitucijom, prodala svoju maloletnu kãerku (14) jednom vlasniku kafane u Tutinu. Jedno vreme je majka ostala u toj kafani i sa kãerkom delila klijente, a onda se izgubila. Kãerka je još uvek u istoj kafani. O moguãoj vezi izmeðu prostitucije i trgovine decom radi seksual- ne eksploatacije jedan ispitanik je istakao da je šema uglavnom ista: prostitutke kreãu sa uliånom prostitucijom, podvode ih ili prodaju tetke ili majke. Što su mlaðe, to im je cena viša. Dok su još nevine rade anal- ni i oralni seks, kako bi saåuvale nevinost i kasnije ostvarile višu cenu. Kidnapovanje dece se takoðe pojavljuje u odreðenom broju sluåa- jeva. Primer je devojåica iz Zajeåara, tada maloletna, koja je nestala sa ulice u Nišu. Taånije, nepoznati ljudi su je ugurali u automobil. Na osnovu telefonskog poziva koji je njena majka primila posle nekoliko meseci, sumnja se da je devojåica na Kosovu i da je ÿrtva trgovine.109 U ulozi namamljivaåa tj. prvih u lancu trgovine decom su, kada su u pitanju mlaða deca, roditelji uglavnom romske nacionalnosti, koji sklapaju najåešãe usmene dogovore sa trgovcima i koji, praktiåno, uglav- nom iz ekonomskih razloga ÿrtvuju svoju decu u nadi da ãe im obezbe- diti bolji ÿivot ili bolji ÿivot ostatka porodice. Tu su zatim u ulozi nama- mljivaåa (posebno kada je u pitanju neromska populacija) poznanici i poznanicee, mladiãi devojåica od 14 do 18 godina, stranci koje upoznaju u diskotekama, kafiãima ili ispred škola, drugarice koje su na samom 109 Sluåaj se dogodio pre dve godine, kada je devojåica bila maloletna, a sada ima 19 godina.

107 poåetku pa „dobro zaraðuju i dobro se provode" ili pak zaposleni u raz- liåitim agencijama za manekene, fotomodele ili u turistiåkim agenci- jama.

„U Novom Pazaru postoji grupa kriminalaca koji rade po principu klasiåne ucene. Tu grupu åine devojke i mladiãi. Devojke iz grupe, koje su za to plaãene, imaju zadatke da primame ÿrtvu (obiåno su to uåenice osnovnih i srednjih škola, najåešãe od 14 do 16 godina) tako što prilaze devojåici, poåinju razgovor sa njom, govore joj o momku kome se sviða, a koji ima moguãnosti da im pruÿi lagodan ÿivot."(predstavnik medija)

Transport/transfer

Transport, odnosno transfer dece ÿrtava se, kada je u pitanju trgo- vina radi seksualne eksploatacije, uglavnom odvija kao i transport ÿena, po unapred utvrðenim kanalima. Pri tome se koriste ilegalni naåini pre- laska granice, sa falsifikovanim pasošima, zatim prelasci sa odraslim li- cem koje takoðe ima falsifikovane isprave u vezi sa srodstvom sa dete- tom. Jedan broj dece se preko granice prevozi kao „slepi putnici" u vo- zovima, kamionima, u kartonskim kutijama, pokriveni ãebetom, kao što je sluåaj sa romskom decom (ovaj naåin transporta romske dece pomi- nje se i kod sluåajeva trgovine decom radi prosjaåenja).110 Veoma åesto se za decu koja su ukljuåena u trgovinu koriste falsifi- kovana dokumenta, kakav je sluåaj i maloletne M.A. (15) iz Opova, åiju su prodaju i odlazak u Italiju spreåili na aerodromu Suråin Beograd rad- nici Sekretarijata unutrašnjih poslova u Beogradu. Reå je o pokušaju tr- govine decom i napuštanja teritorije Srbije i Crne Gore sa falsifikova- nom putnom ispravom Bugarske. Devojåica je bila u pratnji dva naša drÿavljana. Sluåaj je otkriven tako što ju je policajac na pasoškoj kontro- li pitao nešto na bugarskom, a ona nije znala da odgovori. U ovom slu- åaju je protiv njene majke podneta kriviåna prijava nadleÿnom tuÿila- štvu zbog kriviånog dela iz ål.155 stl.3 KZ SRJ, koje se odnosi na zasni- vanje ropskog odnosa i prevoz lica u ropskom odnosu, jer ju je majka prodala. Maloletna M.A. je smeštena u Prihvatilište za decu i omladinu u Beogradu, a potom predata socijalnom radniku iz Centra za socijalni rad Kovaåica — Odeljenje u Opovu.111 110 Koordinatorka nevladine organizacije Deåiji romski centar je na osnovu svedoåenja rom- ske dece trafikovane u Bosnu, koju je njihova organizacija uspela da spasi, saznala da su deca gra- nicu prešla ilegalno, u automobilu, prekrivena ãebetom. 111 Podaci dobijeni intervjuisanjem struånjaka Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i uprav- ne poslove Sekretarijata u Beogradu, a koji je zabeleÿen i u izveštaju Ministarstva unutrašnjih po- slova Sekretarijata u Beogradu, Uprava pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove.

108  Prema reåima Dušana Zlokasa, zamenika naåelnika Uprave pogra- niåne policije za strance i upravne poslove Ministarstva unutrašnjih po- slova Republike Srbije i koordinatora Nacionalnog tima za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima:

„Kada je u pitanju trgovina decom, ÿrtve veoma åesto ulaze u zemlju sa starijom osobom koja im nije roditelj. U ovim sluåajevima se traÿi odre- ðena dokumentacija. Naime, pratioci dece moraju da imaju ovlašãenje ro- ditelja da deca putuju sa njima, pri åemu se ovim licima u pasoš upiše da su ušli sa tom decom, a dešava se da izaðu bez njih iz zemlje. Ove stvari je, meðutim, veoma teško kontrolisati, posebno kada su u pitanju mešovi- ti brakovi."

Oblici eksploatacije/viktimizacije

Oblici eksploatacije tj. viktimizacije dece ÿrtava su, prema saznanji- ma ispitanika, najåešãe fiziåko zlostavljanje i zastrašivanje, ali i seksual- no zlostavljanje i ucena, åime se posebno starije maloletnice drÿe u stra- hu da ãe, ukoliko se pobune ili pobegnu, sve biti reåeno njihovim rodi- teljima. O uceni, kao najåešãem obliku eksploatacije maloletnica uklju- åenih u trgovinu radi seksualne eksploatacije ili u prisilnu prostituciju, govore i sledeãe reåi jednog od ispitanika:

„Kada namamljivaåi/ce 'obrade' devojku, zakaÿu joj sastanak sa mom- kom koji je navodno zainteresovan za nju i odvedu je u pripremljenu prostoriju. Tu je obiåno snime u nezgodnoj pozi sa momkom ili je oma- mljenu nateraju da se skine, pa je tako slikaju. U tom ternutku se poja- vljuje lice iz grupe, prekida sve to, uzima kasetu i pusti je. Devojåica je u šoku, nema izlaza. Ucenjena, pristaje da pruÿa seksualne usluge klijenti- ma koje joj oni dovedu."

U kuãama u kojima su smeštene, devojåice ÿrtve trgovine radi sek- sualne eksploatacije åesto bivaju surovo maltretirane i poniÿavane. Pre- ma svedoåenju devojåice koja je bila ukljuåena u trgovinu radi seksual- ne eksploatacije, makroi primamljuju devojke tako što poånu sa njima da se zabavljaju, a zatim ih drÿe zatvorene u kuãi:

„U kuãi je drÿao još nekoliko starijih prostitutki koje su devojku mal- tretirale izuzetno brutalno, stavljajuãi joj smrdljivu kofu na glavu. Makro ju je podvodio na najbrutalniji naåin, tako što su je klijenti silovali. Devoj- åica je, na sreãu, uspela da pobegne iz te kuãe, posle åega ju je policija do- vela u Dom."

109  VII 1.2. Trgovina decom radi prosjaåenja

Analizom rezultata dobijenih istraÿivanjem došlo se do saznanja da na teritoriji Srbije postoje sluåajevi trgovine decom radi prosjaåenja (17). Taånije, radi se uglavnom o deci romske nacionalnosti koja bivaju pro- data najåešãe u Italiju radi prisiljavanja na prosjaåenje (nekada i na sit- ne kraðe).

VII 1.2.a. Karakteristike trgovine decom radi prosjaåenja

Naåini namamljivanja

Deca Romi bivaju prodavana najåešãe od strane roditelja koji u toj odluci åesto vide rešenje svojih problema, a prema saznanjima ispitani- ka neretko se dešava da deca prodajom u Italiji imaju bolje uslove nego što su imali kod bioloških roditelja. Jedna devojåica, Romkinja, naša dr- ÿavljanka, uspela je da pobegne, a u pitanju je bila trgovina radi prosja- åenja i prisilnog braka, mada su u trgovinu radi prosjaåenja ukljuåena i deca albanske i rumunske nacionalnosti. Osim romske dece naših drÿa- vljana, jedna od ispitanica je imala saznanja o desetoro dece romske po- pulacije bugarske nacionalnosti koja su na teritoriji naše zemlje prodata radi prosjaåenja. Prema saznanjima ispitanika — novinara „trenutno se u Italiji naj- više trguje romskom decom sa Kosova. Najviše ih biva prodato u Bolo- nju, gde ih preuzima Rom iz Beograda, koji prihvata ÿene i decu rom- ske nacionalnosti što rade za njega. U sluåajevima kada deca polome ruku ili nogu ne vode ih kod lekara, jer je, po pravilu, veãa zarada na deci prosjacima koja imaju neki telesni deformitet." Drugi ispitanik je is- takao da je prilikom posete jedne profesorke sa Univerziteta u Bolonji saznao za postojanje kampa sa romskom decom u tom gradu, za koji samo pretpostavljaju da se u njemu nalaze krijumåarena deca iz naše zemlje. Namamljivaåi su i kod trgovine decom radi prosjaåenja najåešãe ro- ditelji i roðaci, kao i predstavnici odreðene romske zajednice. Jedan is- pitanik je imao saznanja o romskim porodicama koje prikrivaju broj de- ce, odnosno uopšte ih ne prijavljuju da su roðena, i onda ih rentiraju i sliåno.

Transport/transfer

Transport dece kojima se trguje radi prosjaåenja, sliåno kao i tran- sfer dece u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, najåešãe je ilegalan, sa falsifiko-

110 vanim dokumentima, ili se deca prebacuju kao „slepi putnici" u kamio- nima, putniåkim automobilima i sliåno. Ako granicu prelaze van graniå- nog prelaza, obiåno imaju vodiåa, ili pak prelaze sa falsifikovanim grup- nim pasošima kada se deca tretiraju kao deca „trgovaca", što obiåno na granici niko ne kontroliše. Jedan broj dece prelazi granicu i legalno, pošto se „procedura oko usvajanja" obavi na teritoriji Srbije. Poznat je sluåaj u kojem su roditelji Romi pokušali da prodaju svoju decu (deåaka od 10 i deåaka od dve godine) drugim Romima „gastarbajterima". Radnici Centra za socijalni rad u Velikoj Plani „samo" je trebalo da daju dozvolu za putovanje de- ce sa „usvojiteljima". Meðutim, pošto su posumnjali da se radi o proda- ji, Centar za socijalni rad je odbio da izda potvrdu.

Oblici eksploatacije

Oblici eksploatacije kojima se najåešãe kontrolišu deca ukljuåena u trgovinu radi prosjaåenja su fiziåko kaÿnjavanje, ali i neposedovanje do- kumenata (ukoliko se radi o deci koja su prodata u Italiji, što se åesto dešava), nepoznavanje jezika i nepostojanje svesti kod deteta da se na- lazi u ulozi ÿrtve.

VII 1.3. Trgovina decom radi sklapanja braka

Analizom dobijenih saznanja od strane ispitanika kao poseban ob- lik trgovine decom, takoðe karakteristiåan za romsku populaciju, izdva- ja se trgovina decom radi sklapanja braka (12), koja se åesto objašnjava kulturološkim karakteristikama Roma. Meðutim, imajuãi u vidu da se radi o mladim devojkama, åesto i o veoma maloj deci, kao i o deci sa posebnim potrebama, ovaj oblik trgovine decom je takoðe ozbiljan oblik kriminaliteta. U tom pogledu ilustrativan je sledeãi primer:

„Iz Specijalne osnovne škole 'Dušan Dugaliã' je u Centar stigla infor- macija da su 16-godišnju lako mentalno retardiranu devojåicu roditelji hteli da ispišu iz škole u nameri da je prodaju radi sklapanja braka. Iz škole je stigla informacija da devojåica nije ÿelela da se uda, ali je Centar za taj sluåaj saznao tek kada je veã bilo kasno. Centar za socijalni rad je pozvao roditelje devojåice, koji naravno ništa nisu priznavali. Obavestili su i opštinski SUP, åak su se povezali i sa SUP-om da saznaju odakle je mladoÿenja. Sve je, naÿalost, dobilo vid dobrovoljnosti. Za ovu prodaju devojåice sa posebnim potrebama niko nije odgovarao jer je sve podvede-

111  no pod kulturološke obiåaje romskog naroda, a devojåica se navodno do- brovoljno udala."

Osim za romsku populaciju, prodaja dece radi sklapanja braka ka- rakteristiåna je i za vlašku populaciju, posebno za istoånu i jugoistoånu Srbiju:

„U Osnovnoj školi 'Sveti Sava' u Velikoj Plani desio se takav sluåaj, kada je škola trebalo da dâ saglasnost za sklapanje maloletniåkog braka jedne njihove uåenice. Åovek koji je došao sa devojåicom izgledao je kao da joj je otac, a u stvari se radilo o buduãem suprugu. Škola, naravno, nije dala saglasnost. Ali je sasvim izvesno da je do tada devojåica veã bila sek- sualno zloupotrebljena."

VII 2. Posredni pokazatelji trgovine decom

Osim pokazatelja koji neposredno ukazuju na pojavu trgovine de- com, prilikom prouåavanja ovog sloÿenog oblika kriminaliteta neophod- no je uzeti u obzir i one indikatore koji u sebi kriju odreðeni oblik eks- ploatacije dece (koji element zajedno sa zasnivanjem ropskog odnosa poseduje trgovina ljudima, odnosno decom), a koji predstavljaju veliki rizik od trgovine decom. U tim sluåajevima ima dosta onih koji su gra- niåni i gde je nekad teško utvrditi da li se radi o trgovini ili ne, pa ispi- tanici nisu sa sigurnošãu mogli da ih podvedu pod trgovinu. U tom smislu se izdvajaju saznanja o seksualnoj eksploataciji, prosjaåenju, ra- du „na crno" i prisilnom radu dece, otmicama, nestancima i krijumåare- nju dece, kao i prinudi dece na vršenje kriviånih dela.

VII 2.1. Seksualna eksploatacija dece

Od ukupnog broja ispitanika (123), saznanja o nekom od oblika seksualne eksploatacije dece imalo je 27 ispitanika, i to uglavnom in- spektora SUP-a, predstavnika centara za socijalni rad, opštinskih tuÿila- ca, sudija za prekršaje, ali i predstavnika nevladinih organizacija iz Beo- grada, Zajeåara, Novog Sada, Vlasotinca, Novog Pazara, Vrnjaåke Banje i Šapca. Deca o kojima su ispitanici imali saznanja u vezi sa njihovom seksualnom eksploatacijom su uglavnom deca ÿenskog pola, izmeðu 11 i 17 godina starosti, iz porodica u kojima su privremeno ili trajno naru- šeni porodiåni odnosi, kao i deca bez roditeljskog staranja, deca sa po- sebnim potrebama i deca koja pokazuju izvesne poremeãaje u ponaša- nju. Romska deca su, takoðe, veoma åesto bila ÿrtve seksualne eksploa- tacije.

112  Kada su u pitanju oblici seksualne eksploatacije dece o kojima su ispitanici imali saznanja, uglavnom se radilo o: podvoðenju dece i prisi- ljavanju na prostituciju, kao i o seksualnom zlostavljanju dece od strane roditelja ili drugih starijih osoba. Prisiljavanje dece na prostituciju je posebno karakteristiåno za veli- ke gradove, Beograd, Novi Pazar i Niš, ali su ove pojave primeãene od strane ispitanika i u Vrnjaåkoj Banji, Zajeåaru i Vlasotincu. Deca su, prema saznanjima veãine ispitanika, najåešãe ukljuåena u uliånu prostituciju, mada je za starije maloletnice u poslednje vreme iz- raÿeno nuðenje seksualnih usluga po kafiãima i barovima. U Beogradu postoje posebne lokacije gde se osim punoletnih, mo- gu naãi i veoma mlade maloletnice koje nude seksualne usluge. To je „Plavi most", park pored Ekonomskog fakulteta, u blizini autobuske i ÿelezniåke stanice, mesta koja su kao takva identifikovali svi ispitanici iz Beograda koji su imali saznanja o ovoj pojavi (19). Jedna ispitanica je opisala sluåaj maloletnice ukljuåene u prostituci- ju koja je na pitanje gde radi odgovorila da radi kod škole „Gavrilo Princip" u Beogradu, na šta je ispitanica pomislila da je moÿda zaposle- na kao spremaåica u školi, a u stvari se radilo o parku kod Ekonomskog fakulteta, gde je devojåica pruÿala seksualne usluge. U posebnom riziku od seksualne eksploatacije se, prema saznanji- ma veãine ispitanika, nalaze i deca smeštena u domove za decu bez ro- diteljskog staranja. Meðutim, prema reåima pojedinih ispitanika iz tih domova, zaposleni u domovima reaguju brzo åim postoje neke indicije da se radi o tome. Tako je kod dve devojåice — štiãenice doma prime- ãen novac veãi od uobiåajene koliåine i veliki kredit za mobilni telefon. Osoblje doma ih je pratilo i viðane su åesto u jednom restoranu u Beo- gradu u društvu starijih muškaraca. Upravnica doma ih je pozvala i za- pretila im da ih prati policija i da to kaÿu osobama sa kojima se viðaju. Ovaj sluåaj nije prijavljen policiji jer nisu bili sigurni da se radi o prosti- tuciji. U posebno riziånom poloÿaju od seksualne eksploatacije nalaze se i deca koja imaju neki stepen mentalne retardacije i tzv. graniåni sluåaje- vi. O tome govori sledeãi sluåaj koji je opisala jedna ispitanica:

„Devojåica koja je imala laku mentalnu retardaciju, smeštena u Pri- hvatilište pošto je naðena na ulici, dve godine je bila seksualno eksploati- sana najpre od strane sopstvenog oca, a kasnije ju je „ustupio" åoveku ko- ji ju je prisiljavao na prostituciju. Posle smeštaja u Prihvatilište „makro" je dolazio predstavljajuãi se kao stric i pokušavao da je izvede. Pošto u tome nije uspeo, poåeo je da se kreãe oko ustanove i da vrbuje devojke za pro- stituciju. Uz pomoã jedne štiãenice, koja je imala njegov broj telefona, i

113  policije on je uhvaãen i sada mu se sudi za prisiljavanje na prostituciju, a i ocu za sauåesništvo, ali i za seksualno zlostavljanje ÿene i kãerke."

Prema reåima Milanke Lukiã, direktorke Centra za porodiåni sme- štaj dece „Rada Mladenoviã-Ðuliã — Crna" u Miloševcu, oko 10% dece smešteno u centar se ranije bavilo prostitucijom, o åemu saznaju iz nji- hove dokumentacije, mada postoji visok rizik za ovu populaciju dece i prilikom napuštanja doma, jer se tada od njih oåekuje da se samostalno brinu o sebi, a jedan broj dece na to, naÿalost, nije pripremljen. Kod ukljuåivanja u deåiju prostituciju se, kao i kod trgovine decom radi seksualne eksploatacije, izdvaja posebna faza namamljivanja. Pre- ma saznanjima ispitanika, najveãi broj dece biva na silu uvuåen u deåiju prostituciju ili razne druge oblike seksualne eksploatacije (åesto od stra- ne roditelja ili bliskih srodnika). O tome jedna ispitanica kaÿe:

„Tokom svog rada sretala sam se sa majkama koje uvode svoje kãer- ke u prostituciju. Ima dosta sluåajeva da majke koje su napustile svoju de- cu na roðenju dolaze da ih izvedu iz doma kada imaju 13—14 godina ka- ko bi poåele da se bave prostitucijom."

Meðutim, s obzirom na društvene prilike karakteristiåne za period u kojem ÿivimo, jedan broj devojåica, uglavnom starijih maloletnica, „dobrovoljno" se odluåuje za bavljenje prostitucijom ili pak za „ulogu sponzoruše".112 Kada je u pitanju bavljenje prostitucijom, kao veoma atraktivno podruåje za mlade devojke se, osim Beograda, izdvojilo podruåje No- vog Pazara, u koji åesto dolaze maloletne devojke iz cele Srbije u potra- zi za poslom, jer su „åule da se tamo dobro zaraðuje". Ekonomska kri- za, poremeãen sistem vrednosti, velika nezaposlenost, kao i veliki broj izbeglica i raseljenih lica sa Kosova utiåu na ogroman porast maloletniå- ke prostitucije u ovom gradu u Sandÿaku. Prostitucija, ukljuåujuãi i de- åiju prostituciju, odvija se uglavnom u noãnim barovima koji su poznati po tome da osim piãa „nude" i mlade devojke za zabavu. Prema reåima jednog ispitanika:

„U Novom Pazaru cveta prostitucija u koju je, najåešãe prisilno, ukljuåen veliki broj maloletnica. Prostitucija je najrasprostranjenija u ugo- stiteljskim objektima, noãnim barovima i kafanama. Za pruÿanje seksual- nih usluga postoje prostorije na spratu ili neka pomoãna prostorija u okvi- ru objekta. Ÿene i devojke, åesto maloletnice, zvaniåno rade kao konobari-

112 Mlade devojke koje se odluåuju za seksualne veze sa bogatim muškarcima, dobijajuãi za uzvrat skupocenu garderobu, šminku, nekada i automobil, stan i sliåno.

114  ce ili spremaåice, a nezvaniåno se bave i prostitucijom. Ÿene i devojke su naše domaãe, veoma mali broj åine strankinje. Ima ih iz cele Srbije: iz Be- ograda, Åaåka, Novog Sada, Kragujevca, Kraljeva, Raške, najviše iz juÿne Srbije. Vlasnik jedne kafane u Tutinu izloÿi gostima devojke, njih osam ili deset, starosti od 15 do 40 godina, i nudi goste da biraju. Cena je od 5 do 50 evra."

Ogromni porast prostitucije u Novom Pazaru poslednjih godina je- dan ispitanik komentariše na sledeãi naåin:

„Prostitucija ima poguban uticaj na školsku omladinu jer se sve više prevarom i ucenama uvlaåe u „posao", uz obeãanja dobre i brze zarade i ponudom svega onoga što roditelji ne mogu da im priušte. Naravno, tu su i obeãanja da mogu otiãi, odnosno napustiti posao kad poÿele. Ubrzo, meðutim, shvataju da su prevarene, jer ih makroi ne puštaju, a od zarade ne bude ništa. Tu su i devojke, tzv. „sponzoruše", koje pruÿaju seksualne usluge bogatim biznismenima, najåešãe u zamenu za stan, dobra kola, luksuznu garderobu i sliåno."

Inaåe, prema reåima istog ispitanika, tokom 2002. godine je zbog prostitucije na podruåju Novog Pazara prijavljeno šest maloletnih oso- ba, od kojih su dve kaÿnjene. Prema saznanjima veãine ispitanika, deåija prostitucija je uglavnom organizovana, a organizatori su uglavnom makroi koji kontrolišu i pro- stituciju odraslih osoba. U Vlasotincu, naizgled mirnom gradiãu na jugu Srbije, takoðe „cve- ta" maloletniåka prostitucija, uglavnom locirana po kafiãima i noãnim barovima i, prema saznanjima nekih ispitanika, ima osnova za verova- nje da je reå o organizovanoj prostituciji:

„Skoro je u prostorije SOS-a uletela majka jedne srednjoškolke. Bilo joj je åudno kako je kãerka poåela lepo da se oblaåi. Na pitanje odakle joj takva garderoba, kãerka je prvo odgovorila da je pozajmila od drugarice, a posle da su joj poklonile ÿene koje rade na SOS telefonu. Majka je, da- kle, u prostorije ove nevladine organizacije došla sa pitanjem da li su joj one dale garderobu. Iako njihova organizacija povremeno ugroÿenim ÿe- nama daje garderobu, ali uglavnom polovnu, bilo im je jasno da se devoj- ka bavi nekim nelegalnim poslom. Ubrzo je devojåica priznala o åemu je reå i tako se lanac pokrenuo… Policija je preuzela sluåaj."

Saznanja o pojavi deåije prostitucije postoje i kada je u pitanju Za- jeåar. U skorije vreme tamo je identifikovano nekoliko sluåajeva prisilja- vanja dece na prostituciju. Jedan takav sluåaj je i sluåaj devojåice rom-

115 ske nacionalnosti od 11 godina koju je majka, inaåe mentalno zaostalo lice, prisiljavala na oralni seks sa radnicima na ÿeleznici za 50 dinara. Tu je i sluåaj maloletnog deåaka smeštenog u internat specijalne škole, ko- ga seksualno iskorišãavaju na autobuskoj stanici za 50-ak dinara, kao i sluåaj devojåice bugarske nacionalnosti od 12—13 godina, koja je pre tri godine naðena u kafiãu u Zajeåaru, gde je radila kao konobarica u 1 sat posle ponoãi. Kada je pronaðena i upitana sa kim je spavala za novac, devojåica je poåela da govori. Na pitanja je odgovarala vrlo prosto, ka- rakteristiånim reånikom, koji je åula od „mušterija". Ispitivanjem se do- šlo do saznanja da je devojåica prisiljavana na seksualni odnos sa sve- štenim licem iz Zajeåara. Protiv njega je podneta kriviåna prijava, kao i protiv vlasnika lokala koji je podvodio devojåicu i za usluge uzimao 20—30 nemaåkih maraka. Brzom akcijom SUP-a i Centra za socijalni rad devojåica je vraãena u zemlju porekla sa majkom, ali se majka periodiå- no vraãa u Srbiju jer ima bliznakinje ovde sa našim drÿavljaninom. De- vojåica je sada smeštena u internat zatvorenog tipa u Bugarskoj. Pop je raspopljen i osuðen na šest meseci zatvora, dok je vlasnik lokala osu- ðen na jednu godinu zatvora.113

VII 2.2. Prosjaåenje i skitniåenje

Prosjaåenje i skitniåenje, koji su kada su u pitanju deca gotovo uvek prisilni, veoma su bitni posredni indikatori u kojima se moÿe kriti i trgovina, posebno kada je u pitanju romska populacija. Saznanja o pojavi prosjaåenja i skitniåenja kod dece imalo je 76 is- pitanika, struånjaka razliåitih profila, a åak 52 ispitanika je smatralo da je prosjaåenje organizovano i to uglavnom kada su u pitanju veãi gra- dovi (Beograd, Novi Sad, Novi Pazar, Niš), dok je za manje gradove ka- rakteristiåno prosjaåenje „iz nuÿde", u kojem uvek uåestvuju ista lica, odnosno åitave porodice.114 Prosjaåenje dece je evidentirano u svim gra- dovima u kojima je izvršeno istraÿivanje i, prema reåima ispitanika, uglavnom se odvija u centru gradova, oko pijace, (mestima gde je fluk- tuacija stanovništva najveãa), u blizini autobuskih i ÿelezniåkih stanica, kao i na grobljima.115 Osim toga, za manja mesta je karakteristiåno i prosjaåenje dece „od vrata do vrata". 113 Prema saznanjima ispitanika, u Zajeåaru se ne moÿe sa sigurnošãu govoriti o organizova- nosti deåije prostitucije, s obzirom da su navedeni sluåajevi meðusobno potpuno odvojeni. 114 Sama åinjenica da su u prosjaåenje ukljuåene åitave porodice moÿe predstavljati podatak o izvesnom stepenu organizovanosti i u ovim sluåajevima. 115 Pojava prosjaåenja na grobljima, prema reåima veãine ispitanika, do sada nije bila izraÿe- na. Meðutim, primeãeno je da se iz Beograda ovaj oblik prosjaåenja seli i u gradove u unutrašnjo- sti, kao novu lokaciju prosjaka.

116  Svi ispitanici koji su imali saznanja o prosjaåenju (76) smatrali su da najveãi broj prosjaka åine ÿene i deca, misleãi na sve prisutniju poja- vu prosjaåenja majki sa malim bebama u naruåju, za koje se åesto ispo- stavlja da nisu njihova, nego su iznajmljena i sliåno.116 Osim toga, pri- meãeno je da veliki broj dece nešto starijeg uzrasta prosi naizgled samo- stalno, bez prisustva odraslih, ali su veoma åesto kontrolisani od strane istih. Kao zanimljiv primer moÿe posluÿiti sistematsko posmatranje poja- ve prosjaåenja na Novom groblju u Beogradu od strane istraÿivaåice Viktimološkog društva Srbije, u kojem je primeãeno da deca romske na- cionalnosti povremeno pritråavaju mladiãu od oko 20 godina, koji stoji naizgled nezainteresovano u blizini crkve Svetog Nikole, i daju mu ne- što (verovatno isprošeni novac).117 Prosjaåenje je, prema mišljenju veãine ispitanika, najviše izraÿeno meðu romskom populacijom, mada su primeãeni i sluåajevi prosjaåenja dece stranih drÿavljana, uglavnom iz Rumunije, kojima je ovo „porodiå- ni biznis". Inspektor Dragan Ÿivkoviã iz Prihvatilišta za strance u Padin- skoj Skeli je o prosjaåenju stranih drÿavljana izneo svoja zapaÿanja:

„Kada su u pitanju prosjaci koji nisu naši drÿavljani, a prose na teri- toriji naše zemlje, oni veãinom nisu umreÿeni, nego se radi o porodiånom 'poslu', gde otac negde radi 'na crno', a deca su od strane roditelja prisi- ljena na prosjaåenje. Dakle, izvesna organizacija ipak postoji, ali je to kada su u pitanju strani drÿavljani uglavnom po porodiånom, eventualno po familijarnom principu. Sa druge strane, kada je u pitanju prosjaåenje na- ših drÿavljana, uglavnom Roma, mislim da tu postoji dobro organizovana mreÿa u koju su ukljuåena najåešãe deca i ÿene prosjaci. Oni imaju svog šefa kome svakodnevno donose novac. To je izuzetno muåena i maltreti- rana populacija romske dece."

Milica Simiã, koordinatorka nevladine organizacija Deåiji romski centar, istakla je problem „dece ulice" u Beogradu, što najviše pogaða romsku populaciju koja se smatra populacijom u visokom riziku od vik- timizacije raznim oblicima kriminaliteta i zloupotreba:

„Naša organizacija uåestvuje u projektu 'Deca ulice', åiji je zadatak da pomognu deci prosjacima. U projekat je trenutno ukljuåeno 55 dece romske nacionalnosti koja prose, skitaju i prostituišu se na ulicama Beo- grada. Osim pruÿanja materijalne pomoãi (u hrani i odeãi) i medicinske

116 Ÿivomir Rakiã-Krlan, predsednik udruÿenja Romski zamak — Krlan jednom je prilikom na Terazijama prišao mladoj Romkinji koja je prosila sa dva deteta u naruåju i pitao je da li su to njena deca, na šta mu je ona odgovrila da je jedno dete njeno, a drugo iznajmljeno. 117 Posmatranje je izvršeno u periodu od 26. 4. do 28. 6. 2003. godine u tri navrata.

117  pomoãi, projekat obuhvata i radionice sa decom koje vode psiholog i psi- hijatar, a koje tretiraju probleme na koje deca nailaze, i edukaciju dece o bolestima zavisnosti, jer su sva deca ukljuåena u projekat i zavisna od droga. Oni duvaju lepak, puše marihuanu i piju tablete sa alkoholom. Inaåe, deca ukljuåena u projekat najåešãe prose u centru grada, u Knez Mihajlovoj ulici, na Slaviji, kod restorana Dušanov grad, kod Narodnog pozorišta. Sa njima prose i deca neromske nacionalnosti iz Srbije i deca sa Kosova. 'Deca ulice' nisu ukljuåena u organizovanu mreÿu, uglavnom prose za sebe, da se prehrane i da imaju novaca za drogu."118

Kada je reå o „deci ulice", jednom od najozbiljnijih problema u ovom delu populacije, ispitanica iz Beograda je imala sledeãe mišljenje:

„Naša drÿava nema nikakvu strategiju u odnosu na 'decu ulice'. Ne- ke aktivnosti za rešavanje tog problema su preduzeli Dom 'Vasa Stajiã', Deåiji romski centar, Ministarstvo za socijalna pitanja i naša ustanova — Centar za zaštitu odojåadi, dece i omladine. Poznato je da su gotovo sva 'deca ulice' zavisnici od psihoaktivnih supstanci, odnosno da duvaju le- pak. Meðutim, na samom poåetku se ispostavilo da ne postoji nijedna psi- hijatrijska niti neuropsihijatrijska ustanova koja leåi zavisnike na tako ma- lom uzrastu, åak ni Institut za mentalno zdravlje. Istovremeno se poveãao broj dece koja borave na ulicama, što je povezano sa siromaštvom, dezin- tegracijom, slabljenjem porodice i porodiånih funkcija, kao i ratovima koji su se poslednjih godina odvijali na ovim prostorima. Pre 2—3 godine su poåele sa radom tzv. zelene ili humane patrole, åiji cilj je bio skloniti decu prosjake sa ulica. Istovremeno nije pronaðen adekvatan smeštaj za tu de- cu, odnosno alternativa, tako da su deca ostala na ulici. Meðutim, u toku je pravljenje projekta za formiranje Sigurnih kuãa za decu ulice."

Violeta Laketiã, rukovodilac Prihvatilišta za decu i omladinu koje se nalazi u okviru Zavoda za vaspitanje dece i omladine u Beogradu, izne- la je podatak da je od ukupnog broja dece koja su tokom 2002. godine dovedena u Prihvatilište (369), jedanaestoro dovedeno zbog prosjaåenja, a åak 86 zbog skitnje. Razlog tome moÿe biti i u tome što tzv. humane patrole, koje su ranije redovno funkcionisale i sklanjale sa ulica prosjake i skitnice, ne funkcionišu poslednjih godina zbog malih smeštajnih ka- paciteta Prihvatilišta. Deca prosjaci uzrasta od 2 do 7 godina se, meðu- tim, odvode u Dom „Dragutin Filipoviã-Jusa".119 118 Milica Simiã, koordinatorka Deåijeg romskog centra, smatra da prosjaåenje meðu rom- skom populacijom nije organizovano od strane ljudi „spolja", i ako je organizovano, onda je to od strane porodice ili nekog starijeg roðaka (npr. strica). 119 Svi pokušaji istraÿivaåica da stupe u kontakt sa zaposlenima u Domu „Dragutin Filipo- viã-Jusa" su propali jer niko od njih nije bio raspoloÿen za saradnju.

118  Novi Pazar se, i kada je reå o ovoj sociopatološkoj pojavi, pojavljuje kao podruåje u kojem je prosjaåenje naroåito izraÿeno i, prema reåima ispitanika koji se na neki naåin bave ovim problemom, organizovano. Ÿene i deca romske nacionalnosti iz svih krajeva Srbije, kao i raseljena lica sa Kosova, åine preko 80% prosjaka, uglavnom su koncentrisani u centru grada, oko crkve i dÿamija. Prema mišljenju veãine ispitanika iz Novog Pazara, prosjaåenje je veoma rasprostranjeno poslednjih 10 godi- na u ovom gradu, a sada postoji tendencija njegovog poveãanja. Na ogromnu rasprostranjenost prosjaåenja je uticao niz faktora: blizina ra- tom zahvaãenih podruåja omoguãila je priliv izbeglica i raseljenih lica (najviše Roma sa Kosova) koji su se uglavnom bavili prosjaåenjem, za- tim ekonomska kriza, a i sredina je takva da joj vera nalaÿe milosrðe („udeliti svakome ko pruÿi ruku da prosi") iz straha da se u suprotnom neãe steãi „sevap".120 Prema kazivanju jednog ispitanika, prosjaci se or- ganizovano dovoze u grad kombijem ili autobusom i rasporeðuju se po unapred utvrðenim mestima (pored verskih objekata, pijace, bolnice). Posebno rasporeðuju ÿene sa malom decom jer one najviše zarade. Lica koja kontrolišu prosjake åesto dolaze i skupljaju isprošeni novac. Preko leta se prosjaci obiåno ne vraãaju u svoja mesta, veã ÿive pod šatorima nedaleko od grada u selu Batnjiku pored deponije, ili pak iznajmljuju stanove. U Novom Pazaru u jednoj iznajmljenoj kuãi ÿivi Rom sa sed- moro muške dece koja mu nisu sinovi, ali koji prose za njega i donose mu novac. Jedan broj ispitanika je imao saznanja i o kuãama u Novom Pazaru u kojima stanuju romska deca i to u vrlo lošim uslovima: spava- ju i po desetoro u jednoj sobi koja se zimi ne zagreva, a preko dana prose i od te zarade plaãaju prenoãište. O problemu prosjaåenja, koji je i pored toga što je oduvek postojao poslednjih godina naroåito izraÿen, ispitanica iz Centra za zaštitu odoj- åadi, dece i omladine u Beogradu kaÿe:

„Ima puno dece u prošnji. Mislim da oni tako daju doprinos kuãnom budÿetu. Åini mi se da je SUP neosetljiv za problem prosjaåenja, što je de- lom posledica popunjenosti kapaciteta u ustanovama za smeštaj dece bez roditeljskog staranja i prihvatilišta. Tokom svog rada došla sam do sazna- nja da deca u romskim porodicama nemaju znaåaja ako 'ne privreðuju'."

VII 2.3. Rad „na crno" i prisilni rad dece

Saznanja ispitanika o prisilnom radu dece, kao posrednom indika- toru trgovine decom, uglavnom se vezuju za prisiljavanje na prosjaåe- 120 Verovanje da se neãe steãi nagrada od Boga, sevap, ako se ne uåini dobro delo i ne udeli novac prosjaku.

119 nje i prostituciju, i u manjem broju sakupljanje stare hartije i pranje sta- kala automobila na semaforima, koje se takoðe smatra organizovanom pojavom u veãim gradovima. Saznanja ispitanika o prisilnom radu dece se veãinom odnose na romske višeålane i siromašne porodice neromske nacionalnosti. Prema reåima ispitanika, tako npr. na podruåju Novog Pazara je u 2002. godini registrovano 40 dece koja rade ilegalno. Ovaj broj se odno- si na decu koja su od strane roditelja prisiljena da rade, uglavnom u magacinima na pakovanju robe ili na åišãenju lokala, ili pak na devojåi- ce koje su unutar ugostiteljskih objekata u kojima rade kao konobarice ili spremaåice prisiljene i na prostituciju. Prema reåima ispitanika, uzroci poveãanja rada „na crno" i prisil- nog rada dece na podruåju Novog Pazara poslednjih 12—13 godina su raznovrsni. Jedan od bitnih uzroka je nezaposlenost i osiromašenje naj- veãeg broja porodica u gradu. Na teritoriji Novog Pazara preko 20 hilja- da ljudi je ostalo bez posla i ljudi su morali da se snalaze. Jedan deo tih ljudi je poåeo da se bavi trgovinom, zapravo švercom (siva ekonomija), da bi porodici obezbedili kakvu-takvu egzistenciju. Drugi su poåeli da rade kod privatnika i tako obezbeðuju svojoj porodici osnovne uslove za ÿivot i školovanje dece. Pritisak na vlasnike fabrika za prijem novih radnika bivao je sve veãi i oni su poåeli da upošljavaju veliki broj ljudi, a da ih ne prijavljuju odgovarajuãim drÿavnim organima. Nije iskljuåe- no da su tu bila uposlena i maloletna lica. Porodice koje su se izdrÿava- le radeãi na pijaånim i uliånim tezgama åesto su u rad ukljuåivale i svo- ju maloletnu decu (naroåito samohrane majke). Neka deca su prinuðe- na da u kafanama, kafiãima i na ulici prodaju cigarete. Veliki broj mla- dih radi u kafiãima da bi mogao da nastavi školovanje. Saznanja o specifiånom obliku prisilnog rada dece dobijena su i po- smatranjem navedene pojave u Knez Mihajlovoj ulici u Beogradu, gde su åitavog leta (a eksploatacija dece još uvek traje) dva deåaka romske nacionalnosti od 6 i 7 godina pod budnim okom strogog oca „uveselja- vala" Beograðane svojom svirkom, a kojima se povremeno prikljuåivala i njihova petogodišnja sestrica koja je igrala.121 Jedan broj ispitanika smatra da i roditelji alkoholiåari åesto iskori- šãavaju svoju decu, prisiljavajuãi ih na obavljanje nekog posla (prodaja raznih repertoara, cveãa i sliåno) ili na prosjaåenje kako bi zaradili za al- kohol. 121 Posmatranje je obavljeno u periodu od 14. 6. do 26. 7. 2003, i to u tri navrata. Predmet posmatranja bio je prisilan rad dece romske nacionalnosti, uzrasta izmeðu 4 i 7 godina, koji su od strane oca prisiljeni da u veåernjim satima sviraju u Knez Mihajlovoj ulici. Tom prilikom je istraÿi- vaåica VDS-a stupila u kontakt sa ocem dece i saznala da sviranjem zaraðuju novac za put u Beå, gde ãe nastaviti da zaraðuju na isti naåin.

120  Jedna ispitanica je tako navela sluåaj uåenika koji je dobio bruh jer ga je otac primoravao da radi na gradilištu sa njim, gde je gurao kolica sa šutom. Takoðe, ispitanici su ukazali i na pojavu prisilnog rada dece na njivama u selu Miloševac, pored Velike Plane. Reå je o hraniteljskim porodicama u kojima su smeštena deca bez roditeljskog staranja. Prema svedoåenju same dece sa kojima je jedna ispitanica radila radionice, de- ca su pre podne prisiljena na rad na njivama, a posle podne idu u ško- lu. Prema njenim reåima, u hraniteljskim porodicama se svašta dešava, od fiziåkog zlostavljanja dece do incesta, ali na tu pojavu niko ne rea- guje. Jedan ispitanik je skrenuo paÿnju i na pojavu organizovane pro- šnje gluve dece od strane starijih osoba koje åuju u Nišu. Meðutim, i pored toga što ovaj oblik prosjaåenja podrazumeva izvestan stepen or- ganizovanosti (proåjaåenje sa karticama kojima se traÿi pomoã za kupo- vinu slušnog aparata), ispitanik smatra da ova pojava nema duboku i åvrstu organizaciju, niti da se iz nje izvlaåe znaåajna novåana sredstva. U Pirotu je, meðutim, prema saznanjima istog ispitanika, uhapšen i osuðen stariji roðak gluvog uåenika koji je izraðivao kartice i navodio gluvu decu na ovu aktivnost.

VII 2.4. Otmice, nestanci i krijumåarenje dece

Saznanja ispitanika o ovoj pojavi su se uglavnom odnosila na otmi- ce dece bogatih biznismena poznatih iz medija, ili otmice od strane raz- vedenih roditelja koji nisu dobili starateljstvo nad decom, pa pokušava- ju da izmene sudsku odluku otimanjem sopstvenog deteta. Prema sa- znanjima pojedinih ispitanika iz Beograda, bilo je nekoliko sluåajeva u kojima je roditelj kome dete nije dodeljeno na staranje oteo dete i od- veo ga kod sebe bez znanja drugog roditelja. U tim sluåajevima je oba- veštavana policija i u saradnji sa centrima za socijalni rad deca su vraãe- na roditelju koji ima starateljstvo nad detetom. Jedan broj ispitanika je ukazao na nestanke beba iz porodilišta, o åemu su takoðe imali posredna saznanja i to najåešãe iz medija., kao i na sluåaj od pre pet godina nestanka novoroðenåeta iz GAK „Narodni front". U ovo kriviåno delo su bili umešani lekar pedijatar i babica, a sluåaj se još uvek nalazi na sudu. Ispitanici iz Niša i Zajeåara su imali saznanja o otmici maloletne devojåice iz Zajeåara, koja je na ulici u Nišu oteta i na silu ugurana u automobil, posle åega joj se izgubio svaki trag. Takoðe se zna da je ne- stao veliki broj dece sa Kosova. Kada su u pitanju nestanci dece, jedan broj ispitanika (11) je uka- zao na pojavu bekstva dece iz ustanova socijalnog staranja (domova za

121 decu bez roditeljskog staranja i prihvatilišta) ili pak bekstva dece od ku- ãe. Ove pojave uglavnom predstavljaju bunt dece, ali se uz pomoã poli- cije i socijalnih sluÿbi ova deca brzo pronaðu. Naveden je sluåaj grupe deåaka iz jedne osnovne škole iz Novog Pazara koji su se dogovorili da pobegnu od kuãe zbog slabih ocena. Jedan od njih je uzeo pare od kuãe i otišli su u Ulcinj. Posle tri dana bezuspešnog traganja, roditelji su oba- vestili SUP, deca su pronaðena i vraãena kuãi. Deca koja se nalaze u bekstvu åesto postaju ÿrtve razliåitih oblika kriminaliteta. Karakteristiåan je sluåaj mentalno retardirane devojåice iz doma za decu bez roditeljskog staranja, koja je pobegla iz doma da traÿi roðake. Ona je prespavala kod konduktera iz autobusa koji ju je sutra- dan vratio u dom. Devojåica je odmah odvedena kod lekara koji je utvrdio da je virgo intacta. Åovek se predstavio kao roðak i rekao da ãe doãi po nju da je izvede iz doma, ali se to nije desilo. Devojåica, meðu- tim, nije u stanju da opiše šta joj je åovek uradio. Podatke o broju krijumåarene dece nije imao nijedan ispitanik, osim što se u Prihvatilištu za strance u Padinskoj Skeli, u grupama kri- jumåarenih ljudi od Istoka ka Zapadu, meðu Kurdima i Kinezima pone- kad naðu i åitave porodice sa decom, o åijem broju nema nikakvih po- dataka, jer ustanova inaåe ne zbrinjava maloletnike osim u sluåajevima kada su uhvaãeni sa roditeljima.

VII 2.5. Prinuda dece na vršenje kriviånih dela

Prinuda dece na vršenje kriviånih dela, kao specifiåan oblik kontro- le i eksploatacije dece, pojava je koja se najåešãe vezuje za prinudu od strane starijih maloletnika ili mlaðih punoletnih lica na kraðe, ali i na dilovanje droge, gde se deca angaÿuju kao tzv. „narkokuriri".122 Jedan ispitanik, na primer, kaÿe:

„To su deca od desetak godina, pa naviše. Svaki kriminalac ima svoje 'vojnike' koji za njega vrše kriviåna dela. To su kriminalne grupe iz nase- lja Braãe Jerkoviã i Medakoviã. Unutar svakog kriminalnog klana postoje maloletni 'vojnici'. Takoðe, domovi za maloletnike su pravi 'rasadnik' kri- minalaca. Deca tamo bilduju i pripremaju se za kriminalnu karijeru."

Pojava je, prema mišljenju veãine ispitanika, naroåito izraÿena me- ðu srednjoškolskom omladinom i decom smeštenom u domovima, kao i meðu romskim deåacima, tzv. „decom ulice". Prema saznanjima pojedi- 122 Na pojavu prinude maloletnika na dilovanje droge, posebno u školama, ukazalo je više ispitanika iz raznih gradova Srbije.

122 nih ispitanika, postoji, meðutim, jedna grupa Roma koja se bavi prinu- dom dece na vršenje kriviånih dela. Uspeli su åak da im „ukradu" dva deåaka koji su ranije bili ukljuåeni u projekat „Deca ulice". Oni decu „batinaju" i tako ih prisiljavaju na kraðu. Pritom je veoma opasno da sa njima kontaktiraju kako bi oslobodili decu. Kada su u pitanju deca smeštena u domove, jedna ispitanica istiåe:

„Ponekad se dešava da starija deca zlostavljaju mlaðe štiãenike, prisi- ljavajuãi ih na 'ÿickanje' novca. Zbog toga struånjaci u domovima idu ka homogenizaciji dece bez roditeljskog staranja. Posebno se vodi raåuna da dileri droge ne 'navuku' neko dete iz doma davanjem droge 'gratis' u po- åetku. Bilo je doduše sporadiånih sluåajeva kada je neko dete iz doma bilo u riziku od ovakve situacije, ali se u tim situacijama odmah reagovalo. Konkretno, radilo se o dva sluåaja gde su narkodileri, skoncentrisani u prostoru izmeðu dve škole, ponudili deci iz doma da unesu drogu u dom i da daju svojim drugarima. To je, na sreãu, odmah otkriveno i spreåeno. Prilikom svake sumnjive situacije radnici doma pozivaju SUP-ovo odelje- nje za maloletnike, sa kojim inaåe imaju veoma dobru saradnju. Zovu ih i radi provere dece sa kojima stupaju u kontakt štiãenici doma."

Sliåno je i saznanje drugog ispitanika:

„Deca u Prihvatilištu i u Domu 'Vasa Stajiã' imaju dosijee koji su vi- soki jedan metar iako nisu napunili ni 14 godina. Åim napune 14 godina, šalju ih u Kruševac. Radi se o deci našim drÿavljanima koji nekada rade za sebe, a nekada ih drugi organizuju. Vaspitne mere upuãivanja u vas- pitno-popravni dom nikada nisu dale neki rezultat. Poznata je stvar da je boravak u Kruševcu i Valjevu u stvari njihov diplomski ispit."

Jedan deo ispitanika je imao saznanja i o prinudama na vršenje kri- viånih dela od strane roditelja i roðaka, takoðe pojavi veoma raširenoj meðu romskom populacijom, ali i meðu decom rumunske nacionalnosti koja su od strane roditelja prisiljena na prosjaåenje i na sitne kraðe. U posebnom riziku od prinude na vršenje kriviånih dela se nalaze i deca iz siromašnih i „problematiånih" porodica i deca koja ÿive sama. O to- me govori sledeãi primer:

„Maloletnik (11) iz Zubinog Potoka je više puta provaljivao u maga- cin tehniåke robe, prolazeãi kroz ventilacioni prozor dimenzija 25 x 50 cm. Inaåe, deåak je bio siãušan i mršav, tako da je nesmetano mogao proãi i kroz manji otvor. Pretpostavlja se da to nije mogao sam da uradi i da je sa njim bilo još neko lice. Nešto od ukradene robe je pronaðeno kod stari- jeg åoveka koji je pokušao da navedenu robu proda na pijaci, prilikom åe-

123  ga je uhapšen, ali je poricao bilo kakvu vezu sa deåakom. Ispitivanjem je utvrðeno da je on deåaka prisiljavao na kraðu. Inaåe, deåak je povremeno boravio u Novom Pazaru, sam i neprijavljen. Ošteãeni iz åijeg magacina je deåak krao navedenu robu odustao je od kriviånog gonjenja."

Deca sa posebnim potrebama, prema saznanjima ispitanika, takoðe åesto postaju ÿrtve prinude na vršenje kriviånih dela. Takav sluåaj je, na primer, sluåaj deåaka sa Voÿdovca, koga je Centar za socijalni rad pratio od 4—5. godine ÿivota. Znali su da je ÿrtva okoline, odnosno starijih kriminalaca koji su ga ubacivali u kuãe, a deåak je krao za njih. Protiv deåaka, inaåe lako mentalno zaostalog, podneto je više kriviånih prijava. Više puta je boravio u domu u unutrašnjosti, pa se sam vraãao u Beo- grad autobusom, pošto je „beogradsko dete".

VII 3. „Deca u riziku"

Kada su u pitanju viktimološka istraÿivanja, posebna paÿnja se pri- daje karakteristikama ÿrtvi. U sluåajevima trgovine decom moÿe se go- voriti o deci koja su se na osnovu analize postojeãih saznanja struånjaka izdvojila kao deca koja su u visokom riziku od trgovine decom i drugih razliåitih oblika eksploatacije (seksualne eksploatacije, prinude na pro- sjaåenje, na vršenja kriviånih dela i sliåno). Kao deo deåije populacije koja se i u saznanjima ispitanika o trgo- vini decom i u saznanjima o drugim navedenim sociopatološkim poja- vama najåešãe pojavljuje izdvojila su se deca romske nacionalnosti, deca bez roditeljskog staranja, kao i deca smeštena u vaspitne ustanove otvo- renog tipa. Poslednja imaju punu slobodu kretanja van ustanove i zbog specifiåne situacije u kojoj se nalaze, ali i velikog broja namamljivaåa koji se „motaju" oko ustanova i „mame" devojåice, veoma lako mogu postati ÿrtve trgovine ili drugih oblika eksploatacije. Kao deca u poseb- nom riziku pojavljuju se i deca sa posebnim potrebama (lako i umereno mentalno retardirana deca),123 deca sa poremeãajima u ponašanju, kao i deca iz porodica u kojima su poremeãeni porodiåni odnosi. Jedan od najdrastiånijih primera rizika u kojem se nalaze deca bez roditeljskog staranja jeste sledeãi sluåaj:

„Devojåica iz Moldavije, ÿrtva trgovine od svoje 14. godine, ranije smeštena u Dom za decu bez roditeljskog staranja, odakle su je namamili pre svega zato što je nevina, a poznato je da se za nevine devojåice više plaãa. Devojåica je naðena u jednom noãnom baru blizu Sombora, ali je

123 Navedeni sluåaj devojåice iz Osnovne škole „Dušan Dugaliã" u Beogradu, str. 87.

124  pre toga prodavana na Kosovu, u Crnoj Gori, Bosni, Republici Srpskoj, da bi je na kraju doveli u Srbiju. Na svim mestima je bila eksploatisana po par meseci. Kada je otišla u Moldaviju, imala je veã 18 godina, što znaåi da su njene patnje trajale åetiri godine."

Ljiljana Ivaniševiã, koordinatorka za struåni rad u Centru za zaštitu odojåadi, dece i omladine u Beogradu o rizicima dece odmah po otpu- štanju iz domova je iznela sledeãe zapaÿanje:

„Potrebe dece koja su smeštena u dom su zadovoljene dok su u za- štiti. Deca imaju stan, hranu, odeãu, obuãu, dÿeparac, pa nemaju mnogo razloga da uðu u prostituciju, osim veã pomenute naivnosti koja je karak- teristika domske dece. Naime, ta poluzaštiãena pozicija ih ne osposobljava potpuno za samostalan ÿivot, pa smatram da su deca, kada ih otpuste, u najveãem riziku od trgovine, prostitucije i sl. Dom se trudi da deca završe srednju školu, da izaðu zaposleni, da naðu neki stan, ali je upravo samo- stalan ÿivot najveãi rizik za ovu decu."

VII 4. Zakljuåak

Rezultati sprovedenog istraÿivanja sadrÿani u neposrednim poka- zateljima, ali i posrednim indikatorima rizika trgovine decom, nesum- njivo pokazuju da trgovina decom u Srbiji postoji i da ovaj opasan oblik organizovanog kriminala, naÿalost, ima ozbiljne razmere. Srbija se, kada je u pitanju trgovina decom, najåešãe pojavljuje kao zemlja porekla ÿrtava, posebno kada su u pitanju romska deca, ali i kao zemlja tranzita i privremene destinacije maloletnica koje su zajedno sa punoletnim ÿenama ukljuåene u organizovane lance trgovine ÿenama radi seksualne eksploatacije. Analiza dobijenih saznanja pokazuje da se trgovina decom, uglavnom našim drÿavljanima, odvija i unutar granica Republike Srbije, i ovaj oblik trgovine se uglavnom odvija iz manjih gradova najåešãe ka Beogradu, Novom Pazaru i Nišu. Prema podacima dobijenim istraÿivanjem, najåešãe ÿrtve trgovine su upravo deca drÿavljani Srbije (ukupno 54), u gotovo istom broju de- ca romske124 i neromske nacionalnosti i to uglavnom ÿenska deca. Pored toga, ÿrtve su i deca strani drÿavljani ukljuåeni u transnacionalnu trgo- vinu. 124 Podatke o rasprostranjenosti trgovine romskom decom treba uzeti sa rezervom s obzirom da se radi o veoma zatvorenoj romskoj zajednici, koja veoma åesto trgovinu unutar same zajednice podvodi pod kulturološka obeleÿja. Svi indikatori ukazuju na to da je broj romske dece ukljuåene u trgovinu daleko veãi i da je tamna brojka ovde ogromna.

125  U ovom istraÿivanju su se kao deca koja se nalaze u visokom riziku od trgovine decom, ali i od ostalih ispitivanih sociopatoloških pojava koje su sa njom tesno povezane, izdvojila deca romske nacionalnosti, deca iz domova za decu bez roditeljskog staranja (posebno osetljiva ne- posredno posle napuštanja doma), deca sa posebnim potrebama, deca sa poremeãajima u društvenom ponašanju, kao i deca iz siromašnih po- rodica i porodica sa trajno narušenim porodiånim odnosima. Rezultati dobijeni istraÿivanjem koji se odnose na posredne indika- tore (prostitucija, prosjaåenje, prinuda na vršenje kriviånih dela, prisilni rad, otmice i sl.) ukazuju na veliku rasprostranjenost ovih oblika eksplo- atacije kojima su deca izloÿena, kao i na sve åešãu organizovanost nave- denih pojava, što dodatno pojaåava rizik od trgovine decom koja moÿe vešto biti sakrivena iza njih. Analiza izneta u ovom tekstu, koja ãe, nadamo se, biti dalje razraði- vana i potkrepljivana rezultatima buduãih empirijskih istraÿivanja, treba da bude iskorišãena u izgradnji efikasnog sistema suzbijanja i prevenci- je svakog oblika eksploatacije dece. Pri tome je od posebnog znaåaja preventivan rad sa decom koja se nalaze u najveãem riziku od navede- nih oblika kriminaliteta i raznih sociopatoloških pojava.

126  VIII Trgovina muškarcima u Srbiji

Shodno teorijskim postavkama o faktorima trgovine muškim mi- grantima i dosadašnjim empirijskim saznanjima u ovoj oblasti, pretpo- stavljeno je da ãe se istraÿivanjem trgovine muškarcima u Srbiji potvrdi- ti pravilnost da Srbija predstavlja dominantno zemlju transfera migra- nata iz afroazijskog kompleksa (Bliskog, Srednjeg i Dalekog Istoka i Se- verne Afrike) radi radne eksploatacije u zapadnoevropskim zemljama. S tim u vezi, a buduãi da se trgovina muškim migrantima u pojavnom smislu veoma teško moÿe diferencirati od krijumåarenja ljudi pre nego što migranti doðu u zemlju destinacije i eventualno završe kao ÿrtve eksploatacije prisilnim radom, stavljanjem u ropski odnos ili uklanja- njem organa, oåekivalo se da ãe se ovim istraÿivanjem dobiti daleko vi- še informacija u vezi sa posrednim indikatorima trgovine muškarcima (pre svega, o krijumåarenju muških migranata). Pretpostavljeno je, zatim, da Srbija predstavlja i zemlju porekla ile- galnih migranata koji eventualno postaju ÿrtve trgovine radi eksploata- cije prinudnim radom u zemljama Zapada. U tom smislu, raåunalo se kako na pribavljanje neposrednih pokazatelja rasprostranjenosti trgovi- ne muškarcima u Srbiji, preko Srbije i iz Srbije, kao i unutar Srbije, tako i na posredne indikatore trgovine i neke od „potiskujuãih" faktora ka alternativnim trÿištima rada u zemlji ili izvan nje (krijumåarenje, raspro- stranjenost rada pod nelegalnim uslovima i prosjaåenje). Jedan od primarnih ciljeva istraÿivanja trgovine muškarcima odno- sio se i na proveru hipoteze o Srbiji kao potencijalnoj zemlji destinacije trgovine ljudima radi eksploatacije rada. S tim u vezi, prikupljene su in- formacije kako o neposrednim, tako i o nekim posrednim indikatorima ove pojave (rasprostranjenost rada stranih drÿavljana „na crno" i prosja- åenje). Konaåno, ne manje vaÿan cilj odnosio se na uvid u prisustvo i ste- pen senzibilisanosti ispitanika (policajaca, tuÿilaca, sudija, novinara, slu- ÿbenika u organima i ustanovama socijalnog staranja i drugih) na pro- blem trgovine muškarcima, sa kojim se u svom radu neposredno ili po- sredno mogu sresti.

127  VIII 1. Neposredni indikatori i karakteristike trgovine muškarcima

VIII 1.1. Neposredni pokazatelji rasprostranjenosti i poreklo ÿrtava trgovine muškarcima

Rezultati istraÿivanja trgovine ljudima u Srbiji pokazali su da se sa pojavom trgovine punoletnim osobama muškog pola u poslednje dve godine u svom radu neposredno susrelo pet ispitanika i to iz Beograda, Sombora i Subotice.125 Radi se, naime, o devet sluåajeva u kojima se kao ÿrtve trgovine ljudima pojavilo više od 100 punoletnih muškaraca iz Ki- ne, Avganistana, Rumunije, Iraka, Irana, Turske, Pakistana, Bangladeša i Srbije. Pored toga, posredna odnosno neformalna saznanja o konkret- nim sluåajevima trgovine muškim migrantima u 2002. i 2003. godini opisalo je åetiri ispitanika iz Novog Pazara: reå je o saznanjima o više sluåajeva u vezi sa kojima postoji sumnja na trgovinu drÿavljanima Sr- bije namamljivanjem za rad u zapadnim zemljama u kojima su kasnije postali ÿrtve radne eksploatacije i stavljanja u poloÿaj sliåan ropstvu. Svi ispitanici koji su imali konkretno profesionalno iskustvo sa po- javom trgovine punoletnim osobama muškog pola jesu inspektori poli- cije, sa dva izuzetka: aktivistkinje nevladine organizacije ASTRA iz Beo- grada koja je opisala sluåaj trgovine jednim domaãim drÿavljaninom i novinarke lista „Danas" iz Beograda koja je opisala sluåaj trgovine u ko- jima se kao ÿrtve pojavilo 10 imigranata iz Rumunije. Za svaki od sluåajeva trgovine punoletnim muškarcima, koji su is- pitanicima obuhvaãenim ovim istraÿivanjem bili poznati iz neposrednog ili posrednog iskustva, izneto je uverenje da su se ona obavljala u cilju radne eksploatacije, mada je od strane nekih ispitanika ukazano i na moguãnost da se iza nekih kretanja migranata muškog pola kroz Srbiju moÿe zapravo raditi i o trgovini radi seksualne eksploatacije ili eksploa- tacije uklanjanjem organa, kao sve prisutnije pojave poslednjih godina. Dušan Zlokas, zamenik naåelnika Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove MUP-a Republike Srbije, izneo je svoja saznanja o ovim pojavama sledeãim reåima: 125 S obzirom na to da je trgovina ljudima inkriminisana neposredno pred poåetak ovog is- traÿivanja, izmenama i dopunama Kriviånog zakona Republike Srbije 11. aprila 2003. godine, samo u jednom sluåaju (iz maja 2003. godine), u kojem se kao ÿrtve trgovine pojavilo šest punoletnih ki- neskih drÿavljana muškog pola (zajedno sa dve kineske drÿavljanke), podneta je kriviåna prijava i pokrenut kriviåni postupak za kriviåno delo trgovine ljudima iz ål. 111b KZ RS. U svim ostalim slu- åajevima protiv eventualnih izvršilaca pokretani su kriviåni postupci za druga kriviåna dela, najåe- šãe za kriviåno delo nedozvoljenog prelaza drÿavne granice iz ål. 249. st. 2. KZ SRJ ili udruÿivanja radi vršenja kriviånih dela odreðenih saveznim zakonom (ål. 254 u v. ål. 249 st. 2. KZ SRJ). U ova- kvim sluåajevima, ispitanici su na osnovu saznanja koja su imali iznosili svoje uverenje da se u do- gaðajima koje su opisivali praktiåno radilo o trgovini muškim migrantima.

128  „Muškarci iz istoånoevropskih zemalja tranzitiraju preko Srbije po istim principima kao i ÿene iz ovih zemalja. Malo njih zna da ãe biti sek- sualno eksploatisani jer oni idu za dobrim poslom — uglavnom rad na naftnim postrojenjima ili na graðevini (muškarci se javljaju na te oglase). Oni bivaju i radno eksploatisani — rad u najteÿim uslovima, za minimal- nu nadoknadu, drÿe ih u neadekvatnim uslovima, prebacuju ih do odre- dišta na krajnje nehuman naåin. Dešava se da oni doðu do destinacije, budu zatvoreni i naterani da prodaju bubreg. Tako, na primer, Moldavci prodaju bubreg za 1500—2000 evra, a on se dalje proda po mnogo veãoj ceni…"

U nacionalnoj strukturi ÿrtava trgovine ljudima koje su ispitanici konkretno opisali na osnovu sopstvenog neposrednog profesionalnog iskustva, preovlaðuju osobe poreklom iz Irana (više desetina), Avgani- stana (32), Turske i Iraka (više desetina Kurda), a zatim slede ÿrtve drÿa- vljani Kine (14), Rumunije (10), Pakistana (7), Bangladeša (3) i Srbije (1). Ÿrtve trgovine po pravilu su bili mladi, radno sposobni muškarci u dva- desetim i tridesetim godinama ÿivota. Prema iskazima ispitanika veãi- nom se, mada ne po pravilu, radilo o osobama relativno niskog obra- zovnog nivoa bez znanja ijednog stranog jezika, nekvalifikovanim ili polukvalifikovanim radnicima.

VIII 1.2. Putevi i organizacija trgovine muškarcima

Prema informacijama koje se odnose na neposredne pokazatelje fe- nomena trgovine ljudima dobijenim ovim istraÿivanjem moÿe se zaklju- åiti da je Srbija, na putevima trgovine muškim migrantima, i u posled- nje dve godine bila primarno zemlja tranzita, a sekundarno zemlja po- rekla ÿrtava. Niko od ispitanika nije imao saznanja o neposrednim indi- katorima trgovine odraslim muškarcima u Srbiji kao zemlji destinacije, niti o trgovini muškarcima unutar Srbije. U svim opisanim sluåajevima radilo se o trgovini kroz Srbiju migranata poreklom iz Avganistana, Ira- ka, Irana, Turske, Kine, Rumunije, Pakistana i Bangladeša u pravcu Ma- ðarske126 ili Hrvatske, ka zapadnoevropskim zemljama, meðu kojima su kao krajnje destinacije naznaåene Nemaåka, Italija i Velika Britanija. Pu- tevi transfera ÿrtava trgovine muškim migrantima kroz Srbiju mahom se proteÿu izmeðu granica Srbije sa Bugarskom (kod Zajeåara) i Rumu- nijom (kod Vršca, oko Velikog Gradišta i Bele Crkve) na ulazu, i granica 126 Prema podacima Meðunarodne organizacije rada, muškarci ÿrtve trgovine ljudima u cilju prisilog rada koji se preko Maðarske prebacuju u zapadnoevropske zemlje uglavnom potiåu iz Av- ganistana, Bangladeša, Iraka i Pakistana. Izvor: ILO (2002) „Forced Labour, Child Labour and Hu- man Trafficking in Europe: An ILO Perspective", op. cit., str. 7.

129 sa Maðarskom (Subotica) i Hrvatskom (Šid) na izlazu iz zemlje.127 Tran- sport se najåešãe vrši suvozemnim putem razliåitim sredstvima (kamio- nima, putniåkim automobilima, autobusima, pešice) ili reånim putem (preko Dunava). Prelasci granice na ulazu i izlazu iz zemlje vršeni su kako na formalno legalan, tako i na razliåite ilegalne naåine: prelaskom granice van graniånih prelaza ili na regularnim graniånim prelazima, ali na osnovu falsifikovanih putnih isprava, fiktivnih garantnih pisama, po- ziva i turistiåkih vauåera. Predstavnik Uprave za borbu protiv organizo- vanog kriminala u MUP-u Srbije o tim putevima govori:

„Ulaze preko Bugarske, Rumunije — tamo postoje sabirni centri gde se smeštaju imigranti. Posebno su poznate tzv. zajeåarska i vršaåka grupa koje ih prebacuju. Dolaze kopnenim putem — legalno, na osnovu pisama, a izlaze uglavnom ilegalno. Dolaze i avionom, preko aerodroma Slatina kod Prištine i aerodroma Beograd. Iz Turske dolaze preko turistiåkih agen- cija — do Prištine, pa ilegalno za Podgoricu, Sarajevo, Beograd. Jedan deo ulazi i preko 'zelene linije' — ilegalno, peške preko granice. Na granici se nalaze kuãe za prihvat, odatle idu do autoputa, pa onda presedaju u ka- mione. Rumunska granica je naroåito kritiåna, posebno Vršac. Dunav je takoðe aktuelan — prevoze se åamcima. Negde je Dunav toliko uzak da se moÿe preãi åamcem za 3—4 minuta… Za izlazak iz zemlje posebno su aktuelni prelazi na maðarskoj granici, Sombor, Subotica… Na granici sa Hrvatskom je naroåito poznat Šid — ÿrtve idu dalje kroz Hrvatsku pa u Zapadnu Evropu."

Ispitanici koji su opisivali sluåajeve trgovine muškim migrantima izneli su svoja saznanja o organizaciji ove kriminalne delatnosti: nagla- šavana je transnacionalna umreÿenost kriminalaca i kriminalnih grupa, horizontalna i vertikalna sistematizacija poslova i uloga i organizaciona ukljuåenost drÿavljana zemlje iz koje potiåu i same ÿrtve trgovine, a ko- ji privremeno borave u Srbiji. Jedan od ispitanika opisao je sluåaj trgovi- ne kineskim migrantima iz marta 2003. godine na sledeãi naåin:

„Policija je došla do podataka da se priprema grupa Kineza da ilegal- no izaðe iz Srbije. Došlo se do informacije gde se nalazi kuãa u kojoj su oni smešteni… i u kojoj je pronaðeno 10 punoletnih kineskih drÿavljana, od toga dve ili tri ÿene. Polovina ih je imala pasoše, a druga polovina nije. U pitanju je bila jedna vikendica u Subotici, pa je uskoro naðen i vlasnik, naš drÿavljanin… Saznalo se da je on kontaktirao sa åovekom za koga se sumnjalo da organizuje prebacivanje kineskih drÿavljana, a koji je saraði-

127 Putevi trgovine i krijumåarenja muškarcima prikazani su na mapi koja se nalazi u do- datku.

130  vao sa jednim Kinezom u Maðarskoj… Policija je saåekala da organizator kontaktira sa vodiåem i tada su obojica uhvaãeni. Kinezi su, inaåe, legalno došli u Srbiju preko Rusije (do Moskve pa redovonom avio-linijom do Be- ograda). U Beogradu ih je na aerodromu åekao njihov sunarodnik koji ima dozvolu boravka u našoj zemlji. To je sve veã unapred u Kini bilo do- govoreno. Konaåna destinacija je trebalo da bude London… Naši drÿa- vljani u ovom lancu završavaju svoj deo 'posla' predajom Kineza åoveku u Maðarskoj koji ih dalje prebacuje do Budimpešte, da bi onda preko Slo- vaåke, Austrije i Slovenije išli dalje u zemlje Zapadne Evrope. Preko Slo- vaåke idu za Nemaåku, preko Austrije za Švajcarsku, Francusku i Engle- sku. Neki Kinezi plate za put još u Kini, a suma zavisi od drÿave destina- cije, ali se uglavnom kreãe oko 10.000 USD. Dešava se da i porodice saku- pe novac da pošalju jednog svog ålana u Evropu, a on onda radi („na cr- no") i od plate otplaãuje to što je dato za put tako da tamo jedva preÿi- vljava…"

Povodom sluåaja koji je otkriven u Beogradu 11. maja 2003. godine, a u kojem se kao ÿrtve trgovine pojavilo osam punoletnih drÿavljana Kine (šest muškaraca i dve ÿene), pred Okruÿnim sudom u Beogra- du pokrenut je kriviåni postupak protiv jednog kineskog drÿavljanina osumnjiåenog za falsifikovanje isprava i organizovanje prebacivanja ki- neskih migranata iz Rumunije u Beograd, za kriviåno delo trgovine lju- dima iz ål. 111b Kriviånog zakona Republike Srbije. Policija i dalje traga za još jednim kineskim i više drÿavljana Srbije i Crne Gore koji su osumnjiåeni kao sauåesnici. Trgovina kineskim migrantima u ovom slu- åaju obavljana je u cilju radne eksploatacije u Italiji (kao zemlji privre- mene ili krajnje destinacije), a transfer je, prema saznanjima policije, trebalo da se obavi preko Hrvatske. U objavljenoj Informaciji o organi- zovanoj trgovini ljudima i prostituciji ÿena u 2002. i tokom prvih pet meseci 2003. godine na teritoriji SUP-a u Beogradu Sluÿbe za informisa- nje Sekretarijata unutrašnjih poslova u Beogradu,128 napominje se da je prilikom otkrivanja ovog sluåaja „pronaðeno više od 50 kineskih putnih isprava, meðu kojima diplomatskih i poslovnih pasoša, kao i japanskih pasoša", dok je jedan od uhvaãenih izvršilaca kineskih drÿavljana mla- diã star 22 godine koji je veã dve godine boravio u Beogradu i drugim gradovima Srbije, baveãi se ugostiteljskim i trgovaåkim poslovima. U svim ostalim dogaðajima opisanim od strane ispitanika obuhva- ãenih ovim istraÿivanjem protiv organizatora su pokretani kriviåni po- stupci za druga kriviåna dela, najåešãe za kriviåno delo nedozvoljenog prelaza drÿavne granice (ål. 249. st. 2. KZ SRJ) ili udruÿivanja radi vrše- 128 www.mup.sr.gov.yu/domino/skzn.nsf/fc9e82a3073a74fac1256c3200393d62/$FILE/b_roblje_pro- stit_skr.doc.

131 nja kriviånih dela odreðenih saveznim zakonom (ål. 245. st. 1. KZ SRJ u vezi sa ål. 249. st. 2. KZ SRJ), dok su ÿrtve prekršajno kaÿnjavane zbog povrede propisa iz Zakona o prelaÿenju drÿavne granice i kretanju u graniånom pojasu i Zakona o kretanju i boravku stranaca (zbog ilegal- nog prelaska drÿavne granice, neposedovanja putnih isprava, neprija- vljivanja boravka i dr.) Sudeãi po informacijama dobijenim ovim istraÿivanjem, Srbija se u izvesnoj meri pojavljuje i kao zemlja porekla ÿrtava trgovine muškim migrantima: na osnovu opisa dobijenih od strane ispitanika koji su ima- li saznanja o organizovanom lancu krijumåarenja i eksploatacije rada drÿavljana Republike Srbije u zemljama Zapadne Evrope, moÿe se pro- ceniti da putevi trgovine muškim migrantima iz Srbije åesto vode u Ne- maåku, Austriju i Italiju, kao zemlje krajnje destinacije, u kojima oni po- staju ÿrtve radne eksploatacije odnosno prinudnog rada. S tim u vezi, jedan od ispitanika je naveo:

„Poznat mi je sluåaj veãeg broja ljudi koji su krijumåareni u zemlje Zapadne Evrope kao radna snaga. Naime, najviše u Nemaåku, Austriju i Italiju… Postoje i organizovane grupe koje krijumåare ÿene i muškarce preko granice da bi stekle materijalnu dobit. Mnogo od ovih ljudi je pre- vareno, novac im je uzet a nisu prebaåeni preko granice. Oni koji uspeju da preðu granicu zapošljavaju se 'na crno' kod ljudi iz naših krajeva. Ra- de i kriju se, ponekad rade 2—3 meseca bez plate jer su to duÿni poslo- davcu za stan i hranu. Na taj dug ide kamata, tako da åesto rade i po go- dinu dana samo za hranu i stan (gde ih je u jednu prostoriju smešteno i po 15)."

Namamljivanje ÿrtava po pravilu se vrši obeãanjem dobrog posla, brze i velike zarade. Ispitanik koji je imao neformalnih saznanja o „kri- jumåarenju muških migranata u cilju rada na 'crno' " iz Srbije u zapad- noevropske zemlje pruÿio je sledeãi opis:

„Muškarci lako budu namamljeni od 'zemljaka' obeãanjem velike za- rade. Postoje ljudi koji se predstave kao preduzimaåi graðevinskih poslo- va u inostranstvu (Nemaåkoj, Austriji, Švajcarskoj), koji obezbede laÿirane vize i ostale putne isprave i povedu ih za odreðenu sumu novca koju oni ne moraju uvek odmah da isplate (nekad sklope neku vrstu ugovora). De- šava se da lica rade po nekoliko meseci i ne budu plaãena, åak ni oni koji nisu u duÿniåkom ropstvu… Najåešãe ÿrtve krijumåarenja u cilju rada 'na crno' su muškarci starosti od 25 do 40 godina. Uglavnom su to drÿavljani Srbije, Crne Gore, Turske i Albanije. Meðu njima je mnogo ljudi iz San- dÿaka."

132  Nagoveštaje o tome da bi Sandÿak mogao biti podruåje gde je po- sebno izraÿeno namamljivanje muškaraca za rad u inostranstvu pruÿili su i drugi ispitanici. Jedan od nih je, iznoseãi svoja posredna saznanja o eksploataciji i prinudnom radu drÿavljana Republike Srbije u zapadnoe- vropskim zemljama, pored ostalog naveo i sledeãe:

„Znam više sluåajeva muškaraca koji pozajme novac (2—3 hiljade evra) da bi se prebacili ilegalno, najåešãe u zemlje Zapadne Evrope. Tamo ih åekaju 'poslodavci' koji im daju posao. Za njih rade više meseci, nekad åak i godinu dana, u poåetku dobiju jednu ili dve plate, a onda 'poslodav- ci' poånu da obeãavaju da ãe preostali novac dobiti na kraju, kad završe sa radovima. Od obeãanja ne bude ništa, radnici ne smeju da ih prijave zato što su i sami obiåno bez prijavljenog boravka. Nekad su zadovoljni što ih 'poslodavci' ne prijave policiji i ne budu proterani. Obiåno su ti mu- škarci u vrlo teškom materijalnom stanju ostavili svoje porodice kuãi… A ima 'poslodavaca' koji nude posao u inostranstvu obeãavajuãi im sve i svašta. Povedu grupu ljudi, srede im vize o svom trošku pa su ovi prinu- ðeni da rade, a da za to ne budu plaãeni. Pošto su kod poslodavca sva dokumenta a oni nemaju para za povratak, prinuðeni su da rade i ãute."

Sluåaj koji je opisala Marija Anðelkoviã, sudijski pripravnik Grad- skog sudije za prekršaje u Beogradu i aktivistkinja nevladine organizaci- je ASTRA, upuãuje na Italiju kao zemlju destinacije u trgovini muškim migrantima poreklom iz Srbije. Mladiã koji se tokom 2002. godine javio na SOS-info telefon za ÿrtve trgovine ljudima i prijavio sopstvenu vikti- mizaciju i prinuðivanje na vršenje kriviånih dela u Italiji u meðuvreme- nu je nestao i aktivisti Astre još uvek tragaju za informacijama o njego- voj sudbini. Senzibilisanost na problem trgovine punoletnim muškarcima bila je jasno uoåljiva kod svega nekoliko ispitanika, po pravilu onih koji su se u svom profesionalnom radu neposredno susretali sa ovim problemom. Naime, svega je nekolicina anketiranih ukazala na moguãnost da je tr- govina muškim migrantima po svoj prilici ozbiljan problem, te da je moguãe da se iza mnogih sluåajeva krijumåarenja ljudi zapravo radi o njihovoj viktimizaciji trgovinom ljudima. O problematiånosti razlikova- nja krijumåarenja i trgovine ljudima, jedan predstavnik policije iz Beo- grada, kaÿe:

„Trgovina ljudima se pojavila zbog ekonomske situacije — zbog ne- maštine ljudi iz manje razvijenih krajeva sveta kreãu u razvijene zemlje da tamo rade… Kod trgovine ÿrtve su u posebnom poloÿaju, mimo svoje volje, u taj poloÿaj su dovedene prevarom, laÿnim obeãanjima ili prisilom, putem prinude. U samoj definiciji dela se kaÿe 'korišãenjem posebnog po-

133  loÿaja' — to je ekonomski poloÿaj, ljudi pristaju da rade bilo šta samo da ÿive bolje. Teško je razgraniåiti, dokazati da li se u konkretnom sluåaju ra- di o trgovini ili ilegalnim migracijama… Ljudi ne biraju naåin da uðu u zemlju gde ãe imati veãe moguãnosti, a to koriste organizovane kriminal- ne grupe."

Veãina ispitanika, meðutim, ilegalne migracije osoba muškog pola iskljuåivo prepoznaje kao problem vezan za ilegalno prelaÿenje drÿavne granice, odnosno krijumåarenje.129 Tako su na pitanja o saznanjima o tr- govini muškarcima dobijani i sledeãi odgovori: „Kada su muškarci u pi- tanju, tu moÿe biti govora samo o krijumåarenju", „Ne verujem da se muškarci mogu prisiliti da rade nešto što neãe", „Teško je govoriti o tr- govini kad su muškarci u pitanju, jer tu postoji visok stepen dobrovolj- nosti" i sliåno, dok je znatan broj ispitanika oba pola implicitno ali jasno iskazao svoje razumevanje fenomena trgovine ljudima kao polno odre- ðenog, vezujuãi ga (i konkretno i hipotetiåki) iskljuåivo za viktimizaciju ÿena.130

VIII 2. Posredni indikatori markeri trgovine muškarcima

Nemoguãnost istraÿivanja bilo kojeg oblika organizovanog krimina- la tradicionalnim istraÿivaåkim tehnikama uåinio je da se procene o ras- prostranjenosti trgovine ljudima nuÿno moraju oslanjati na njene indi- rektne pokazatelje — markere.131 Trgovina ljudima je fenomen koji je inaåe teško istraÿivati na osnovu neposrednih indikatora, ne samo zato što je reå o organizovanoj kriminalnoj delatnosti, veã i iz nekih drugih razloga. Najpre, ÿrtve trgovine su po pravilu kontrolisane fiziåkim ili psihološkim oblicima prinude, te izuzetno retko prijavljuju sopstvenu viktimizaciju. Pored toga, muškarci ÿrtve trgovine u cilju radne eksploa- tacije se i nezavisno od spoljašnje kontrole najåešãe nalaze u bezizlaznoj situaciji koja ih kontroliše „iznutra": prijavljujuãi izvršioca, oni bi i sami sebe doveli u opasnost zbog ilegalnog boravka u zemlji u koju su inaåe 129 Uoåljivo je da znatan broj ispitanika (više od treãine) problem trgovine ljudima eksplicit- no ili implicitno prepoznaje iskljuåivo kao fenomen trgovine ÿenama i decom u cilju seksualne eks- ploatacije. 130 Opšti je zakljuåak da su meðu ispitanicima ubedljivo najviši stepen senzibilisanosti na prepoznavanje fenomena trgovine muškim migrantima pokazali pripadnici policije, a potom novi- nari. Gotovo svi anketirani policajci su manifestovali jasno razumevanje i diferencijaciju pojmova i fenomena trgovine ljudima i krijumåarenja i upadljivo su reðe od ostalih profesionalnih kategorija obuhvaãenih istraÿivanjem verbalno iskazali predrasude tipa „ÿrtva je sâma kriva" u vezi sa trgovi- nom muškim migrantima. 131 Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V. (2003) „Trgovina ljudima i organizovani kriminalitet: odreðenje osnovnih pojmova i metode prikupljanja podataka", u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S. i Mihiã B., Trgovina ljudima — pojam, karakteristike i pravna regulativa, Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istra- ÿivanja, [neobjavljeno].

134 ÿeleli da doðu i izloÿili se riziku deportacije, åime bi njihovi ukupni ÿi- votni izgledi, kao i izgledi njihovih porodica koje su ostavili u teškom poloÿaju, postali još lošiji od onih koji su prethodili odluci o migraciji. Pritisak za ostajanjem u zemlji destinacije „po svaku cenu" postaje naj- veãi upravo u vreme kada nastupi viktimizacija. Kritiåno visoka tamna brojka trgovine muškim migrantima sastavni je deo fenomena koji ja- sno upuãuje na potrebu razmatranja posrednih indikatora, markera ove pojave. Za markere trgovine muškarcima kroz Srbiju, iz Srbije i u Srbiji uzeti su rasprostranjenost krijumåarenja muških migranata, rada „na cr- no" i prosjaåenja odraslih muškaraca. Reå je o pojavama koje su u pri- rodnoj bliskoj vezi sa fenomenom trgovine ljudima. Krijumåarenje mi- granata je solidan marker trgovine ljudima pre svega zato što joj ono veoma åesto praktiåno prethodi ili koincidira sa njom. Povrh toga, kri- jumåareni migranti i nisu pred nekim naroåitim izborom u zemlji desti- nacije: njihovi putevi skoro neumitno vode ka crnom trÿištu rada i izlo- ÿenosti riziku viktimizacije trgovinom ljudima åak i onda kada u zemlju ulaze kao slobodni.132 Krijumåarenje je, zatim, problem za koji postoji daleko više interesovanja i senzibilisanosti u zemljama transfera i, naro- åito, zemljama destinacije — u najširem smislu, krijumåarenje ljudi je delo protiv drÿave (za razliku od trgovine ljudima kojom se povreðuju ljudska prava).133 Stoga o krijumåarenju postoji neuporedivo više empi- rijskih podataka na osnovu kojih je moguãe izvoditi procene o fenome- nološkim i drugim karakteristikama trgovine ljudima. Konaåno, shodno åinjenici da viktimizacija kod trgovine muškarcima radi eksploatacije ra- da najåešãe praktiåno otpoåinje tek onda kada krijumåareni migranti dospeju u zemlju destinacije,134 za istraÿivanje trgovine muškim migran- tima u Srbiji, koja je primarno zemlja tranzita, informacije o krijumåare- nju muških migranata mogu biti od izuzetne vaÿnosti. 132 Po reåima Schloenhardta, „ilegalni migranti nemaju izbora osim da rade ilegalno kako bi preÿiveli. Mnogi od njih završe na crnom trÿištu rada i, u ekstremnim sluåajevima, u kriminalnim aktivnostima ili pod prisilom na vršenje kriviånih dela… koje obiåno organizuju iste one kriminal- ne grupe koje su ih dovele u zemlju". Videti Schloenhardt, A. (2001) „Migrant Trafficking and Re- gional Security", op. cit., str. 86. 133 Jaåa efikasnost drÿave na hvatanju uåinilaca kriviånog dela trgovine ljudima radi eksplo- atacije rada podrazumevala bi, pored ostalog, i potrebu opseÿnijeg konkretnog zbrinjavanja (pruÿa- nje moguãnosti privremenog ili trajnog boravka, materijalne podrške, pravne, medicinske, psiholo- ške i socijalne pomoãi itd.), restitucije, kompenzacije i rehabilitacije ÿrtava trgovine muškim mi- grantima od strane drÿava destinacije (u kojima se praktiåno viktimizacija i dogaða). Ovakvim re- šenjima bi se, meðutim, upravo mogle podsticati (neÿeljene) (i)legalne ekonomske imigracije. To je jedan od razloga zbog kojeg 'borba protiv trgovine ljudima' u praktiånom smislu interferira sa 'bor- bom protiv krijumåarenja ljudi', iz åega ova druga izlazi kao privilegovana, kao višestruko delo- tvornija, svrsishodnija i jeftinija. 134 Videti Aronowitz, A. A. (2001) „Smuggling and Trafficking in Human Beings…" op. cit., str. 167.

135  Rad „na crno" višestruko je povezan sa rizikom trgovine ljudima, što ga kvalifikuje kao solidnog medijatora ove pojave: prvo, ilegalni rad, kao i rad pod nelegalnim uslovima, pod odreðenim okolnostima mogu da poprime odlike eksploatacije u smislu u kojem je ona definisana kao element biãa trgovine ljudima, a buduãi da u ponudi i potraÿnji rada „na crno" posreduje ilegalna berza rada koja deluje kao profitna „pred- uzimaåka aktivnost" (sa vitalnim interesom za „vrbovanje, prevoÿenje i prebacivanje" ponuðaåa usluga rada), åini se dovoljno opravdanim pretpostaviti pozitivnu povezanost izmeðu rasprostranjenosti ilegalnog rada i trgovine ljudima. Drugo, rasprostranjenost rada „na crno" jeste indikator stepena (ne)pristupaånosti legitimnim i legalnim poslovima na trÿištu rada i snage drÿave i njenih regulatornih mehanizama da garan- tuje ostvarenje osnovnih prava svojim graðanima. U tom kontekstu, rasprostranjenost ilegalnog rada zapravo je pokazatelj stepena struktu- ralne viktimizacije stanovništva, slabosti ekonomskog i socijalnog polo- ÿaja åitavih slojeva neprivilegovanih graðana (naroåito niskokvalifikova- ne radne snage) i, poslediåno, njihove spremnosti da rizikuju na alter- nativnim trÿištima rada unutar svoje zemlje, a naroåito u drugim, boga- tijim zemljama.135 Organizovano prosjaåenje danas vaÿi za relativno unosnu i niskori- ziånu kriminalnu aktivnost. Na drugoj strani, radna snaga za prosjaåe- nje je relativno brojna i u situaciji bez izbora usled teškog ekonomskog poloÿaja i visoke socijalne marginalizovanosti. Profitabilnost organizova- nog prosjaåenja i potpuna nezaštiãenost i bezizgledan poloÿaj osoba ko- je organizovano prose upuãuju na potencijalno visoku tamnu brojku eksploatacije ljudi prinudom na prosjaåenje i trgovine ljudima. Iz toga proistiåe opravdanost razmatranja rasprostranjenosti prosjaåenja, a na- roåito prisustva i rasprostranjenosti njegovih organizovanih oblika kao posrednih pokazatelja ovih pojava.

VIII 2.1. Rasprostranjenost i kriminološke karakteristike krijumåarenja muških migranata

Rezultati istraÿivanja trgovine ljudima u Srbiji potvrðuju pretpo- stavke o rasprostranjenosti krijumåarenja muških migranata: neposred- na saznanja o ovoj pojavi u svojoj praksi imalo je 15 ispitanika, uglav- nom inspektora policije, sudija za prekršaje, opštinskih javnih tuÿilaca i 135 Za onoga ko ne moÿe da izbegne rad „na crno" u sopstvenoj zemlji, bez moguãnosti da ostvari socijalno i zdravstveno osiguranje i druga prava koja mu pripadaju po osnovu rada, odluka za prebacivanje na alternativna trÿišta rada u zapadnoevropskim zemljama zapravo i ne predsta- vlja nekakav naroåiti rizik, naprotiv: faktori „privlaåenja" u tom sluåaju deluju neuporedivo snaÿni- je od percepcije svih potencijalnih rizika.

136 sudija opštinskih sudova iz Beograda, Niša, Zajeåara, Velike Plane, Po- ÿarevca, Šapca, Novog Pazara, Zrenjanina, Sombora i Subotice. U kri- jumåarenju muških migranata Srbija je primarno zemlja tranzita prema zapadnoevropskim zemljama: presecanjem kanala krijumåarenja mu- ških migranata kroz Srbiju tokom 2002. i u prvoj polovini 2003. godine otkriveno je više stotina ilegalnih migranata.136 Samo u Prihvatilištu za strance u Padinskoj Skeli (u koje se privremeno smeštaju oni krijumåa- reni migranti koji su zateåeni bez ikakvih liånih dokumenata), u 2002. godini je primljeno 222 osobe, a tokom prve polovine 2003. godine 177 ilegalnih migranata, preteÿno iz Avganistana, Tunisa, Iraka, Irana, Tur- ske, Kine i Pakistana. U Srbiju kao tranzitnu zemlju migranti ulaze razliåitim transport- nim sredstvima i na razliåite naåine: vazdušnim, suvozemnim i reånim putem, pešice, ilegalno prelazeãi granicu ili ulazeãi u zemlju formalno legalno. S tim u vezi, u Izveštaju o radu Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslo- va Republike Srbije u 2001. godini navodi se i sledeãe: „Uoåena je poja- va da drÿavljani afro-azijskih zemalja åesto koriste pozivna pisma do- maãih firmi prikazujuãi se kao poslovni ljudi radi dobijanja jugosloven- skih viza i legalnog ulaska u našu zemlju, nakon åega su isti zaticani u pokušaju ilegalnog prelaska drÿavne granice u cilju daljeg odlaska u ze- mlje zapadne Evrope."137 Migranti koji su se ilegalnim kanalima uputili prema zapadu Evro- pe kroz Srbiju, a koji su ispitanicima bili poznati iz neposrednog isku- stva, u najveãem broju sluåajeva su i u Srbiju ušli ilegalno (bili su kri- jumåareni), prešavši granicu izmeðu Bugarske138 ili Rumunije i Srbije skriveni u posebno preraðenim kamionima, šleperima, prtljaÿnicima au- tomobila, åamcima preko Dunava ili pešice. Meðutim, dobijene su infor- macije i o tome da nije retkost da migranti ulaze u zemlju legalno, re- dovnim avio-linijama ili kopnenim saobraãajem, uz formalno regularne turistiåke ili poslovne vize.139 136 U Izveštaju o radu Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Republike Srbije u 2002. godini na- vodi se da je u 2002. godini na teritoriji Republike Srbije „preseåeno 15 kanala za ilegalno prebaci- vanje stranih drÿavljana i pronaðeno 289 lica (91 Avganistanac, 70 Iraåana, 57 Turaka, 20 Iranaca, 19 Tuniÿana, i dr.)". Procenjeno je da je „presecanjem ovih kanala spreåen ulazak preko 1000 po- tencijalnih ilegalnih migranata kojima su odredište bile zemlje zapadne Evrope". 137 Dostupno na: http://www.mup.sr.gov.yu/domino/02arh.nsf/5e2a05a384a84a4dc125 6c3e0052e9de/$FILE/izvestaj.doc. 138 Više ispitanika je uputilo na kampove („sabirne centre") za ilegalne migrante u Bugar- skoj, u kojima neformalno funkcioniše trÿište usluga ilegalnog transfera i gde se „zna cena pojedi- naånog i grupnog krijumåarenja". 139 Opisani su i sluåajevi u kojima su krijumåarenje ljudi sa Istoka na Zapad organizovale osobe iz zemalja porekla migranata (Pakistan, Kina), koje su boravile u Srbiji, gde su osnivale „fan- tomske" firme. Na osnovu toga su slale pozivna pisma svojim sunarodnicima, koji su dobijali vize i legalno ulazili u Srbiju, da bi se zatim ilegalno prebacivali dalje, najåešãe u Italiju, preko Hrvatske i Slovenije, ili druge zapadnoevropske zemlje, preko Maðarske.

137  Sliåno putevima trgovine, putevi krijumåarenja muških migranata kroz Srbiju uglavnom vode od istoka prema severu i severozapadu ze- mlje, odnosno od granice Srbije sa Bugarskom i Rumunijom (oko Nego- tina, Knjaÿevca, Zajeåara, Vršca i Donjeg Milanovca) na ulazu, i Suboti- ce, Sombora (prema Maðarskoj), Šida (prema Hrvatskoj) i Šapca (prema Bosni i Hercegovini) na izlazu iz Srbije. Apsolutno najugroÿenije u tom smislu jesu granica Srbije sa Rumunijom i Bugarskom na ulazu, i sa Ma- ðarskom na izlazu iz zemlje. Od strane više anketiranih ispitanika izra- ÿena je procena da je ovim putem u poslednje dve godine prokrijumåa- reno nekoliko hiljada migranata sa Bliskog i Dalekog Istoka u pracu za- padnoevropskih zemalja. S obzirom na puteve tranzitnog krijumåarenja, od posebnog su znaåaja iskustva ispitanika iz Zajeåara, Poÿarevca (tranzitna podruåja za krijumåarene migrante iz pravca Rumunije i Bugarske), Subotice i Som- bora (tranzitna podruåja na izlazu prema Maðarskoj). Anketirani ispita- nici iz Zajeåara su se tokom 2002. i prvih pet meseci 2003. godine sreli sa desetak sluåajeva krijumåarenih muških migranata, u kojima se radi- lo o organizovanom ilegalnom prelazu drÿavne granice u grupama koje su brojale izmeðu 15 i 20 ljudi iz Avganistana, Iraka i Irana, i koje su na teritoriju Srbije ulazile iz Bugarske. Jedan od ispitanika je kao svoja sa- znanja o krijumåarenju muških migranata kroz Srbiju, pored ostalog, iz- neo sledeãe:

„Ÿrtve su u Srbiju došle preko Bugarske, a dalje po utvrðenim kana- lima — punktovima do Subotice, odakle opet ilegalno prelaze u Maðar- sku. U Bugarskoj postoje tzv. logori u kojima se smeštaju krijumåareni lju- di koji dobijaju izbegliåki status i gde im je obezbeðen smeštaj i hrana. Ÿr- tve se, meðutim, i odatle povezuju sa ljudima koji ih prebacuju dalje, u Srbiju, pa na Zapad… Organizovane grupe krijumåarenih ljudi prelaze ilegalno granicu na graniånim prelazima ili van njih uglavnom u kamioni- ma, putniåkim automobilima, šleperima ili brodovima, dok jedan broj sa vodiåem prelazi granicu i peške, a sa druge strane ih åeka veza. Nekada po nekoliko kilometara prolaze peške kroz šumu. Za pomoã u odlasku do odreðene zemlje zapadne Evrope ÿrtve plaãaju 3000—5000 USD."

Sluåaj krijumåarenja migranata kroz Srbiju otkriven na teritoriji op- štine Poÿarevac 2002. godine opisan je od strane jednog od ispitanika koji su s njim u vezi imali neposredno profesionalno iskustvo na sledeãi naåin:

„U 2002. godini imali smo sluåaj krijumåarenja 43 odrasla muškarca — 23 Tuniÿana i 20 Avganistanaca. Oni su se prethodno nalazili u izbe- gliåkom kampu u Bugarskoj. Od njih 43, 33 je posedovalo samo izbegliåke

138  legitimacije, a desetorica nisu imali nikakva dokumenta. Zbog loših uslova u kampu oni su preko bugarske i naše veze, uz novåanu naknadu, pešice prešli granicu. U jednom selu na našoj strani granice u privatnoj kuãi je sabirni centar. Odatle su prevoÿeni u dva šlepera natovarena drvima, koje su njihovi prevoznici kupili od šumske uprave radi kamuflaÿe. Trebalo je da stignu tako do maðarske granice. Zaustavila ih je, kod poÿarevaåke pe- tlje na autoputu, saobraãajna policija u okviru svoje redovne kontrole. Vo- zaåi su promašili put, a policija je posumnjala na šverc. Kad su otkrili da su meðu drvima skriveni ljudi, odmah su sprovedeni i prekršajno kaÿnje- ni na po deset dana zatvora. Svi su posedovali novac, od 10 do 600 dola- ra. Nakon izdrÿane prekršajne kazne njih 43 prosleðeni su Visokom Ko- mesarijatu UN za izbeglice, a protiv organizatora i prevoznika pokrenut je kriviåni postupak."

Prelaz Mokranje na bugarsko-rumunskoj granici (u blizini Negoti- na) se, prema reåima jednog od ispitanika, najåešãe koristi za prelaz ile- galnih migranata:

„Tamo je vrlo pogodan teren za sve mahinacije, krijumåarenje i trgo- vinu ljudima. Gusta naseljenost, guste šume. Izvanredni uslovi za ilegalan prelaz granice… Koriste se još dva pravca: Majdanpek—Kuåevo, i dalje prema autoputu Beograd—Niš, i drugi pravac Donji Milanovac—Golu- bac—Veliko Gradište—Poÿarevac-autoput. Ovo su pravci i za ÿene i afroa- zilante."

Ovim istraÿivanjem je, pored ostalog, potvrðena i pravilnost da su krijumåareni migranti visoko izloÿeni raznim oblicima viktimizacije na svom putu u „bolje sutra". Prema saznanjima nekih ispitanika, „vodiåi" obiåno „radi bezbednosti" oduzimaju novac krijumåarenim ljudima, pri åemu se neretko dešava da zatim pobegnu, tako da ÿrtve bivaju preva- rene i pokradene. Ispitanik koji je opisao sluåaj krijumåarenja jedne grupe iraåkih migranata, uhvaãenih 2003. godine na teritoriji Srbije, na- veo je:

„Uhvaãena je grupa od osam Iraåana koji su hteli da preðu granicu prema Maðarskoj, a prethodno su bili u kampu u Bugarskoj kao izbeglice nakon dogaðaja u Iraku. Platili su po 3000 USD po osobi nekom bugar- skom drÿavljaninu, koji ih je kamionom prebacio preko bugarske granice, dovodeãi ih u zabludu jer bi im na svakom mestu gde bi prošli neku na- platnu rampu ili sliåno rekao da su prešli granicu sa Maðarskom, pa sa ovom drÿavom, sa onom, da bi ih na kraju istovarili u jednom ataru (u opštini Sombor) i rekli da su stigli u Nemaåku. Po Iraåanima se videlo da su puka sirotinja, pa tako kada i dospeju u Nemaåku dešava se da proda-

139  ju npr. bubreg za 4000—5000 USD, åime pokriju troškove za put, prebaci- vanje i sliåno, a taj isti bubreg se kasnije prodaje i po 120.000 USD."

Beogradski novinar Vanja Buliã, glavni urednik satelitskog progra- ma BK Televizije i autor TV emisije „Biseri", opisao je svoja saznanja o rizicima kojima su izloÿeni krijumåareni ljudi, navodeãi:

„Jedan krijumåar koji je gostovao u mojoj emisiji govorio je o tome kako ima brod u Gråkoj i kako se bavi prevozom Kurda sa turske obale u Gråku. Zarada je 2000 USD po åoveku. Po njegovim reåima, ako brod po- tone — potone. Zaista neverovatna priåa… Priåao je i kako ih udaraju ve- slima da bi izbacili odreðeni broj da brod ne bi potonuo…"

Svi ispitanici koji su imali neposredna ili posredna saznanja o kri- jumåarenju odraslih muških migranata izrazili su svoje uverenje da se Srbija u ovim sluåajevima retko pojavljuje kao zemlja destinacije. Iako ilegalni ulasci u Srbiju migranata iz Rumunije, Bugarske, Bosne i Herce- govine i Makedonije u cilju rada „na crno" na teritoriji Srbije nisu sa- svim retka pojava, oni se, po njihovom mišljenju, uglavnom ne vrše or- ganizovano.140 O pojavi i putevima krijumåarenja migranata iz Srbije kao zemlje porekla ispitanici obuhvaãeni ovim istraÿivanjem uglavnom nisu imali nikakvih saznanja ili su raspolagali samo nesigurnim i neformalnim in- formacijama. Jedan od retkih koji je raspolagao takvim saznanjima re- kao je sledeãe:

„Naši migranti se kreãu prema zemljama Zapadne Evrope, a zemlje odredišta su najåešãe Nemaåka, Austrija, Švajcarska i Italija. Putevi su raz- liåiti. Iz Srbije i Crne Gore preko Maðarske idu za Italiju, pa preko Fran- cuske za Nemaåku. Ili iz Maðarske za Austriju, pa onda za Nemaåku. Tre- ãi pravac je Maðarska—Slovaåka—Åeška—Nemaåka…"

Krijumåareni muški migranti su, prema iskazima ispitanika, najåe- šãe mlaðe, radno sposobne osobe stare izmeðu 20 i 40 godina, relativno niskog obrazovnog nivoa i najåešãe bez znanja ijednog stranog jezika. U svim sluåajevima u kojima su otkrivene grupe krijumåarenih migranata, krijumåarene osobe su kaÿnjavane prekršajno za povredu propisa iz Za- kona o prelaÿenju drÿavne granice i kretanju u graniånom pojasu ili Za- kona o kretanju i boravku stranaca, uz izricanje zaštitne mere udaljenja 140 Prema nekim skorašnjim procenama, Srbija se pojavljuje kao zemlja destinacije za oko 10% ilegalnih imigranata. Videti SCEPP (2002) „Advisory Report on the Justice and Home Affairs in Yugoslavia / Serbia in the Context of the EU Stabilisation and Association Process", Final Report, Prepared by Gordana iliã, Savetodavni Centar za Ekonomska i Pravna Pitanja, Beograd, str. 15.

140 stranca sa teritorije zemlje, koja je predviðena Zakonom o prekršajima kojima se povreðuju savezni propisi.141 Organizatori krijumåarenja i drugi izvršioci u organizacionom lan- cu koji su uhvaãeni na teritoriji Srbije po pravilu su odgovarali za kri- viåno delo nedozvoljenog prelaska drÿavne granice, odnosno udruÿiva- nja radi vršenja ovog kriviånog dela. Prema navodima ispitanika, izvr- šioci su najåešãe (iako ne po pravilu) domaãi drÿavljani muškog pola izmeðu 25 i 40 godina ÿivota, sa kriminalnom prošlošãu, ukljuåeni i u druge oblike organizovanih kriminalnih aktivnosti, pored ostalog u šverc i krijumåarenje oruÿja, nafte, droge i motornih vozila. Neki ispita- nici su naglasili da su u ovim sluåajevima praktiåno radi kako o istom krugu izvršilaca, tako i o istim putevima krijumåarenja. Kriminalne gru- pe koje se bave organizovanjem krijumåarenja ljudi meðusobno su po- vezane na regionalnom i transnacionalnom nivou i uglavnom nisu usko „specijalizovane" za krijumåarenje ljudi, veã su fleksibilne i promenlji- vih poslovnih afiniteta, u zavisnosti od „trÿišnih" kretanja i kalkulacije profita i rizika. Kako je istakao jedan ispitanik:

„Krijumåarenje ljudi je organizovano na meðunarodnom nivou, sin- hronizovano… Krijumåarena lica se sa organizatorom uglavnom kreãu iz azijskih zemalja — Avganistana, Iraka, Irana, Kine, preko Turske ka Bu- garskoj. U Bugarskoj se okuplja veliki broj tih lica, koja u agenciji za izbe- glice dobijaju izbegliåke legitimacije. U Bugarskoj takoðe postoji veliki broj kriminalaca koji se bave krijumåarenjem ljudi, koji im nude svoje usluge za ilegalan prevoz do zemalja Zapadne Evrope. Bugarski kriminalci su u tesnim vezama sa našim i maðarskim kriminalcima. Oni organizovano prebacuju grupe, a usluge se naplaãuju za svaku zemlju posebno. Ovde je poverenje na visokom nivou jer su posledice koje bi snosili ukoliko bi ak- cija propala na njihovoj teritoriji ogromne. Novac za plaãanje svih usluga se uglavnom skuplja kod krijumåara iz Bugarske i tek kada se iz Maðar- ske javi da je grupa uspešno prešla, deli se novac organizatorima posla."

Sâmo ilegalno prebacivanje ljudi preko granice, meðutim, obavljaju najåešãe lokalni stanovnici iz pograniånih podruåja, lokalni vozaåi, oso- be koje uglavnom nemaju neposrednih kontakata niti saznanja o glav- nim organizatorima. Nakon prelaska granice, ilegalni migranti se od strane „vodiåa" koji ih preuzima razvoze dalje u pravcu severnih ili se- verozapadnih granica na izlazu iz zemlje. Prema opisima koje su davali ispitanici, vodiåi obiåno bivaju uhapšeni sa ÿrtvama, mada se neretko dešava da oni putuju odvojeno od njih, kada im je teÿe uãi u trag. Or- 141 Objavljen u Sluÿbenom listu SFRJ br. 4/77, 36/77, 20/82, 14/85, 74/87, 57/89, 3/90 I 35/91 i Sluÿbenom listu SRJ br. 27/92, 50/93, 24/94 I 35/91.

141 ganizatori „na vrhu" i glavni profiteri od krijumåarenja åesto ostanu iz- van domašaja organa formalne kriminalne kontrole. Veãina ispitanika smatra nesumnjivom povezanost kriminalaca i kriminalnih grupa koje organizuju krijumåarenje ljudi sa korumpiranim policajcima, graniåarima, sluÿbenicima u konzularnim predstavništvima, ambasadama, turistiåkim agencijama, autoprevoznicima i drugim legal- nim akterima. Na problem korupcije na carini i u policiji, naroåito u po- graniånim mestima na obe strane granica izmeðu Srbije i Rumunije i Bugarske, paÿnju su skrenuli upravo anketirani oficiri policije: više njih je naglasilo da organizatori krijumåarenja imaju „svoje ljude" (korumpi- rane carinike i policajce) koji „provaljuju" svaku policijsku akciju pre nego što ona i poåne. Uopšte, niska efikasnost u otkrivanju krijumåare- nja ljudi je okolnost koju je veãina ispitanika prepoznala kao ozbiljan problem naše zemlje. O tome prof. dr Dobrivoje Radovanoviã, direktor Instituta za kriminološka i sociološka istraÿivanja u Beogradu, govori na sledeãi naåin:

„U poslednje vreme je došlo do pada broja otkrivenih migranata, kri- jumåarenja radne snage. Uoåava se åudan fenomen — zemlje destinacije registruju poveãan priliv ilegalnih radnka koji su prošli preko Srbije, a kod nas se registruje opadanje njihovog broja. Postoji velika disproporcija izmeðu broja migranata koji åekaju prelazak u stacionarima u Bugarskoj i ilegalnih prelazaka u Srbiju. Velika je znaåi tamna brojka. Broj ilegalnih prelazaka kroz Srbiju je od 800 do 2500 godišnje."

Razlozi neefikasnosti u kontroli krijumåarenja migranata kroz Srbi- ju su od strane ispitanika viðeni prvenstveno u korupciji drÿavnih åi- novnika, a zatim u nedostatku ljudskih i tehniåkih resursa neophodnih za adekvatnu kontrolu drÿavnih granica od strane policije i vojske Srbi- je i Crne Gore, kao i nedovoljno intenzivnoj saradnji izmeðu razliåitih drÿavnih organa u mreÿi kontrole kriminala na nacionalnom i meðuna- cionalnom nivou.

VIII 2.2. Rad „na crno" i prosjaåenje — rasprostranjenost i veze sa trgovinom muškarcima

Rad „na crno" je pojava koja je u Srbiji veoma rasprostranjena više od decenije unazad: od ulaska zemlje u period društveno-ekonomske tranzicije i rasprodaje tzv. društvene imovine, dejstvom pritiska za br- zom akumulacijom kapitala „tranzicionih profitera" na jednoj strani, i potrebom za golim opstankom „tranzicionih gubitnika" na drugoj, us- postavljen je neformalni poredak u kojem je eksploatacija rada stotina

142 hiljada ljudi postala uobiåajena pojava, godinama tolerisana i pasivno odobravana od strane osiromašene, oslabljene i kriminalizovane drÿave. U takvom kontekstu, Srbija je postala zemlja sa velikim trÿištem rada „na crno": poslodavci su niskim rizikom i visokom ponudom radne sna- ge „hrabreni" da nude alternativne „poslove" i sve lošije uslove rada, dok su radnici u oåaju hroniåno desenzibilisani na prava koja im pripa- daju po osnovu rada.142 Sasvim oåekivano, rezultati ovog istraÿivanja pokazuju da su goto- vo svi ispitanici rad „na crno" imenovali kao veoma ozbiljan problem i izuzetno raširenu pojavu u Srbiji: kada je u pitanju ilegalan rad doma- ãih drÿavljana muškog pola, opšta je procena da je on naroåito raspro- stranjen u domenu privatnog preduzetništva, i to u graðevinskom i tr- govinskom sektoru, poljoprivredi i ugostiteljstvu. Eksploatacija rada se, prema saznanjima ispitanika, vrši povredom svih prava po osnovu ra- da, ukljuåujuãi pravo na zaradu, socijalno i zdravstveno osiguranje i pravo na dnevni, nedeljni i godišnji odmor. Neki od ispitanika su rad „na crno" u Srbiji u opštem smislu opisali kao specifiåan oblik prisilnog rada: po reåima Predraga Vidanoviãa, starešine opštinskog organa za prekršaje u Nišu, „rad 'na crno' je oblik prisilnog rada jer su neki ljudi prinuðeni da rade i nemaju mnogo izbora, dok sa druge strane poslo- davci koriste tu situaciju i praktiåno eksploatišu zaposlene koji rade bez prijave staÿa i osiguranja, i za minimalnu nadoknadu". Veãi broj ispita- nika je izneo procenu da je ilegalni rad tokom prethodne decenije do- stigao participaciju od 80—90% na ukupnom trÿištu rada, a da je poo- štravanjem formalne kontrole poslodavaca tokom poslednjih godina taj udeo opao na oko 50%.143 Prema informacijama dobijenim od ispitanika, u Beogradu je to- kom 2002. godine zbog zapošljavanja radnika „na crno" kaÿnjeno oko 1000 poslodavaca, u Novom Pazaru više od 300, Velikoj Plani oko 100, a u Zajeåaru 20. Svi kaÿnjeni poslodavci su drÿavljani Republike Srbije, dok su radnici koje su angaÿovali takoðe bili preteÿno domaãi drÿavlja- 142 Prema proceni koju izneo Ministar za rad i zapošljavanje Republike Srbije, u Srbiji je 2002. godine „na crno" radilo oko 600.000 ljudi. Iz Izjave ministra prenete posredstvom Tanjuga 8. novembra 2002. godine, dostupne na: http://www.mfa.gov.yu/Srpski/spopol/Bilaterala/SAD/activ ities_s/081102_s.html. 143 Ministarstvo za rad i zapošljavanje Republike Srbije je tokom 2002. godine intenziviralo kampanju suzbijanja rada „na crno" — pored pripreme novog Zakona o zapošljavanju i osiguranju za sluåaj nezaposlenosti kojim se predviðaju ozbiljne sankcije za nezaposlene koji prihvate nelegal- ni rad, pojaåana je i inspekcijska kontrola poslodavaca, kao i kazne za one koji zapošljavaju radni- ke pod nelegalnim uslovima. U saopštenju za javnost Ministarstva za rad i zapošljavanje Republike Srbije od 19. septembra 2002. godine, „broj radnika koje su poslodavci prijavili poveãan je za goto- vo 470 procenata u odnosu na 2000. godinu, a zahvaljujuãi naplati kazni za rad na crno, priliv sredstava u budÿet poveãan je za 813 procenata". http://www.srbija.sr.gov.yu/vesti/2002-09/19/329498.html.

143 ni oba pola, sa izuzetkom manjeg broja stranih drÿavljana (uglavnom Rumuna i Bugara). Kada su u pitanju migraciona kretanja radnika u cilju rada „na cr- no", Srbija se pojavljuje ne samo kao zemlja tranzita sa Istoka ka Zapa- du, veã i kao zemlja porekla i, u nešto manjem obimu, destinacije mi- granata. Kao zemlje destinacije migranata iz Srbije za rad „na crno" ispi- tanici su najåešãe oznaåavali Gråku, Italiju, Austriju i Nemaåku. Sazna- nja kojima su raspolagali ispitanici obuhvaãeni ovim istraÿivanjem go- vore da se migranti iz Srbije u inostranstvu najåešãe angaÿuju za rad „na crno" u graðevinskoj delatnosti (Nemaåka) i poljoprivredi (Gråka). U Srbiji je, meðutim, prema saznanjima ispitanika obuhvaãenih ovim is- traÿivanjem, u priliånoj meri prisutan nelegalan rad muških imigranata iz Rumunije, Bugarske, Moldavije, Kine, Bosne i Hercegovine i Makedo- nije. Rumunski i Bugarski radnici najåešãe su sezonski angaÿovani na poljoprivrednim gazdinstvima i graðevinskim poslovima, naroåito na podruåju istoåne Srbije i Šumadije (Rumuni) i u centralnim i juÿnim de- lovima Republike (Bugari), a u zemlju preteÿno ulaze legalno (kao pose- tioci, turisti, sezonski radnici), u manjim grupama ili pojedinaåno. Ru- munski i Bugarski drÿavljani, sezonski zaposleni kao fiziåki radnici „na crno" na poljoprivrednim imanjima ili kod privatnih preduzetnika u Sr- biji, u najveãem broju sluåajeva rade za dnevnice koje se kreãu izmeðu 5 i 15 evra mada se, prema reåima nekih od ispitanika, „dešava da rade samo za stan i hranu" i da „rade po 12, 13, 14 sati dnevno", obiåno „po- slove za koje je u Srbiji teško naãi radnu snagu". Više ispitanika je uka- zalo na to da se, uprkos pogodnosti korišãenja jeftinog rada rumunskih drÿavljana, dešavaju sluåajevi da domaãi poslodavci nakon završenog posla odbiju da im isplate dogovorene dnevnice i prijavljuju ih policiji zbog ilegalnog boravka u zemlji.144 Pravna zaštita radnika imigranata u Srbiji je na priliåno niskom ni- vou: uprkos åinjenici da je opšte poznata stvar da na hiljade imigranata obavlja sezonske i druge poslove „na crno" širom Srbije, drÿava zadrÿa- va tolerantan odnos prema ovakvom radu stranaca, dok je istovremeno apsolutno pasivna u pogledu regulisanja njihovog poloÿaja, koji je u potpunosti prepušten volji poslodavaca. Kampanja za suzbijanje rada pod nelegalnim uslovima u Srbiji se, sliåno kao i na Zapadu, odnosi is- kljuåivo na domaãu radnu snagu. O odnosu drÿavnih organa prema ra- du stranih drÿavljana „na crno", jedan od ispitanika govori na sledeãi naåin: 144 Nelson opisuje sliånu pojavu u engleskim selima, u kojima poslodavci prijavljuju vlasti- ma ilegalne migrante koji su radili na njihovim imanjima ukoliko se ovi poÿale na visinu dobijene nadnice. Prema: Ruggiero, V. (2000) Crime and Markets: Essays in Anti-Criminology, Oxford: Oxford University Press, str. 95.

144  „Stiåe se utisak da drÿavni organi nemaju neki odnos prema radu 'na crno' kada su u pitanju drÿavljani Rumunije. Gotovo svi smatraju da nji- hov rad donosi više koristi nego štete i svi tolerišu ovu pojavu, koja nije specifiåna samo za ovaj period, nego postoji decenijama."

Ovo zapaÿanje podelila je i veãina ostalih ispitanika: domaãi poslo- davci koji zapošljavaju strane radnike (naroåito poslodavci na privatnim poljoprivrednim imanjima i u graðevinskoj delatnosti) veoma se retko kaÿnjavaju. Rad stranih drÿavljana „na crno" u Srbiji oåigledno karakte- riše visoka tamna brojka, dok se nepoznanice poslediåno vezuju i za uslove pod kojima oni rade. Radnici poreklom iz Moldavije u Srbiji su, legalno ili „na crno", najåešãe angaÿovani na graðevinskim poslovima širom zemlje. Prema informacijama dobijenim ovim istraÿivanjem, oni u Srbiju dolaze i legal- no i ilegalno, u manjim ili veãim grupama, i to kao u zemlju privreme- ne destinacije ili tranzita na putu prema Zapadu.145 Upravo priåa jed- nog od moldavskih ilegalnih migranata, koji su u okviru ovog istraÿiva- nja anketirani u Prihvatilištu za strance u Padinskoj Skeli, veoma je in- dikativna za problem veze izmeðu rada „na crno" i trgovine ljudima, buduãi da dotiåe neka pitanja u vezi sa faktorima ilegalnih migracija, pre svega njihovih relacija sa stanjem na formalnom i neformalnom tr- ÿištu rada kako u zemlji porekla, tako i u zemlji destinacije:

„Uhapšen sam zbog pokušaja ilegalnog prelaska drÿavne granice i neposedovanja putnih isprava u junu 2003. godine od strane pograniåne vojne patrole na granici izmeðu Srbije i Hrvatske, zajedno sa svojim prija- teljem, koji je takoðe iz Moldavije… Mi smo preko Rumunije, Srbije i Hr- vatske krenuli u Italiju, gde smo planirali da radimo 'na crno' na graðevi- ni… Sada imam 40 godina, a bez posla sam ostao odmah nakon raspada SSSR-a… Ÿeleo sam da odem u Italiju jer sam tamo veã jednom boravio. Radio sam 'na crno' u Torinu kao zidarski radnik i zaraðivao veoma do- bro (meseåno oko 1000 USD). Meni su tada prilikom traÿenja posla pomo- gli prijatelji iz Moldavije, kojih je u Italiji mnogo i koji i sami uglavnom rade 'na crno'… U Moldaviji je stanje tokom poslednje decenije postalo uÿasno: tamo nema uslova za goli ÿivot, nema hrane, a novac je jako te- ško zaraditi… Ja imam suprugu i dvanaestogodišnje dete, a nemam stalno zaposlenje. Samo povremeno radim 'na crno' kao najamni zidar, jer je od raspada Sovjetskog Saveza u Moldaviji veoma teško, skoro nemoguãe naãi legalan posao… Najviše bih voleo kada bih nekim åudom uspeo da odem

145 Jedan od ispitanika opisao je sluåaj sa 25 moldavskih drÿavljana muškog pola koji su se, po sopstvenim navodima, uputili u Srbiju u cilju radnog angaÿovanja, ali su uhvaãeni na granici sa Maðarskom i nije im dozvoljen ulazak u zemlju zbog neregularnih viza.

145  do Italije ili bilo koje zapadne zemlje u kojoj bih radio i obezbedio bolji ÿi- vot svojoj porodici…"

Odluka na migraciju krijumåarskim kanalima, oslanjanje na „prija- telje zemljake" u zemlji destinacije koji „i sami rade 'na crno' " i reše- nost da se po svaku cenu ode iz zemlje u kojoj „nema ÿivota", „bilo ku- da" gde se moÿe zaraditi praktiåno odslikavaju neke od moguãih bliskih veza izmeðu limitiranosti pristupa legalnom trÿištu rada i ÿivotnih mo- guãnosti u zemlji porekla, alternativnih trÿišta rada u kojima, pored ostalih, posreduju „zemljaci" (tzv. fenomen samoviktimizacije146), kri- jumåarenja i rizika trgovine ljudima. Osoba koja i dospe u zemlju desti- nacije u ÿelji da radi „bilo šta", uz sasvim limitirane moguãnosti komu- nikacije usled nepoznavanja jezika i sa vrlo ograniåenim materijalnim resursima, zapravo je neumitno upuãena na ilegalno trÿište rada, ilegal- ne poslove i „zemljake" koji u „posredovanju" verovatno imaju i neka- kav materijalni interes — i u najboljem sluåaju, ilegalni imigrant „ze- mljacima duguje" (uslugu, novac) od prvog trenutka kada stupi na tle zemlje destinacije, ako ne i pre toga. Koliko je tanka linija izmeðu ova- kve izloÿenosti viktimizaciji trgovinom ljudima i konkretne viktimizaci- je, stvar je procene.147 Za podruåje opštine Novi Pazar karakteristiåno je da se meðu pri- vrednim granama u kojima je zastupljen nelegalan rad pored trgovine, graðevine, ugostiteljstva i poljoprivrede pojavljuje i industrija: neki od ispitanika su izneli svoje uverenje da je u privatnim novopazarskim fa- brikama nesumnjivo zastupljen i rad „na crno", makar u izvesnoj meri. Strani drÿavljani koji su na ovom podruåju tokom 2002. i u prvoj polo- vini 2003. godine bili radno angaÿovani „na crno" uglavnom su obavljali sezonske poslove u poljoprivredi i graðevinarstvu (preteÿno je reå o radnicima poreklom iz Bugarske i Rumunije).

146 Fenomen „samoviktimizacije" opisao je Ruggiero, objašnjavajuãi viktimizaciju migranata u zemlji destinacije od strane etniåkih kriminalnih grupa koje deluju unutar migrantskih zajednica. Videti Ruggiero, V. (2000), op. cit. Viktimizacija od strane sopstvenih sunarodnika u zemlji destina- cije jedna je od pravilnosti vezanih za trgovinu ljudima, koja je dobila potvrdu i kroz rezultate ovog istraÿivanja. Na osnovu dobijenih informacija o trgovini muškim migrantima u Srbiji kao ze- mlji porekla i tranzita ÿrtava, „zemljaci" se pojavljuju kao izvršioci svih radnji iz opisa trgovine lju- dima, od namamljivanja, preko organizovanja krijumåarenja, posredovanja na ilegalnom trÿištu ra- da, pa do same radne eksploatacije, prisile na rad i drÿanja ÿrtava u ropskom odnosu u zemlji de- stinacije. 147 Nedavno istraÿivanje polnih aspekata trgovine ljudima iz Moldavije, koje je sprovedeno od strane Meðunarodne organizacije rada, pokazalo je da se muškarci ÿrtve najåešãe transportuju do poslodavaca u Nemaåkoj, Gråkoj i Italiji i uglavnom se angaÿuju na graðevinskim poslovima. U zemlji destinacije oni se najpre obavezuju da radom isplate troškove puta, a kada završe dogovore- ni posao, otpuštaju se bez plate ili im se preti deportacijom. Identifikovani su i sluåajevi prodaje migrantskih radnika poslodavcima, gde su ÿrtve bile dovedene u situaciju da „otkupljuju" slobodu. Prema: ILO (2002) „Forced Labour, Child Labour and Human Trafficking in Europe: An ILO Per- spective", op. cit., str. 6—7.

146  Nekoliko ispitanika iznelo je svoje uverenje da mnogi kineski mi- granti u Srbiji rade „na crno", ne iskljuåujuãi ni moguãnost prisilnog ra- da. No, konkretne informacije o tome oni nisu mogli da pruÿe, ukazu- juãi na problem etniåke zatvorenosti u kojima se viktimizacija kineskih migranata eventualno odvija i pretpostavljajuãi rigoroznu kontrolu ko- ja se sprovodi nad potencijalnim ÿrtvama, åime se dramatiåno limitira- ju moguãnosti otkrivanja ovih pojava. S tim u vezi, jedan od ispitanika kaÿe:

„Kod Kineza (u Srbiji) moÿda ima prisilnog rada, ali je tu tamna broj- ka velika. Sa Kinezima je stigla i njihova mafija, tu je bilo i otmica… Mafi- ja organizuje njihovo prebacivanje u našu zemlju."

Uopšte uzev, konkretni sluåajevi prisilnog rada osoba muškog pola nisu bili poznati nijednom od ispitanika obuhvaãenih ovim istraÿiva- njem: no, pored bojazni da viktimizacija prisilnim radom eventualno postoji unutar kineske imigrantske zajednice u Srbiji, neki od ispitanika su uputili i na moguãnost prisustva ovakve eksploatacije kod organizo- vanog prosjaåenja. Uverenje da u Srbiji postoji organizovano prosjaåe- nje u kojem, pored ostalih, participiraju i punoletne osobe muškog pola delilo je oko treãine ispitanih: posebno vulnerabilne kategorije meðu odraslim muškarcima jesu invalidi, beskuãnici, Romi i izbeglice sa ratom zahvaãenih podruåja SFR Jugoslavije. Nekolicina ispitanika je iznela svoje zapaÿanje da meðu punoletnim muškarcima koji prose u Srbiji (pre svega, u Beogradu) ima i osoba sa prebivalištem u drugim mestima u zemlji, kao i stranih drÿavljana (preteÿno Rumuna). Prosjaåenje do- maãih i stranih migranata ispitanici su po pravilu percepirali kao „in- strumentalizovano" i „organizovano",148 uprkos tome što nisu bili u mo- guãnosti da svoja zapaÿanja potkrepe konkretnim pokazateljima dimen- zija i karakteristika ovih pojava.149 Dragan Grinvald, direktor Gerontolo- škog centra — prihvatilišta za odrasla lica u Beogradu, izneo je deo svo- jih saznanja o pojavi organizovanog prosjaåenja i prosjaåenju migranata reåima: 148 Svoje pretpostavke o postojanju organizovanih oblika prosjaåenja ispitanici su uglavnom zasnivali na iskustvu neposrednog i neformalnog opaÿanja: više njih je, naime, izjavilo da je imalo priliku da vidi kako se prosjaci „dovoze, rasporeðuju i sakupljaju" u odreðeno vreme i na odreðe- nim mestima u gradu. 149 Opšta je praksa da se za prosjaåenje, kao prekršaj iz ål. 12 Zakona o javnom redu i miru Republike Srbije, veoma retko kaÿnjava, buduãi da drÿavni organi „zbog sveopšte situacije" imaju priliåno tolerantan odnos prema ovoj pojavi. Stoga je o raširenosti prosjaåenja, organizovanog pro- sjaåenja i eventualnoj viktimizaciji punoletnih muškaraca (domaãih ili stranih drÿavljana) prinu- dom na prosjaåenje veoma teško davati procene. No, treba napomenuti da se veãina ispitanika koji su izneli svoje uverenje da se prosjaåenje u znatnoj meri vrši organizovano pozitivno izjasnila i o riziku viktimizacije prinudom na prosjaåenje.

147  „Prema našim procenama, 80% prosjaka to radi profesionalno i orga- nizovano — prosjaåenje je vrlo unosan posao. Prosjaci uglavnom rade po grupama od 10 do 15. Svaki prosjak treba dnevno da isprosi oko 100 evra, što znaåi da jedna grupa isprosi 1500 evra dnevno, što je velika cifra. Pro- sjaci su teritorijalno organizovani. Postoje surova pravila kojih oni moraju da se pridrÿavaju: u protivnom bivaju brutalno kaÿnjavani pred svima, da bi to bio nauk i drugima… Mesta iz kojih se prosjaci regrutuju u najveãoj meri su Zvornik, Sremska Mitrovica, Tutin, Vlasenica, juÿna Srbija…. Po- slednjih godina primeãena je najezda prosjaka iz Rumunije, koji su postali ozbiljna konkurencija domaãim prosjacima… Åesti su sukobi sa takozva- nim 'slobodnjacima' — onima koji prose iz potrebe… Postoje i kategorije kafanskih, turistiåkih (u turistiåkoj sezoni veliki broj prosjaka odlazi na more i druga turistiåka mesta) i deviznih prosjaka (dve-tri porodice, uglav- nom Romske sa puno dece, udruÿe se i odlaze u Italiju i Austriju i tamo prose). Pre odlaska se upoznaju sa zakonima zemlje u koju odlaze i imaju neku vrstu edukacije. U zemlji destinacije im se oduzimaju pasoši (mada sada, kada je pooštren vizni reÿim, uglavnom prelaze ilegalno). Tamo uglavnom jedan deo dana prose a drugi varaju i kradu…"

Generalno, prosjaåenje je najviše rasprostranjeno u veãim gradovi- ma Srbije, naroåito u Beogradu. U manjim opštinama obuhvaãenim okvirom ovog istraÿivanja broj registrovanih, a naroåito kaÿnjenih pro- sjaka muškog pola priliåno je nizak i u 2002. godini kretao se uglavnom ispod deset. Organizovano prosjaåenje odraslih muškaraca i izvesno prisustvo stranaca meðu prosjacima zapaÿeni su gotovo iskljuåivo od strane ispitanika iz Beograda,150 mada su odreðene sumnje u vezi sa or- ganizovanošãu prosjaåenja izneli i neki od ispitanika iz Novog Sada: prema izjavi Sonje Krajnoviã, predškolskog pedagoga u Omladinskom domu u Novom Sadu, akcija zbrinjavanja odraslih uliånih prosjaka koju je nedavno sproveo novosadski Gerontološki centar bila je praãena ano- nimnim pretnjama zaposlenima u Centru. Meðu oblicima prosjaåenja punoletnih muškaraca u Srbiji domini- raju pranje vetrobranskih stakala na raskrsnicama, uruåivanje „cedulji- ca" kojima se moli za „pomoã hendikepiranoj osobi" po ugostiteljskim objektima, molba za manjom svotom novca koja „nedostaje" za plaãanje prevoza do prebivališta „u unutrašnjosti zemlje" na autobuskim i ÿele- zniåkim stanicama i klasiåno prosjaåenje odraslih muškaraca sa vidlji- vim telesnim hendikepom na najprometnijim gradskim mestima. 150 Prema informacijama koje je pruÿila Marija Anðelkoviã, sudijski pripravnik kod Grad- skog sudije za prekršaje u Beogradu, na podruåju grada Beograda se tokom 2002. godine, od ukupno primljenih 1413 zahteva za pokretanje prekršajnog postupka za prosjaåenje, desetak odno- silo na strane drÿavljane (preteÿno drÿavljane Rumunije i Bugarske).

148  Uprkos tome što je najviše ispitanika procenilo da meðu prosjaci- ma (ukljuåujuãi i sluåajeve organizovanog prosjaåenja) „daleko više ima ÿena i dece nego punoletnih muškaraca", dobijene informacije govore da meðu beskuãnicima, kao posebno vulnerabilnoj kategoriji kada je u pitanju rizik prinude na prosjaåenje, apsolutno dominiraju odrasli mu- škarci: tokom 2002. godine, u Gerontološkom centru — Prihvatilištu za odrasla lica u Beogradu je, prema reåima direktora Dragana Grinvalda, zbrinut veãi broj beskuãnika sa ulica Beograda i Kalemegdana, preteÿno punoletnih muškaraca, meðu kojima je bilo i osoba koje pate od tele- snih hendikepa i mentalnih poremeãaja, a u ukupnom broju prosjaka i beskuãnika zbrinutih u Prihvatilištu muškarci su bili dvostruko zastu- pljeniji u odnosu na ÿene.151 S obzirom na sve dobijene informacije, rizik prisile na prosjaåenje punoletnih muškaraca, kako domaãih drÿavljana tako i stranaca, u Srbiji je nesumnjivo prisutan. Uåešãe punoletnih muškaraca meðu prosjaci- ma, a naroåito onih koji pripadaju posebno vulnerabilnim kategorijama (osobe sa telesnim hendikepom ili mentalnim poremeãajima, beskuãnici i izbeglice) po svemu sudeãi nije zanemarljivo. Pored toga, zapaÿanja is- pitanika, kao i nagoveštene veze izmeðu prosjaåenja i unutrašnjih i spoljnih migracija, govore u prilog pretpostavkama da se prosjaåenje u Srbiji, a naroåito velikim gradovima, vrši u znatnom obimu organizova- no. Organizovanost prosjaåenja na jednoj strani i ukljuåenost u prosja- åenje posebno vulnerabilnih kategorija odraslih muškaraca, jasno impli- ciraju i postojeãi rizik trgovine ljudima.

VIII 3. Završni osvrt: Srbija na putu ilegalnih migracija i trgovine muškarcima

Nezavisno od åinjenice da je Srbija na putevima ilegalnih ekonom- skih migracija prevashodno zemlja tranzita, što moguãnosti za procenu raširenosti trgovine muškim migrantima åini priliåno limitiranim, infor- macije o posrednim indikatorima rizika trgovine ljudima prikupljene ovim istraÿivanjem ipak daju osnova za tvrdnju da problem postoji, i to u razmerama koje nisu zanemarljive. Rezultati, naime, upuãuju na rizik trgovine muškim migrantima kako u sluåajevima krijumåarenja kroz Sr- biju, tako i u sluåajevima ilegalnih ekonomskih migracija iz Srbije kao zemlje porekla i u Srbiju kao zemlju destinacije. Srbija je zemlja koja nesumnjivo još uvek obiluje faktorima koji pogoduju ilegalnim ekonomskim migracionim kretanjima ljudi u svim 151 U Prihvatilištu za odrasla lica u Beogradu tokom 2002. godine se meðu zbrinutim beskuã- nicima i prosjacima nalazilo 130 muškaraca i 77 ÿena.

149 pravcima: neefikasnost kontrole drÿavnih granica i kontrole kriminala pogoduju tranzitu, ekonomske teškoãe zemlje u tranciziji i politiåka ne- stabilnost i dalje predstavljaju snaÿne faktore „guranja" ljudi iz Srbije u ekonomske emigracije, a visoka potraÿnja za jeftinom sezonskom rad- nom snagom uslovljava priliv radnika imigranata u Srbiju iz nekih od susednih zemalja. Preko Srbije i danas vode neki od vaÿnih puteva ilegalnih ekonom- skih migracija sa Bliskog, Srednjeg i Dalekog Istoka prema zapadnoe- vropskim zemljama (Nemaåkoj, Italiji, Austriji, Švajcarskoj, Velikoj Brita- niji i dr.). Trevor Pearce iz Nacionalne kriminalistiåke sluÿbe Velike Bri- tanije, koji je svojevremeno oznaåio Bosnu i Hercegovinu i Jugoslaviju kao „glavne balkanske zemlje kroz koje prolaze ilegalni imigranti", kao najvaÿnije faktore tih okolnosti naveo je neadekvatan sistem kontrole granica" i „teškoãe u godinama nakon raspada bivše Jugoslavije" i do- dao: „One su glavne zemlje, ali tranzit postoji kroz sve evropske zemlje i mi koji ÿivimo na ovim prostorima treba da budemo svesni da ãe or- ganizovani kriminalci pokušati da proguraju ljude preko bilo koje gra- nice koja je najlakša za njih."152 Adekvatna kontrola åak šest drÿavnih (sa Maðarskom, Rumunijom, Bugarskom, Makedonijom, Bosnom i Her- cegovinom i Hrvatskom) i dve administrativne granice (sa Crnom Go- rom i Kosovom koje je trenutno pod protektoratom Ujedinjenih nacija) preko kojih se, prema svim raspoloÿivim saznanjima, više ili manje in- tenzivno obavljaju ilegalne migracije muškaraca, ÿena i dece, za Srbiju veã godinama unazad nije lak posao. Korupcija u policiji i carinskim sluÿbama, relativno visoka prijemåivost osiromašenog lokalnog stanov- ništva za „oportunistiåki kriminal" i laku i dobru zaradu prebacivanjem migranata preko granice, postojanje organizacione infrastrukture za kri- jumåarenje svake vrste uhodane još u periodu ratnih sukoba na tlu SFRJ, slaba kadrovska i tehniåka opremljenost pograniåne policije i sla- ba saradnja sa susednim drÿavama na kontroli meðudrÿavnih granica åine da se izuzetno visoka tamna brojka ne pretpostavlja samo za feno- men trgovine muškim migrantima kroz Srbiju, veã i za samo krijumåa- renje ljudi. Neefikasnost kontrole granica sa Bugarskom, Rumunijom i Maðar- skom, koje takoðe vaÿe za „idealne sabirne" i tranzitne zemlje za kri- jumåarene migrante iz niza zemalja afroazijskog kompleksa, nesumnji- vo je kljuåna za opstanak Srbije u vrhu „najpoÿeljnijih" tranzitnih bal- kanskih zemalja za krijumåarenje ljudi i robe, putevima koji povezuju Aziju i Evropu.153 Kurdi iz Turske, Kinezi, Iranci, Pakistanci, Iraåani, Av- 152 Citirano prema: Vintleanu, I., Baboviã, B. (ur.) (2001) Krijumåarenje ljudi, krijumåarenje ÿena i dece, Beograd: Centar za unapreðenje pravnih studija, str. 153. 153 SCEPP (2002) „Advisory Report on the Justice and Home Affairs in Yugoslavia…", op. cit., str. 15; Jane's Information Group, „People trafficking: Europe's new problem", Jane's Information Group, September 23, 2000.

150 ganistanci i Bangladeÿani, koji godinama unazad åine najveãi deo azij- skih imigranata u zemlje Evropske unije, tokom poslednjih godina, kao i u najnovije vreme, u znatnom se broju krijumåare preko Srbije razliåi- tim putevima i na razliåite naåine, uprkos tome što je Ministarstvo unu- trašnjih poslova Republike Srbije poslednjih godina preduzelo niz orga- nizacionih i praktiånih mera i aktivnosti u pravcu podizanja kvaliteta sopstvenih ljudskih, materijalnih i drugih resursa, kao i saradnje sa poli- cijom susednih i ostalih zemalja u cilju åvršãe kontrole granica i suzbija- nja trgovine i krijumåarenja ljudi.154 Nesumnjivo je da su neke odavno instalirane i dobro razraðene mreÿe organizacije, naåina i puteva kri- jumåarenja ljudi na njih ostale rezistentne. S tim u vezi naroåitu paÿnju treba skrenuti na problem ilegalnih migracija kineskih drÿavljana kroz Srbiju: postoje procene da je Srbija za vreme vladavine Miloševiãa postala „najpopularniji" i „lako pristupa- åan" ulaz u Evropu za kineske imigrante.155 Veruje se da je, zbog poseb- nih odnosa negovanih izmeðu kineskog establišmenta i Miloševiãevog reÿima, tokom druge polovine 90-ih izdato na desetine hiljada „turistiå- kih" viza kineskim drÿavljanima, te da su u to vreme svake nedelje na beogradski aerodrom sletala dva-tri aviona puna putnika iz Pekinga, da bi se potom vraãali u Kinu skoro potpuno prazni.156 Uprkos tome što je 2002. godine ukinuta direktna avio-linija izmeðu Beograda i Pekinga, kanali ilegalnih migracija kineskih drÿavljana preko Srbije su, po sve- mu sudeãi, opstali, a transfer je delom izmešten na vazdušni put Mo- skva—Beograd. Za migrante poreklom iz Kine Srbija je zemlja tranzita prema zapadnoevropskim zemljama u koje odlaze ilegalno: najustalje- nija ruta vodi preko Maðarske do Austrije.157 Iskustva same Maðarske, koja je ozbiljno suoåena sa problemom ilegalnih migracija kineskih dr- ÿavljana ne samo zbog geografske pozicije, veã i zbog åinjenice da u njoj postoji relativno brojna i åvrsta zajednica kineskih imigranata unu- tar koje deluju i etniåke kriminalne grupe,158 dovoljno su indikativna i za Srbiju. S obzirom na to da zajednica kineskih imigranata u Srbiji bro- ji više desetina hiljada ljudi, a uzevši u obzir pravilnost da na imigrant- skim talasima u zemlju privremene ili krajnje destinacije stiÿu i krimi- 154 Videti Izveštaje o radu Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Republike Srbije u 2001. i 2002. godini i Informaciju o stanju bezbednosti na teritoriji Republike Srbije i ostvarenim rezultatima ra- da MUP-a Republike Srbije u periodu od 1. januara do 30. juna 2003. godine. Op. cit. 155 Center for the Study of Democracy (2002) „Smuggling in Southeast Europe", CSD Re- ports 10, str. 47. http://www.csd.bg/publications/book10/smuggling.eng.pdf. 156 Ibidem, str. 49. 157 Juna 2000. godine maðarski ministar unutrašnjih poslova, Šandor Pinter, izneo je poda- tak da je „poslednjih meseci hapšeno u proseku 100—150 Kineza koji su pokušavali da ilegalno uðu u zemlju iz Srbije." Prema: Jane's information Group, „People trafficking: Europe's new pro- blem", op. cit. 158 U Maðarskoj je uoåena praksa kineske mafije da putne isprave legalnih imigranata vraãa- ju nazad u Kinu kako bi se koristile za krijumåarenje novih. Prema: ibidem.

151 nalne organizacije iz zemlje porekla,159 moguãe je da je i Srbija ozbiljno suoåena ne samo sa problemom krijumåarenja i tranzita na putu trgovi- ne ljudima,160 veã i sa moguãnošãu da se radna eksploatacija i duÿniåki i prisilni rad kineskih migranata u izvesnoj meri obavljaju i u samoj Srbiji kao zemlji privremene destinacije.161 Teorijske pretpostavke i praktiåna zapaÿanja da krijumåarenje mu- ških migranata organizuju kriminalne grupe koje veã imaju iskustva sa krijumåarenjem droge, oruÿja ili „pomaganjem" ratnim izbeglicama da napuste opasna podruåja dobili su potvrdu i ovim istraÿivanjem: kri- jumåarenje ljudi obavlja se od strane istih „partnera" sa obe strane gra- nice i koriste se isti putevi kao i u sluåaju krijumåarenja robe. Krijumåarenje muških migranata kroz Srbiju, oskudne kontrole i visoke propustiljivosti drÿavnih granica (naroåito granica Srbije prema Rumuniji, Bugarskoj i Maðarskoj), shvaãeni su od strane ispitanika ši- rom Srbije kao veoma ozbiljni problemi, što naroåito vaÿi za ispitanike iz Zajeåara, Subotice, Sombora i drugih gradova u pograniånim regioni- ma koji su neposredno suoåeni sa njima. Prema informacijama dobijenim ovim istraÿivanjem moÿe se izvesti zakljuåak da je Srbija, u izvesnoj meri, zemlja porekla, kao i zemlja de- stinacije radnika „na crno". U oba sluåaja, reå je o radu u istim privred- nim granama — poljoprivredi i graðevinarstvu, a za nelegalan rad po- traÿuje se i nudi uglavnom jeftina, niskokvalifikovana radna snaga, koja se angaÿuje na fiziåkim poslovima (zidarski radovi, kopanje kanala, bra- nje voãa, åuvanje stoke itd.). Dok iz Srbije radnici „na crno" preteÿno odlaze u Nemaåku, Austriju, Italiju i Gråku, u Srbiji se mahom angaÿu- ju imigranti iz Rumunije, Bugarske i, znatno reðe, Moldavije. Ovom prilikom dobijene informacije o radu domaãih drÿavljana „na crno" u zapadnoevropskim zemljama ukazuju na moguãnost da se eksploatacija njihovog rada obavlja posredstvom ili u okviru „etniåkih krugova", odnosno imigrantskih zajednica osoba poreklom iz Srbije u zemljama destinacije. Za rad „na crno" u inostranstvu radnici åesto bi- vaju namamljivani od strane „roðaka, poznanika i zemljaka", da bi u 159 O tome: Friman, R., Andreas, P. ed. (1999) The Illicit Global Economy and State Power, Lanham, Boulder, New York and Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, inc.; Nikoliã-Ristano- viã, V. „Illegal markets, human trade and transnational organised crime", op. cit., i dr. 160 Ovakve sumnje snaÿno potvrðuje ranije opisani dogaðaj od 11. maja 2003. godine, tj. na hapšenje kineskog drÿavljanina koji je dve godine legalno boravio u Beogradu zbog organizovanja trgovine kineskim migrantima u cilju radne eksploatacije, prilikom åega je zaplenjeno na desetine falsifikovanih pasoša, kao i mašina za falsifikovanje dokumenata. 161 Ova pretpostavka je osnaÿena åinjenicom da se transfer u zemlju destinacije uglavnom ne moÿe obavljati uvek po unapred predviðenom planu, veã u zavisnosti od konkretnog razvoja dogaðaja, „bezbednosnih" i drugih uslova. Empirijska je åinjenica da transfer ilegalnih migranata u istu zemlju destinacije moÿe trajati u rasponu od nekoliko dana pa do više meseci i godina. U tom smislu, zemlje preko kojih se odvija transport takoðe su mesta u kojima viktimizacija trgovinom ljudima (eksploatacija prisilnim radom ili na drugi naåin) moÿe da otpoåne i u konkretnom smislu.

152 zemljama destinacije neretko završavali kao surovo eksploatisani i pod- vrgnuti prisilnom radu. Kao zemlja destinacije hiljada imigrantskih radnika iz Rumunije i Bugarske, a istovremeno zemlja sa oskudnim sistemom pravne zaštite radnika imigranata, Srbija je potencijalno i zemlja unutar koje postoji odreðeni rizik trgovine ljudima u cilju radne eksploatacije. U tom smi- slu naroåito su indikativni podaci o radu „na crno" rumunskih imigra- nata u Srbiji: uprkos tome što ovim istraÿivanjem nisu dobijene kon- kretne informacije o sprezi krijumåara i poslodavaca, kao ni informacije o prisilnom radu ili drÿanju imigrantskih radnika u duÿniåkom ropstvu, ima nagoveštaja da i takvih pojava ima, posebno ukoliko se na umu imaju dobijene informacije o duÿini radnog vremena, visini nadnica, smeštaju i tretmanu imigrantskih radnika. U Srbiji postoji relativno viso- ka potraÿnja za jeftinom radnom snagom (naroåito sezonskom), poseb- no u poljoprivredi i graðevinskom sektoru. Mnogi poslodavci preferira- ju zapošljavanje upravo imigranata, kako bi maksimalno snizili nadnice i na drugi naåin eksploatisali njihov rad koristeãi prednosti koje proisti- åu iz nezaštiãenog statusa ovih radnika. Pod takvim okolnostima stvara- ju se opasne osnove za pojavu trgovine ljudima i moguãe je pretposta- viti da neki od trgovaca deluju kroz brojna neformalna trÿišta sezon- skog rada u Srbiji, na kojima se nudi posao drÿavljanima susednih ze- malja u Srbiji, kao i drÿavljanima Srbije u zapadnoevropskim zemljama, pre svega u Gråkoj, Italiji i Nemaåkoj. Informacije dobijene o prosjaåenju punoletnih muškaraca u Srbiji nagoveštavaju rizik od eksploatacije prinudom na prosjaåenje, naroåito beskuãnika i hendikepiranih osoba. Unutrašnje sezonske migracije pro- sjaka, kao i izvesno prisustvo prosjaka iz drugih zemalja (Rumunije, Bu- garske itd.), osnaÿuju pretpostavke da se prosjaåenje punoletnih muška- raca u odreðenom obimu vrši organizovano i da su mnogi od prosjaka potencijalne ÿrtve prinude na prosjaåenje i visoko izloÿeni riziku vikti- mizacije trgovinom ljudima.

153  IX Pojedinci i kriminalne grupe ukljuåeni u trgovinu ljudima

Prema reåima Dušana Zlokasa, zamenika naåelnika Uprave pogra- niåne policije za strance i upravne poslove Ministarstva unutrašnjih po- slova Republike Srbije, u 2002. godini podneta je 31 kriviåna prijava protiv 47 lica (vlasnika ugostiteljskih objekata i drugih lica), za ukupno 62 kriviåna dela u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima, i to najviše za posredova- nje u vršenju prostitucije (24) i protivpravno lišenje slobode (11). U pr- vih pet meseci 2003. godine podneto je 9 kriviånih prijava protiv 30 lica za izvršena 72 kriviåna dela. Sa druge strane, na teritoriji Beograda su, prema podacima Odeljenja za strance u Upravi pograniåne policije za strance i uprave poslove Sekretarijata unutrašnjih poslova u Beogradu, u prvih šest meseci 2003. godine protiv 17 lica podnete kriviåne prijave za oko 40 kriviånih dela koja imaju veze sa trgovinom ljudima. Do sada je, posebno tokom akcije „Sablja", u Beogradu pritvoreno 20 trgovaca ljudima, a privedeno je i nekoliko pojedinaca iz Jagodine, Novog Pazara i Kraljeva.162 Meðutim, prema reåima jedne ispitanice „oni koji su uhapšeni predstavljaju samo vrh ledenog brega, jer se orga- nizacijom trgovine ÿenama bavi ceo jedan dobro uigran tim meðuna- rodnih razmera, najåešãe pod rukovodstvom samog vrha organizova- nog kriminala". Imajuãi to u vidu, nameãe se pitanje ko su pojedinci i kriminalne grupe koji su ukljuåeni u lanac trgovine ljudima, kakva je njihova orga- nizacija i da li su i na koji naåin povezani sa drugim oblicima organizo- vanog kriminala s jedne, i legalnim akterima sa druge strane. U daljem izlaganju sledi analiza podataka dobijenih istraÿivanjem u vezi sa ovim pitanjima.

IX 1. Pojedinci ukljuåeni u lanac trgovine ljudima

Do podataka o tome ko su pojedinci koji su ukljuåeni u lanac trgo- vine ljudima došlo se kako na osnovu pitanja o konkretnim sluåajevima sa kojima su se ispitanici susreli u praksi, tako i na osnovu njihovih po- srednih saznanja o tome. 162 Prema tekstu „Uhapšena veãina ålanova kriminalnih organizacija", Blic, 25. mart 2003: str. 5.

154  I pored toga što je nekoliko ispitanika reklo da je teško dati gene- ralnu sliku trgovaca ljudima, odnosno da ne postoji tipiåan profil i da to mogu da budu osobe razliåite starosti, nacionalnosti i drÿavljanstva, na osnovu saznanja veãine ispitanika koji su odgovorili na pitanje ko su tr- govci ljudima došlo se do sledeãih podataka: to su mahom muškarci, srednjih godina (izmeðu 30 i 50 godina starosti), drÿavljani Srbije i Crne Gore, vlasnici lokala, barova i drugih ugostiteljskih objekata u kojima su ÿrtve drÿane ili su bile eksploatisane, potom vlasnici transportnih firmi, taksisti i sliåno. Prema reåima nekoliko ispitanika posrednici, odnosno oni koji prebacuju, kupuju i prodaju ÿrtve, jesu uglavnom mlaði ljudi koji obiåno veã imaju kriminalni dosije. Meðutim, u lanac trgovine lju- dima ukljuåeni su i drÿavljani drugih zemalja (posebno kada se radi o regrutovanju ÿrtava u zemlji porekla i njihovom prebacivanju do Srbije i Crne Gore), i to: Rumuni, Albanci, Rusi, Ukrajinci, Moldavci, Bosanci, Bugari, Maðari, Romi, Makedonci, Avganistanci, Turci, ali i drÿavljani zemalja Zapadne i Centralne Evrope: Italijani, Austrijanci, Nemci, Fran- cuzi, Slovaci, Åesi. Meðutim, dobijeni podaci pokazuju da se meðu trgovcima (poseb- no kada se radi o trgovini ÿenama) pojavljuju i ÿene, i to uglavnom kao namamljivaåi jer „kod ÿena ÿrtava izazivaju poverenje", ali i kao poma- gaåi,163 organizatori posla, prebacivanja preko granice, ili, pak, kao oso- be koje obavljaju tehniåki deo posla (obezbeðivanje laÿnih isprava, tra- ÿenje lokacije za smeštaj i sliåno). Kao namamljivaåice se, u sluåaju trgo- vine ÿenama, åesto pojavljuju drugarice, poznanice, ÿene koje su veã bi- le ukljuåene u lanac trgovine, bivše prostitutke. Tako Jelena Tušup, no- vinarka lista „Danas", ima saznanja o „jednoj ÿeni iz Temišvara (Rumu- nija) preko koje je oko 80% trafikovanih ÿena došlo u Srbiju". Ili, kako istiåe Sandra Ljubinkoviã, koordinatorka NVO ASTRA iz Beograda, „po- stoji jedna ÿena u Zemunu koja je namamljivaåica, tamo drÿi kafanu… Policija još uvek nema dovoljno dokaza protiv nje i ona je još na slobo- di". O ÿenama koje su ukljuåene u lanac trgovine jedan ispitanik, pred- stavnik policije, kaÿe:

„Ÿene su uglavnom u ruralnim predelima — one rade kao namamlji- vaåice… Åesto ÿene organizuju prebacivanje preko granice. Rumunke i Moldavke to rade. Nije redak sluåaj i da su braåni parovi umešani u celu priåu. Kod nas, u velikom broju sluåajeva organizatori su oÿenjeni Ru- munkama i Moldavkama koje rade na prebacivanju devojaka."

163 Tako je, prema reåima ispitanika iz Odeljenja za strance u Upravi pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove SUP-a Beograd, bilo sluåajeva u kojima su bake bile pomagaåi.

155  Jedan ispitanik je naveo da je radio na formiranju profila ÿena tr- govaca ljudima, na osnovu kojeg su uhapšene neke ÿene u unutrašnjo- sti upravo zbog trgovine, a koji izgleda ovako: ÿena, bez dece ili bez ÿenske dece, od 38 do 45 godina starosti. U lancu trgovine ÿene imaju i ulogu åuvara u stanovima, kuãama, vikendicama u koje se, pre svega, ÿene ÿrtave trgovine dovode i zadrÿa- vaju dok ne budu prodate dalje. O ulozi ÿena u lancu trgovine ÿenama jedna ispitanica je rekla sledeãe:

„Njih (ÿrtve) tamo vrbuju njihovi. A onda ih povezuju odmah sa na- šim ljudima koji se veã nalaze u Moldaviji i koji se time bave — kao neko ko obezbeðuje posao tim ÿenama. U veãini sluåajeva u svaki od tih prego- vora oko dolaska i odlaska je ukljuåena neka ÿena. Znaåi, to nisu samo muškarci, veã su åesto to neke ÿene kojima te ÿene (ÿrtve) veruju. To je obiåno njihova drugarica ili sestrina drugarica, roðaka i one u veãini slu- åajeva veruju da je to u redu jer tu ÿenu veã poznaju. Ÿene su aktivne u lancu trgovine åak i kada ÿene (ÿrtve) doðu ovde u zemlju, u stanove u Beogradu, koje bih nazvala sabirnim centrima, i gde je po 20 ÿena smešte- no i tu borave dok se ne rasporede po Srbiji. Tu su isto ÿene te koje ih dr- ÿe, koje im prete, koje im ne daju da jedu i sliåno."

U ulozi namamljivaåa, posebno ÿena ÿrtava trgovine, pojavljuju se i braåni parovi (muÿ i ÿena); agencije (za manekene, fotomodele, izbore lepotica, turistiåke agencije), pa åak i sportski klubovi i neke firme, dok su u manjem broju sluåajeva to prijatelji ili poznanici, roðaci, mladiãi, roditelji. Kada se radi o deci kao ÿrtvama trgovine, u ulozi namamljivaåa po- javljuju se roditelji (uglavnom kada se radi o mlaðoj deci i to romske nacionalnosti), potom poznanici/poznanice, mladiãi devojåica od 14 do 18 godina, stranci koje upoznaju u diskotekama, kafiãima ili ispred ško- la, drugarice ili, pak, zaposleni u razliåitim agencijama za manekene, fo- tomodele ili turistiåkim agencijama. Prema saznanjima ispitanika, namamljivaåi su uglavnom drÿavljani zemlje porekla same ÿrtve.164 U ulozi trgovaca muškim migrantima se, prema reåima jednog ispi- tanika iz Novog Pazara, najåešãe pojavljuju „turistiåke agencije, agencije za traÿenje posla u inostranstvu, preduzimaåi graðevinskih radova, ro- ðaci, komšije, poznanici". Interesantno je napomenuti i to da, prema reåima istog ispitanika, „neke od ovih turistiåkih agencija veoma uspe- 164 Više o namamljivaåima ÿena, dece i muškaraca moÿe se naãi u delovima studije koji go- vore o trgovini ÿenama, trgovini decom i trgovini muškarcima iz Srbije, kroz Srbiju i u Srbiju.

156 šno vode ÿene koje su se pokazale kao dobri organizatori krijumåarenja ljudi". Sledeãi u lancu trgovine ljudima su oni koji prebacuju ili prevoze ÿrtve preko granice. To mogu da budu pojedinci, ali i organizacije koje se bave prevozom putnika. Pojedinci koji se angaÿuju za transfer i tran- sport ÿrtava åesto ne znaju za koga rade, ko je sve ukljuåen u lanac tr- govine, a ponekad nisu ni svesni da je u pitanju trgovina ljudima. S tim u vezi jedan ispitanik je naveo sledeãe:

„Mnogo ih je uhapšeno. Meðu njima i Zarubica, koji je radio trgovi- nu ÿenama iz Istoåne Evrope za Italiju. Najviše se ipak hapse vozaåi, oni koji prevoze ÿrtve… Kada uhvate vozaåe, to im (policiji) malo znaåi jer ni oni ne znaju ceo lanac, åesto ne znaju ni za koga rade."

Prema reåima jedne ispitanice, „granica se uglavnom prelazi ilegal- no, i to zapreÿnim kolima, uz pomoã naših drÿavljana, mahom starijih ljudi sa sela koji ne znaju o åemu se zapravo radi, pa za malu novåanu nadoknadu pristaju da ÿene prevezu do Kosova… To obiåno åine noãu, prolazeãi kroz Vlasotince, ali bez zadrÿavanja." Meðutim, u prevoÿenje ÿrtava trgovine ukljuåene su i pojedine putniåke agencije, åiji su vlasnici svesni åinjenice da se radi o ilegalnom prebacivanju, pre svega ÿena, o åemu svedoåe reåi jednog ispitanika, predstavnika policije, iz Beograda:

„Postojala je putniåka agencija koja je radila prevoz putnika iz Jugo- slavije u Italiju. Vlasnik te agencije je dobijao nadoknadu za prebacivanje devojaka. On je znao da one nemaju putne isprave, znao je ko je to sve organizovao, ali je na to pristao zbog nadoknade. Uhapšen je i protiv nje- ga je bila podneta kriviåna prijava, ali je ovo lice sada na slobodi."

Pored toga, postoje i grupe koje se bave prebacivanjem ÿrtava pre- ko granice, što je posebno interesantno kada se radi o muškarcima (mi- grantima). Tako su, prema reåima jednog ispitanika iz Beograda (pred- stavnika policije), „posebno poznate tzv. zajeåarska i vršaåka grupa koje ih (migrante) prebacuju". Na kraju lanca trgovine su oni koji ÿrtve kupuju, eksploatišu, a po- tom prodaju dalje. To su uglavnom vlasnici barova, noãnih klubova, javnih kuãa i drugih ugostiteljskih objekata (posebno kada se radi o tr- govini ÿenama), o åemu svedoåe i neki primeri iz sudske prakse. Ispita- nici iz Šapca naveli su sluåaj iz prakse opštinskog suda iz 2002. godine, u kojem je vlasniku javne kuãe, kome je prodata jedna rumunska drÿa- vljanka, izreåena kazna zatvora u trajanju od jedne godine za kriviåno delo posredovanja u vršenju prostitucije. Ili, u Somboru je vlasnik jed-

157 nog od noãnih barova u kojima su „radile" strane drÿavljanke kaÿnjen kaznom zatvora u trajanju od dve godine i pet meseci za posredovanje u vršenju prostitucije, a ÿena koja mu je pomagala da vodi posao (na- plaãivala usluge od klijenata), na dve godine i šest meseci (kao saizvr- šilac).

IX 2. Organizacija kriminalnih grupa

Trgovina ljudima je višeslojan, kompleksan i dinamiåan društveni fenomen, åija nevidljivost, mobilnost i organizovanost u meðunarodnim razmerama165 poveãavaju stepen ozbiljnosti i opasnosti ove vrste krimi- naliteta. Prema policijskim izveštajima, u Srbiji su se trgovinom ljudima bavile dve ekipe i 22 podvodaåa, pri åemu je Šabac identifikovan kao grad u kojem je postojalo 10 kriminalnih grupa sa 52 ålana i šest pojedi- naca koji su se, pored preprodaje droge i automobila, bavili i trgovi- nom ljudima, saraðujuãi sa grupama iz Beograda, Novog Sada, Loznice, Sremske Mitrovice i Republike Srpske.166 Kakva su saznanja ispitanika u vezi sa naåinom na koji su trgovci ljudima umreÿeni i organizovani, po- kazuju sledeãi podaci. Od ukupnog broja ispitanika (123), njih 60 je dalo odgovor o naåi- nu na koji su trgovci ljudima organizovani i kako su im podeljene ulo- ge i poslovi unutar organizacije. Na osnovu toga, zapaÿa se da su ispita- nici identifikovali tri oblika organizacije: organizacija po principu mre- ÿe; organizacija sa strogom hijerarhijom, odnosno „po principu pirami- de", i ad hoc organizacije. Prema saznanjima pojedinih ispitanika, kriminalne organizacije ko- je su ukljuåene u trgovinu ljudima „funkcionišu po principu mreÿe, ne- ma hijerarhije, nestruktuirani su pa se zato teÿe otkrivaju".167 Neki ispi- tanici, pak, smatraju da se radi o organizacijama kod kojih „nema åvrste organizacije, veã deluju po principu ad hoc poslovne saradnje, od sluåa- ja do sluåaja". Treãu grupu ispitanika åine oni koji su rekli da su trgovci ljudima dobro organizovani, meðusobno povezani, a sama organizacija ima ja- snu, preciznu i sloÿenu strukturu. Naime, radi se o kriminalnim organi- 165 Zamfiresku, D.G. (2001) „Harmonizacija nacionalnih zakonodavstava sa standardima Uni- je u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima", u: Krijumåarenje ljudi — krijumåarenje ÿena i dece, Beograd: Centar za unapreðenje pravnih studija, Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova Rumunije i Centar za pravna pi- tanja: str. 15. 166 Prema: „Mafija u mišijoj rupi", Blic, 15. mart 2003: str. 9; „Razbijene mafijaške organizaci- je u Srbiji", Blic, 22. mart 2003: str. 4. 167 Prema saznanjima prof. dr Dobrivoja Radovanoviãa, direktora Instituta za kriminološka i sociološka istraÿivanja u Beogradu.

158 zacijama sa strogom hijerarhijom i jasno podeljenim poslovima, odno- sno, kako je naveo jedan ispitanik, „funkcionišu po principu piramide". U tom smislu, na åelu organizacije je šef („boss"), koji je glavni or- ganizator posla i ujedno ostvaruje najveãu zaradu, pri åemu su, prema reåima jednog ispitanika iz SUP-a u Somboru, „šefovi uvezani na nivou Istoåne Evrope". Ispod njega su svi ostali koji za njega rade, i to: oni koji vrbuju ÿrtve u zemlji porekla, potom oni koji prevoze i prebacuju ÿrtve (transfer, transport), zatim oni koji biraju ÿrtve, kupuju i prodaju, pregovaraju (sa policijom, sudom i sliåno). Slede oni koji falsifikuju do- kumenta, pozivna pisma, peåate, potpise, odnosno oni koji pribavljaju falsifikovana dokumenta, koji skrivaju ÿrtve i åuvaju ih, da bi na kraju došli oni koji ÿrtve eksploatišu (vlasnici noãnih barova, javnih kuãa i drugih sliånih objekata). O tome reåito govore sledeãi navodi iz odgovo- ra naših ispitanika:

„Svako u lancu ima svoju ulogu i posao. Šefovi drÿe i kontrolišu gru- pu, ugovaraju trgovinu i odluåuju o daljoj sudbini ÿena. U grupi postoje namamljivaåi ÿrtava, oni preuzimaju i dalje transportuju ÿene prema utvr- ðenim kanalima." „Svi uåesnici ovih kriminalnih aktivnosti imaju svoja zaduÿenja. Po- štuje se hijerarhija. Glavni organizator mora imati sve informacije koje se tiåu trgovine, a tamo gde doðe do internih neistina ili laÿi oni bivaju suro- vo kaÿnjavani." „Organizacija lanca trgovine je unutrašnja stvar — taåno se zna ko šta radi, dobro se meðusobno poznaju oni koji rade kod nas, vrlo su spretni, ali kod prebacivanja preko granice se menjaju tako da, na primer, nikada ista osoba iz Rumunije ne kontaktira sa istom osobom iz naše ze- mlje prilikom prebacivanja i saåekivanja… Svako radi svoj deo posla, uzme procenat i ne zanima ga šta se dalje dešava." „Mislim da su trgovci ljudima jako dobro umreÿeni i organizovani — oni se nalaze u lancu sa jasno podeljenim ulogama i pravilima ponašanja i unutar organizacija i izmeðu organizacija. Unutar svake organizacije taå- no se zna ko obavlja posao namamljivanja, transfera, prodaje, kontrole i tako dalje. Izmeðu sebe, organizacije dele 'poslove' po teritorijalnom prin- cipu i imaju razraðene mehanizme rešavanja razliåitih konfliktnih situaci- ja. Lanac trgovine ljudima i saradnja kriminalnih organizacija obavlja se i na transnacionalnom nivou: trgovci ÿenama iz zemalja porekla, tranzita i destinacije su meðusobno povezani." „Što se njihove organizacije tiåe, kada se radi o trgovini ÿenama, po- dela posla izgleda ovako: postoje ljudi koji ih u njihovim zemljama vrbuju (neke i svesno ulaze — zbog prostitucije) da ãe da rade kao šankerice, ko- nobarice, bebisiterke. Onda ima jedan krug ljudi koji im rade falsifikovane papire. Onda prelaze granicu. Kada se, na primer, radi o Moldavkama,

159  one prelaze u Rumuniju, ostaju tamo 2—3 dana, tu ih drugi kupuju od namamljivaåa, a onda ih naši ljudi preuzimaju ili Rumuni organizuju transport do granice i od granice do destinacije… Kada doðu kod nas, or- ganizuju se 'aukcije' — javne prodaje devojaka, i one dalje odlaze na Ko- sovo, u Makedoniju, Maðarsku. Tih javnih prodaja je bilo i u Beogradu. Postoje i sada kampovi gde se sakupljaju devojke i gde se organizuju pro- daje."

Saznanja pojedinih ispitanika govore o tome da su u ovaj „biznis" ponekad ukljuåene cele porodice. Tako jedna ispitanica kaÿe:

„I kod nas i u drugim zemljama cele porodice su ukljuåene u trafi- king. Imala sam jedan sluåaj u Kraljevu, gde su radili ÿena, muÿ i drugi ålanovi porodice, i svako od njih je imao konkretno zaduÿenje."

Nešto sliåno izneo je još jedan ispitanik:

„Oni su dobro organizovani, a negde ima i to da je trgovina ljudima porodiåni biznis — na primer, jedna porodica u Veterniku (ukljuåeni su otac, majka, sin i kãerka); u Sremskoj Mitrovici je pored oca ukljuåen nje- gov sin; u sluåaju lokala 'Mozart' u Leskovcu radila su dva brata i sliåno."

IX 3. Veze trgovine ljudima sa drugim oblicima organizovanog kriminala

O vezama izmeðu trgovine ljudima u Srbiji i drugih formi organi- zovanog kriminala govore sledeãi podaci dobijeni istraÿivanjem. Od ukupnog broja ispitanika (123), njih 69 je odgovorilo na pitanje da li postoje veze izmeðu trgovine ljudima i drugih oblika organizova- nog kriminaliteta, od åega je njih 66 reklo da takva veza postoji, odno- sno da su kriminalne grupe i pojedinci meðusobno povezani i dobro organizovani. O tome prof. dr Ðorðe Ignjatoviã s Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu kaÿe:

„Te veze su sasvim sigurno neposredne. Trgovina ljudima je oblik organizovanog kriminala i ona se mora obavljati korišãenjem kanala, veza i metoda karakteristiånih uopšte za 'poslovanje' u domenu organizovanog kriminala i ilegalnog trÿišta roba i usluga."

Tri ispitanika su izriåito navela da saradnja postoji, ali isto tako i specijalizacija za bavljenje jednim oblikom organizovanog kriminaliteta, tako da kriminalne grupe ne zalaze jedni drugima u interesne sfere.

160 Dva ispitanika nemaju saznanja o postojanju ovakvih veza, dok je je- dan ispitanik naveo da ipak smatra da direktne veze izmeðu trgovine ljudima i drugih formi organizovanog kriminala ne postoje. Dobijeni podaci pokazuju da je trgovina ljudima povezana sa trgo- vinom narkoticima (30 ispitanika), oruÿjem (15), kradenim vozilima (9), potom prostitucijom (5), falsifikovanjem dokumenata (3), trgovinom ci- garetama (3), krijumåarenjem ljudi (2), trgovinom organima i sa ratnim zloåinima (po jedan ispitanik). Najveãi broj ispitanika koji su dali odgovor na postavljeno pitanje smatra da je trgovina ljudima povezana sa trgovinom narkoticima (30 ispitanika). Naime, kako je naveo Dušan Zlokas, zamenik naåelnika Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove MUP-a RS, „u Evropi su u samom vrhu 'biznisa' terorizam, trgovina drogom i trgovi- na ljudima". O ovoj vezi jedan ispitanik kaÿe:

„Svakako postoje veze izmeðu trgovine ljudima i drugih vrsta orga- nizovanog kriminala, recimo trgovinom drogom. Ÿene koje se trafikuju (domaãe i strane) iz Srbije (obiåno putuju avionom) poleãu sa Suråina sa 'poklonom za taštu', pola ili kilogramom kokaina za taštu u Bolonji, jer je- dan od ovdašnjih bosova za trgovinu ljudima ima tasta i taštu u Bolonji."

Ispitanici su ukazali i na vezu izmeðu trgovine ljudima i trgovine oruÿjem (njih 15 je navelo postojanje ove veze).

„Postoje veze izmeðu trgovine ljudima i trgovine drogom i oruÿjem. Naime, nekada je lakše trgovati oruÿjem ili drogom nego åovekom koji ni- je mali, treba ga sakriti, prebaciti preko granice, ali sa druge strane policija više paÿnje obrati na drogu/oruÿje, pa moÿe da se desi da je lakše trgovati ljudima."

Pored toga, jedan broj njih smatra da je ovaj oblik organizovanog kriminaliteta povezan sa trgovinom kradenim vozilima, prostitucijom, falsifikovanjem dokumenata, trgovinom cigaretama, krijumåarenjem lju- di, trgovinom organima ili sa ratnim zloåinima. O nekim od ovih veza govori i Brankica Grupkoviã, savetnica mini- stra unutrašnjih poslova Republike Srbije za meðunarodnu saradnju:

„Naša iskustva, nakon ubistva premijera Ðinðiãa, pokazuju da su kri- minalci povezani, finansirani iz jednog izvora i da sve to ima politiåku di- menziju. Ratni zloåini i organizovani kriminal su jedno te isto, odnosno radili su ih isti ljudi. Na to ukazuje i londonska izjava od prošle godine u kojoj su definisane najvaÿnije vrste organizovanog kriminala. U našem re- gionu to je trgovina ljudima, pa tek onda trgovina drogom i oruÿjem. Tu

161  je pokazano i kako je to sve povezano sa ratnim zloåinima i kako se na taj naåin kriminalcima daje patriotska dimenzija, a oni su, ustvari, samo åu- vali svoje trÿište."

Meðutim, o povezanosti pojedinaca i grupa koji se bave razliåitim oblicima organizovanog kriminaliteta govore i saznanja pojedinih ispita- nika o tome da se tu radi o istim ljudima ili o ljudima koji su se prvo bavili trgovinom drogom, oruÿjem ili kradenim automobilima, pa su prešli na trgovinu ljudima. To se uglavnom objašnjava time da je trgo- vina ljudima „unosniji posao", tj. da donosi veãu zaradu uz manji rizik. O tome ispitanik iz Odseka pograniåne policije za strance i upravne po- slove SUP-a Zajeåar kaÿe:

„Uglavnom se radi o ljudima koji su ranije bili ukljuåeni u neki oblik organizovanog kriminala — trgovinu kradenim automobilima ili drogom, pa su se zbog veãe zarade i manjeg rizika 'prebacili' na drugu 'delatnost'."

Dušan Zlokas, zamenik naåelnika Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove MUP-a RS, ovu vrstu veze objašnjava na sle- deãi naåin:

„Ova veza sigurno postoji ako je zarada tako velika, jer jedna devoj- ka meseåno moÿe da donese oko 10.000 EUR, bordel oko 100.000 EUR, a rizik je mali: devojke se plaše, u drugoj su drÿavi, plaše ih makroi, trafike- ri, i to policijom (u smislu da ãe biti zatvorene). U pitanju je kriminalna delatnost koja donosi najveãu zaradu uz najmanji rizik. Obiåno se i novac od trgovine drogom i oruÿjem sliva u ovu delatnost, s tim što o tome ne- ma puno dokaza kod nas."

S tim u vezi, interesantni su navodi jednog ispitanika koji kaÿe da „na podruåju Golupca ima onih koji su se specijalizovali prevozeãi ro- bu, naftu, cigare, a isto je i prema Bosni, tako da tu veã postoji infra- struktura za krijumåarenje i trgovinu ljudima". Ili, kako istiåe jedan predstavnik policije:

„Krug ljudi koji koristi granicu za prebacivanje ljudi 'radi' i oruÿje. Grupa prema Rumuniji, na rumunskoj granici, 'radi' u pravcu Rumunije drogu i cigare, a prema Srbiji ljude. To su kriminalci koji rade na granici i rade sve što, kako oni kaÿu, 'ide', znaåi sve što je profitabilno a zabranje- no. Teroristi takoðe koriste ove kanale. Trgovina ljudima je unosnija od ostalih oblika organizovanog kriminala: manji je rizik, dobra zarada, orga- nizatori åesto nisu direktno ukljuåeni, teško se dokazuje, imaju svoje cari- nike ili policajce, znaåi rizik je zaista minimalan."

162  IX 4. Veze trgovine ljudima sa legalnim akterima

Trgovina ljudima predstavlja oblik organizovanog kriminaliteta, ko- jeg, posebno u savremenom društvu, karakterišu „profesionalizacija, flek- sibilnost i oslanjanje na osobe van organizacije (biznismene, politiåare i birokrate)".168 Tako je na pitanje da li postoje veze izmeðu trgovine lju- dima u Srbiji i legalnih aktera, od 64 ispitanika koji su dali odgovor (od ukupno 123), njih 52 reklo da ta veza postoji. Pri tome su neki ispitanici odgovorili da takva veza sigurno postoji jer bez nje trgovina ljudima ne bi ni mogla da se odvija (posebno ne u ovakvom obimu), dok neki sma- traju da ta veza verovatno postoji, ali nemaju neposredna iskustva sa tim ili su, pak, mišljenja da je teško proceniti njihovu dimenziju. Dva is- pitanika su rekla da takva veza ne postoji, dok je njih 10 navelo da ne- maju konkretna saznanja o postojanju ovakve veze. Saznanja ispitanika pokazuju da veze i saradnja postoje kako sa dr- ÿavnim strukturama, tj. odreðenim drÿavnim organima, tako i sa dru- gim legalnim akterima. Kada je u pitanju veza sa drÿavnim organima, najåešãe je navoðe- na povezanost trgovaca ljudima sa policijom, o åemu svedoåi sledeãi primer:169

„Najstrašnije je to što se lokal nalazio 50 metara od stanice policije i što su policajci i sami uåestvovali u prevozu devojaka do punktova na ko- jima se vršila prodaja devojaka zainteresovanim gazdama iz drugih gra- dova Srbije, sa Kosova i iz Albanije. Policija nije uåestvovala u njihovom transportu, to su obavljali vlasnici lokala, ali bi to bilo praktiåno nemoguãe bez sprege sa policijom, oni su obezbeðivali 'sigurnost posla' jer se trgovi- na obavljala upravo pokraj policijskih punktova."

Vesna Stanojeviã, koordinatorka Savetovališta protiv nasilja u poro- dici i Skloništa za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine, kao jedan od razloga neotkriva- nja trgovaca ljudima navodi upravo saradnju koja je postojala sa polici- jom, opisujuãi je na sledeãi naåin:

„Sluåajevi trgovine ÿenama koje dolaze u Sklonište se otkrivaju is- kljuåivo putem racija. Meðutim, prepreka takvom naåinu otkrivanja, pre- ma priåama devojaka, pre akcije 'Sablja' bilo je postojanje doušnika u po-

168 Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V. (2003) „Trgovina ljudima i organizovani kriminalitet: odreðenje osnovnih pojmova i metode prikupljanja podataka", u: Nikoliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S., Mihiã, B. (2003) Trgovina ljudima: pojam, karakteristike i pravna regulativa. Beograd: Institut za kriminološka i so- ciološka istraÿivanja [neobjavljeno: str. 5]. 169 Takoðe, videti i primere u delu „Naåin funkcionisanja i ocena mehanizama delovanja vladinih, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima".

163  liciji koji su javljali trafikerima da ãe biti racija, tako da su ih oni sklanjali, obiåno negde na selo, i vraãali ih kada proðe opasnost."

Potom su tu veze sa carinom, pa tako jedna ispitanica kaÿe:

„Prvo je veza sa pograniånim organima, bilo policijom ili carinom, jer ni prelasci nisu samo nelegalni. Moguãe je prelaziti samo u odreðeno vre- me, kada su odreðeni carinici prisutni…"

Slede veze sa razliåitim agencijama, na primer za nepokretnosti, fo- tomodele, manekene, sa turistiåkim agencijama, potom sa sportskim klubovima, estradom, folklornim ansamblima, prevoznicima i sliåno, pre- ko kojih se uglavnom ÿene vrbuju, odnosno preko kojih se obezbeðuju razliåiti papiri, potvrde i drugo (vauåeri, pozivna pisma i sliåno) i oba- vlja prevoz do odreðene destinacije. Jedan primer veza sa legalnim strukturama navodi prof. dr Dobrivoje Radovanoviã, direktor Instituta za kriminološka i sociološka istraÿivaja u Beogradu:

„Legalni biznisi koji su u vezi sa trgovinom imaju nekoliko nivoa: vlasnici motela koji su krajnji kupci ÿena pokušavaju da to legalizuju tako što imaju restorane u kojima zapošljavaju ÿene kao spremaåice, konobari- ce i one su tada pod uÿasnom kontrolom."

Dok je tu vezu jedan drugi ispitanik opisao na sledeãi naåin:

„Kao prvo, ÿene mogu legalno da uðu u našu zemlju, da borave u njoj. Na primer, dolazi kod svoje sestre koja je udata za našeg drÿavljani- na, koji je ujedno i vlasnik ugostiteljskog objekta. Tu je teško dokazati da postoji prostitucija, trgovina i sliåno zbog prikrivanja legalnim aktivnosti- ma. Potom, postoji korupcija, podmiãivanje svakog koga treba od strane kriminalne organizacije: na primer, u policiji radi izdavanja pasoša, pri dobijanju vize, da se dobije sluÿbeni pasoš… Potom na graniånim prelazi- ma, pa korupcija prevoznika — angaÿovanje prevoznika koji imaju redov- ne linije kako bi se prevoz lakše organizovao i granica lakše prešla…"

Vrlo je ilustrativan i primer iz prakse Odseka pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove Sekretarijata unutrašnjih poslova u Subotici, koji govori o vezi trgovaca ÿenama sa radnicima na ÿeleznici:

„Policija je u kuãi åekala gazdaricu, ali dok su je åekali pojavio se je- dan åovek, ÿelezniåar, a potom i drugi, pa ih je policija zadrÿala. Kada je došla i gazdarica, sve su ih priveli u SUP. Ÿelezniåari su imali zadatak da devojke smeste u prazan teretni vagon kako bi izbegle carinsku i pasošku

164  kontrolu. Naime, kako su ti ÿelezniåari bili zaduÿeni za kontrolisanje va- gona, znali su kada dolazi i prolazi kontrola (koristili su i mobilne telefo- ne), i smeštali su devojke u takav vagon. Trebalo je da se prebace u Ma- ðarsku, gde je trebalo da ih saåeka maðarski radnik na ÿeleznici i da ih dalje prebaci. Po istom principu se radilo i iz pravca Maðarske prema SiCG. Inaåe, ova grupa iz Subotice (ÿena i dva ÿelezniåara) prebacila je preko 30 devojaka po istom principu, a postojao je još jedan naš drÿavlja- nin koji je devojke saåekivao kada su dolazile iz Maðarske i vozio ih je u Beograd."

IX 5. Zakljuåak

Trgovinu ljudima, kao oblik organizovanog kriminaliteta, karakteri- še åitav niz razliåitih modaliteta ponašanja, naåina izvršenja, aktera i ci- ljeva, što u velikoj meri potvrðuju i rezultati istraÿivanja trgovine ljudi- ma u Srbiji. U lanac trgovine ljudima ukljuåen je veliki broj pojedinaca koji, unutar kriminalne organizacije, imaju odreðene poslove i zadatke: po- åev od organizatora (šefa koji organizuje 'posao'), preko posrednika koji su zaduÿeni za odreðene poslove u fazi namamljivanja, transporta i transfera ÿrtava, do eksploatatora, tj. vlasnika barova, noãnih klubova, firmi, hotela i sl. u koje ÿrtve dospevaju i gde bivaju eskploatisane.170 U svojstvu trgovaca ljudima u Srbiji pojavljuju se mahom muškarci srednjih godina, naši drÿavljani, ali, ne tako retko, u ovaj 'posao' ulaze i ÿene, najåešãe kao namamljivaåi, i to u sluåajevima trgovine ÿenama. Pored toga, u trgovinu ljudima ukljuåene su i razliåite agencije: turistiå- ke agencije, agencije za zapošljavanje, za izbore lepotica, za fotomodele, manekene, ali i sportski klubovi, neke firme i sliåno. Organizacija grupa koje se bave trgovinom ljudima je, prema sa- znanjima ispitanika, trojaka: po principu mreÿe, po principu piramide, tj. sa strogom hijerarhijom i jasno podeljenim i definisanim poslovima, i kao ad hoc organizacija.

170 Poreðenja radi, na ovom mestu bi trebalo ukazati na tipologiju uåesnika u lancu trgovine ljudima, sadrÿanu u jednoj hrvatskoj studiji. Prema njoj, prvu i glavnu grupu åine organizatori koji pripadaju organizovanoj kriminalnoj mreÿi. Potom dolaze posrednici koji rade na taåno odreðenim lokacijama i koji su odgovorni za vrbovanje, transport i prodaju ÿena, pri åemu se pojedini zadaci sa ovog nivoa daju odreðenim pojedincima. Sledeãi nivo åine menadÿeri, odnosno vlasnici barova, noãnih klubova, hotela, bordela, makroi. I na kraju dolaze pomoãnici, tj. pojedinci koji su na odre- ðenim poloÿajima u vladi, administrativnim sluÿbama ili organima gonjenja, a koji obezbeðuju in- formacije i/ili legalna dokumenta za novac i mogu da intervenišu na mnogo naåina kako bi zaštitili interese drugih uåesnika u lancu (na primer, da obustave kriviåni postupak, da „izgube" dokaze i sliåno). Videti Stulhofer, A., Raboteg-Šariã, Z. (2002) Sex Trafficking in Croatia: An Assessment Stud. Geneva: IOM, prema Kelly, L. (2002) op. cit., str. 43.

165  Trgovina ljudima je tesno povezana sa drugim oblicima organizo- vanog kriminaliteta, posebno sa trgovinom narkoticima i oruÿjem. Ove veze mogu se objasniti time da se za trgovinu ljudima koriste isti kanali, metode i veze kao i u sluåaju drugih formi organizovanog kriminala, odnosno ilegalnih trÿišta roba i usluga. Sa druge strane, iz odgovora is- pitanika proizilazi da se trgovinom ljudima bave isti ljudi, odnosno lju- di koji su se ranije bavili trgovinom drogama ili oruÿjem pa su se „pre- bacili" na profitabilniju delatnost koja nosi manji rizik, što takoðe obja- šnjava postojanje veze sa drugim formama organizovanog kriminala na našim prostorima. Meðutim, da bi trgovina ljudima, kao oblik organizovanog krimina- la, opstala na odreðenom prostoru, neophodna je odgovarajuãa potpora u legalnim društvenim i drÿavnim strukturama, a prema saznanjima anketiranih profesionalaca, takve veze u Srbiji postoje. Tako su kao 'po- moãnici',171 odnosno pojedinci iz drÿavnih struktura ili drugi legalni ak- teri sa kojima su trgovci ljudima povezani, identifikovani: policajci, cari- nici, razliåite agencije (za nepokretnosti, manekene, fotomodele), turi- stiåke agencije, prevoznici, estrada, sportski klubovi, neke firme i sliåno.

171 Pomoãnici u smislu prethodno iznete tipologije lica ukljuåenih u lanac trgovine ljudima, koja je sadrÿana u hrvatskoj studiji.

166  X Naåin funkcionisanja i ocena mehanizama delovanja vladinih, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima

Mehanizmi delovanja drÿavnih organa, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija analizirani su na osnovu odgovora ispitanika na direktna pitanja u vezi sa tim, na osnovu primera dobre i loše prakse koje su na- veli, kao i na osnovu analize odgovora dobijenih iz intervjua u celini.

X 1. Mehanizmi delovanja drÿavnih organa

Analiza delovanja drÿavnih organa u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima odnosi se na rad policije, pravosudnih organa i centara za socijalni rad, i to vezano za otkrivanje, dokazivanje, zaštitu i reintegraciju ÿrtava.

X 1.1. Delovanje policije u otkrivanju i prikupljanju dokaza o trgovini ljudima

Analiza odgovora dobijenih intervjuima sa struånjacima i predstav- nicima nevladinih organizacija ukazuje da su u delovanju policije u pravcu otkrivanja trgovine ljudima prisutni kako reaktivni tako i proak- tivni pristup, pri åemu se uoåava da je u poslednje vreme, posebno to- kom 2003. godine, proaktivni pristup izgleda postao preovlaðujuãi. Ta- koðe, iz analize ukupno dobijenih odgovora proizilazi i promena u pravcu tretiranja ÿrtava trgovine ljudima u skladu sa zaštitom njihovih ljudskih prava. To znaåi da se ÿrtve sve åešãe tretiraju kao ÿrtve a ne kao, kako je ranije bila preovlaðujuãa praksa, izvršioci prekršaja iz Za- kona o javnom redu i miru (prostitucija), Zakona o kretanju i boravku stranaca (nedozvoljeni boravak) i Zakona o radnim odnosima (rad „na crno"). Proaktivni pristup podrazumeva inicijativu od strane policije, koja se ogleda u operativnom radu na prikupljanju informacija i reagovanju po osnovu tih informacija putem kontrole objekata za koje postoji sum- nja da se u njima vrši kriviåno delo trgovine ljudima, putem hapšenje izvršilaca, hapšenja i/ili oslobaðanje ÿrtava, zatvaranja barova i drugih lokala, u pojaåanoj kontroli granice, odnosno lica koja prelaze granicu, posebno dece, bez obzira da li putuju sama ili u pratnji odraslih i sl.

167 Proaktivni pristup podrazumeva i druge oblike aktivnog delovanja poli- cije u pravcu otkrivanja ovog kriviånog dela, kao što su, na primer: po- zivanje agencija za poslovnu pratnju, predstavljanje kao da su klijenti i zakazivanje sastanka da bi se izaberala devojka i sl. Pored proaktivnog, policija koristi i reaktivni pristup, koji se sastoji u reagovanju na osnovu prijava ÿrtava, prijava graðana, nota stranih ambasada i sl. Ovaj pristup je dugo vremena bio osnovni pristup u ot- krivanju trgovine ljudima i kao takav nije uzimao u obzir specifiånosti ovog oblika kriminaliteta, koje se pre svega ogledaju u izuzetno teškoj i nezaštiãenoj poziciji ÿrtve, ali i lica bliskih njoj i drugih graðana, pa ta- ko i u izuzetno niskom nivou njegovog prijavljivanja. Delimiåno i zbog dominantnosti takvog pristupa, u Srbiji je broj identifikovanih sluåajeva trgovine ljudima dugo vremena bio izuzetno nizak. Ipak, sudeãi prema odgovorima ispitanika, ima se utisak da i dalje jedan broj struånjaka ne uoåava neophodnost proaktivnog pristupa u otkrivanju trgovine ljudi- ma, s obzirom da smatra da je neprijavljivanje trgovine ljudima od stra- ne ÿrtava osnovni problem u vezi sa otkrivanjem. Prema saznanjima ispitanika, tokom 2002. i 2003. godine došlo je do pokretanja kriviånih postupaka u 10 mesta, odnosno u veãini onih koja su bila obuhvaãena istraÿivanjem, i to: Subotici, Somboru, Šapcu, Beogradu, Mladenovcu, Poÿarevcu, Kraljevu, Nišu, Leskovcu i Novom Pazaru. Kriviåni postupci su pokrenuti mahom protiv vlasnika barova, konobara zaposlenih u njima, ÿena koje su pomagale vlasnicima barova u kupovanju ÿena ili u naplaãivanju usluga, kao i protiv lica koja su po- magala ili organizovala transfer ÿrtava. S obzirom da su otkriveni pre stupanja na snagu izmena Kriviånog zakona RS iz aprila 2003. godine, u najveãem broju sluåajeva ovim licima se na teret stavljaju sledeãa kriviå- na dela: posredovanje u vršenju prostitucije (ålan 251 Osnovnog kriviå- nog zakona), protivpravno lišenje slobode (ålan 63 KZ RS), falsifikova- nje isprave (ålan 233 KZ RS), nedozvoljen prelaz drÿavne granice (ålan 249 Osnovnog kriviånog zakona), silovanje (ålan 103 KZ RS) i sl. U slu- åajevima u kojima je došlo do osude, izreåene sankcije se kreãu od uslovne osude do dve godine i šest meseci zatvora, pri åemu je proseå- na izreåena kazna zatvora oko jedne godine. Na promenu pristupa policije u otkrivanju trgovine ljudima po svoj prilici je uticala njena edukacija u tom pravcu, kao i u pravcu pre- poznavanja ÿrtava, ali i promene zakona i ukljuåivanje policije u regio- nalne akcije usmerene na otkrivanje trgovine ljudima. Prema podacima Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije koje nam je iznela Sandra Sli- jepåeviã, 61% ÿrtava trgovine ljudima oslobodila je policija, 8% klijenti, njih 4% uspelo je da pobegne, dok su ostale oslobodili prijatelji. Kada je u pitanju promena u pogledu tretiranja ÿrtava, ona se, pre svega, ogleda u njihovom kaÿnjavanju novåanim umesto zatvorskim

168 kaznama ili u potpunom odsustvu kaÿnjavanja i omoguãavanju privre- menog boravka, odnosno odlaganju deportacije. Takoðe, uoåava se i tendencija liberalnijeg odnosa prema ÿrtvama krijumåarenja, kojima se umesto kriviånih izriåu prekršajne sankcije. Meðutim, iako postoji trend ka sve åešãem postupanju na ovaj naåin, izgleda da još uvek ima dosta sluåajeva prekršajnog kaÿnjavanja ÿrtava koje najpre odlaze na izdrÿa- vanje kazne zatvora, a tek zatim u Sklonište, odnosno u svoje zemlje. Odgovori pojedinih ispitanika ukazuju na apsurdnu situaciju da u nekim sluåajevima ÿrtve bivaju kaÿnjene za prostituciju sa 15 dana za- tvora, a gazda na mesec dana zatvora, takoðe za prekršaj (iz Zakona o javnom redu i miru ili Zakona o radnim odnosima). Oåigledna neujed- naåenost u postupanju kako policije tako i prekršajnih organa ukazuje na odsustvo sistemskih rešenja i neravnopravan poloÿaj ÿrtava, koji åe- sto zavisi od toga gde su se zatekle ili ko ih je otkrio i sl. Oåigledno je da odsustvo jasnih zakonskih rešenja, kojima bi bila iskljuåena prekršaj- na odgovornost ÿrtava trgovine, i kojima bi im bio garantovan privre- meni boravak radi uåešãa u kriviånom postupku i iz humanitarnih raz- loga, utiåe na opstajanje loše prakse, odnosno neujednaåenosti u postu- panju drÿavnih organa. Pored toga, uoåeno je da još uvek ima dosta barova i drugih lokala u kojima ima ÿrtava trgovine, kao i da u sluåajevima u kojima je došlo do zatvaranja lokala nije sigurno da je eksploatacija ÿrtava prestala. Više ispitanika je izrazilo sumnju ili imalo saznanje da je seksualna eksploa- tacija ÿrtava samo postala prikrivenija, odnosno da je preseljena u unu- trašnjost, pre svega u sela, a u gradovima u stanove i na periferiju. Po- stavilo se i pitanje šta se desilo sa ÿrtvama nakon zatvaranja veãeg broja barova u Srbiji, jer je priliv ÿrtava u Sklonište za ÿrtve trgovine drastiå- no smanjen od uvoðenja vanrednog stanja i zapoåinjanja akcije „Sa- blja". Jedan ispitanik, predstavnik policije, smatrao je da je razlog tome što su ÿrtve ranije osloboðene, odnosno da pri hapšenju izvršilaca nisu naðene ÿrtve. Drugo moguãe objašnjenje, koje su dali neki drugi ispita- nici, jeste da su izvršioci bili brÿi od policije i da su na vreme sklonili ÿr- tve u stanove, na selo i sl. Uprkos jasnom pozitivnom trendu u pravcu veãeg otkrivanja trgo- vine ljudima u Srbiji, na osnovu odgovora naših ispitanika identifiko- van je åitav niz problema koji predstavljaju prepreku veãoj efikasnosti u otkrivanju i dokazivanju. Identifikovani problemi se mogu svrstati u åetiri grupe i to: materi- jalni, kadrovski i organizacioni problemi; problemi koji proistiåu iz same prirode ovog oblika kriminaliteta; širi društveni (sistemski) i regionalni problemi i problemi u vezi sa prijavljivanjem.

169 Tabela br. 1. Problemi u otkrivanju trgovine ljudima u Srbiji

Materijalni, kadrovski Problemi koji Sistemski i Problemi vezani i organizacioni proistiåu iz prirode regionalni za prijavljivanje problemi policije trgovine ljudima problemi Neadekvatna Visok nivo Politiåki pritisci Neprijavljivanje materijalno-tehniåka organizovanosti i od strane ÿrtava i Teškoãe u opremljenost mobilnosti graðana kontrolisanju izvršilaca Mali broj ljudi graniånih Spreåavanje ljudi Problem da se prelaza iz nevladinih Odsustvo doðe do prvog organizacija da specijalizovanih Zakonska åoveka u lancu objave informacije jedinica ograniåenja koje bi pomogle u Dobra maskiranost Loš materijalni razotkrivanju ovog kriminaliteta/ poloÿaj policije izvršilaca prividna legalnost Korupcija Povezanost policije, carine i zaposlenih u drugim drÿavnim institucijama sa trgovcima ljudima Neznanje i predrasude o ÿrtvama Nedovoljna meðunarodna saradnja u otkrivanju Odsustvo iskustva u primeni specijalnih istraÿnih tehnika i njihovom korišãenju kao dokaza

Kao što se vidi iz prethodne tabele, najveãi broj identifikovanih problema u vezi sa otkrivanjem trgovine ljudima u Srbiji proistiåe iz problema vezanih za funkcionisanje drÿavnih organa, posebno policije. Takoðe, oåigledno je da se, sudeãi prema odgovorima ispitanika, najveãi deo problema u funkcionisanju policije odnosi na probleme unutrašnje organizacije i kontrole, kao i na materijalne i kadrovske probleme. Spo- ljašnji problemi, posebno oni koji se odnose na prirodu samog kriviå- nog dela i neprijavljivanje, u daleko manjoj meri su zastupljeni u odgo- vorima ispitanika. Meðu odgovorima ispitanika koji su ukazali na probleme u otkriva- nju trgovine ljudima, najviše su zastupljeni oni koji se odnose na slabu materijalno-tehniåku opremljenost policije, na teškoãe u kontrolisanju

170 granice, i, posebno, na povezanost policije sa kriminalcima i politiåke pritiske na policiju. Isticano je da je neadekvatna materijalno-tehniåka opremljenost policije u neskladu sa dobrom tehniåkom opremljenošãu kriminalaca, dok je loš materijalni poloÿaj policije doveden u neposrednu vezu sa njenom podloÿnošãu korupciji. Posebno je ukazano na probleme u kon- trolisanju granica prema Rumuniji i Maðarskoj, koje se slabije åuvaju nego ranije. Osim toga, od strane pripadnika policije kao na veliki pro- blem ukazano je i na teškoãe u kontrolisanju graniånih prelaza prema Kosovu koje obezbeðuje UNMIK (Ðeneral Jankoviã i aerodrom Prišti- na),172 gde se ulazi bez vize i ulaznog peåata. Više ispitanika, meðu kojima je i znatan broj pripadnika policije, ukazao je na povezanost trgovaca ljudima sa policijom, carinom i zapo- slenima u drugim drÿavnim institucijama, zatim i na politiåke pritiske kao na najznaåajnije prepreke u otkrivanju. Kada su u pitanju politiåki pritisci na policiju, uoåene su dve grupe odgovora. Prvu grupu åine od- govori ispitanika koji su ukazivali na pritiske i zaštitniåki odnos prema trgovcima ljudima što su imali pripadnici bivše vlasti, dok su u drugoj grupi oni koji su ukazivali na opstrukcije pripadnika sadašnje vlasti. Ka- da je ovo poslednje u pitanju, uglavnom je pominjan uticaj lokalnih po- litiåkih moãnika koji spreåavaju otkrivanje i hapšenje izvršilaca. Ovde je vaÿno istaãi da su na ove probleme, pored ostalih, ukazivali i sami pri- padnici policije, istovremeno izraÿavajuãi nezadovoljstvo što su, uprkos naporima koje oni liåno ulaÿu, rezultati åesto mali ili nikakvi. Sledeãi citati173 odgovora ispitanika predstavljaju dobru ilustraciju prethodnih izlaganja:

„Prepreka i opstrukcija je zaista mnogo. Nema ni uslova ni sredstava za rad. Koristimo jedan automobil. Nemamo dovoljno sredstava za vezu. Nas petoro koristi onaj jedan ishabani auto. Åim uðemo u susedno mesto, oni radi kojih idemo bivaju obavešteni da smo prošli. Oåekujemo bolje uslove i sredstva. Ima i dalje nedodirljivih i u novoj vlasti. Zbog nekih sam i sada morao da pišem izveštaje i da se pravdam zbog uznemira- vanja." „Protiv vlasnika su podnošene prijave, ali su oni opstajali zbog celo- kupnog sistema drÿavne intervencije, tj. funkcionisanja same drÿave. Svi ti ljudi, tj. 'bosovi' pokušavali su da se pribliÿe policiji, da se sa njima cen- kaju. Devojke su u ovim sluåajevima, prilikom racija, odvoðene kod sudi- je za prekršaje i davali su im policijske otkaze boravka u našoj drÿavi."

172 Ukazano je i na ranije postojeãi problem sa prelazom Mehov Krš, koji je rešen nakon potpisivanja sporazuma sa Crnom Gorom. 173 O tome videti, takoðe, i citate na str. 128 i 151.

171  „Problem je što pograniåna mesta imaju svoje stanice policije. U tim stanicama je, naÿalost, veliki broj pripadnika policije koji su direktno uklju- åeni u celu priåu — bilo da van radnog vremena voze vozila kojima se ÿr- tve prebacuju, pa kada ih policija zaustavi, oni se predstave kao kolege i niko ih ne pita koga voze, bilo da direktno upozoravaju uåinioce kada sa- znaju da ãe biti neka akcija policije. Teško je kretati se u pograniånom po- jasu i biti neprimeãen — dovoljno je da se pojavi neko novo lice, bilo da je u civilu bilo u uniformi, to je dovoljan razlog za uzbunu i da se odusta- ne od planirane akcije prebacivanja." „Veliki problem je i problem korupcije na graniånim prelazima.(ma- da se situacija promenila nabolje od 5.oktobra). Moje iskustvo je da ko- rupcija ide uvek od nivoa šefova smena, koji imaju moã da daju uputstva zaposlenima da propuste odreðena vozila. Ovaj problem se moÿe prevla- dati dobrim obaveštajnim radom (primer BIA koja je otkrila lanac paki- stanskih drÿavljana i naših ljudi koji su prevozili migrante). Pored toga, jedno od rešenja treba da bude i obavezna prijava prihoda svih zaposle- nih u drÿavnim institucijama." „Najveãi problem je što svaki organizator trgovine ima svog åoveka, carinika i/ili policajca koji pušta devojke tokom njihove smene. Devojke iz straha neãe o tome da priåaju." „Osuðeni moÿe izaãi i posle dve godine, a da za to vreme i dalje upravlja delom trgovine iz zatvora."

Uz sistemske, materijalne i unutrašnje probleme policije, kao zna- åajni problemi istaknuti su i problemi vezani za sloÿenost i izuzetnu mobilnost i prilagodljivost izvršilaca ove vrste kriminaliteta. U tom po- gledu, posebno je ukazano na problem da se doðe do prvog åoveka u lancu, pošto niti ÿrtva niti oni koji su na kraju lanca (namamljivaåi, vo- zaåi i sl.), a koje je lakše uhapsiti, åesto ne znaju ko je on. Pored toga, okolnost da se radi o kriminalitetu koji je dobro maskiran prividom le- galnosti, kao i ograniåena ovlašãenja policije u pogledu ulaska u prosto- rije u kojima se nalaze ÿrtve i åesto nedobijanje odobrenja od sudija za to,174 uoåeni su kao znaåajne prepreke efikasnijem otkrivanju. S tim u vezi jedan ispitanik je primetio:

„Problem je da se saznaju imena lica koja su uåestvovala u trgovini ili adresa posrednika, trgovca. Imena namamljivaåa su poznata, ali nam to ne pomaÿe. Bilo je sluåajeva da su ÿene navele ime agencije koja ih je an- gaÿovala i mi smo pokušali da joj uðemo u trag, ali se ispostavilo da na toj adresi takva agencija ne postoji."

174 Prema iskazima ispitanika, u tom pogledu je situacija bi bila povoljnija za vreme akcije „Sablja" jer tada policiji nije bio potreban nalog da bi ušla u prostorije u kojima su drÿane ÿrtve.

172  Više ispitanika je kao prepreku u ranijem periodu isticalo i nedo- statak odgovarajuãih zakonskih odredbi, jer su bili prinuðeni da trgovi- nu kvalifikuju kao zasnivanje ropskog odnosa i posredovanje u vršenju prostitucije, što je bilo izuzetno teško dokazati. Oni su, takoðe, istakli da im odredbe ålana 111b Kriviånog zakona Srbije, kojim je predviðeno kriviåno delo trgovine ljudima, „daju moguãnost za rad".

X 1.2. Mehanizmi delovanja drugih drÿavnih organa, posebno drÿavnih tuÿilaštava i sudova

U pogledu delovanja drÿavnih tuÿilaštava i sudova, odgovori ispi- tanika ukazuju na nekoliko kljuånih problema koji doprinose neefika- snosti u kriviånom gonjenju i kaÿnjavanju izvršilaca na jednoj, i retrau- matizaciji ÿrtava na drugoj strani. Najvaÿniji identifikovani problemi ve- zani su za:

— sporost, dugo trajanje i neefikasnost kriviånog postupka, — nedostatak dokaza, — korupciju, — odsustvo odgovarajuãe zaštite svedoka u kriviånom postupku, — slabu poziciju ÿrtve u kriviånom postupku uopšte i jaåanje za- štite prava okrivljenog na raåun prava ÿrtve, — odsustvo saradnje i koordinacije izmeðu policije i tuÿilaštva u prikupljanju dokaza, — neznanje i predrasude o ÿrtvama, — nedosuðivanje naknade štete ÿrtvi, — neupuãenost u moguãnosti pruÿanja pomoãi i podrške ÿrtvama od strane nevladinih organizacija, — odsustvo jasno izraÿene volje da se problem rešava.

Moguãnosti beskrajnog odlaganja postupka i opšta neefikasnost pra- vosuða utiåu na jako dugo trajanje kriviånog postupka u svim, pa i u postupcima koji se vode za trgovinu ljudima. Sporost i dugo trajanje postupka imaju direktne negativne posledice i na šanse da kriviåno de- lo bude dokazano i na ÿrtve. Kako je primetio jedan ispitanik, problem vezan za svedoåenje u postupku koji dugo traje jeste što ÿrtve ÿele da se vrate kuãi ili, zbog nepostojanja zakonskih odredbi o privremenom boravku, to moraju. Da bi kasnije svedoåile, potrebno je da ponovo do- ðu u našu zemlju, za šta, ako ništa drugo, treba da izdvoje veliku svotu novca. Meðutim, primetni su i napori, posebno na strani pojedinih tuÿi- laca, u pravcu kraãeg trajanja postupka, kako bi bio završen pre nego što ÿrtve napuste zemlju.

173  Ÿrtve odbijaju da svedoåe ili menjaju iskaze usled straha jer zaštita svedoka ne postoji. One se plaše osvete izvršilaca, njegovih roðaka, pri- jatelja i saradnika. Istaknuto je i da ÿrtve retko terete izvršioce, kao i da je dokazivanje oteÿano jer materijalnih dokaza obiåno nema. Meðutim, nasuprot onima koji su odsustvo materijalnih dokaza i saradnje ÿrtve smatrali kljuånim problemom u dokazivanju trgovine ljudima, pojedini ispitanici su dali dobre primere kako je za nalaÿenje materijalnih doka- za i neoslanjanje iskljuåivo na iskaz ÿrtve, ipak, bitnija dobra volja:

„U jednom lokalu na meniju se ispod spiska piãa sa cenama nalazi nacrtana gola devojka a cene nema, tako da se o tome dogovara, što bi moglo da bude dokaz za posredovanje u vršenju prostitucije. Drugi pri- mer za ovo bio bi lokal gde iznad šanka stoji tabla sa brojevima (to su bro- jevi soba u lokalu), pa kada se neka soba isprazni broj te sobe zasvetli." „Drÿavni organi nemaju dovoljno dobar odnos. Tuÿilaštvo i MUP ni- su dovoljno angaÿovani. Tuÿioci mogu da uzmu oglase, mogu i po njima da postupaju. Tu moÿe mnogo više da se uåini. Nije dovoljno samo upasti u 2—3 stana."

Osim toga, kako je istakla Sandra Slijepåeviã iz Meðunarodne orga- nizacije za migracije, nepostojanje moguãnosti da ÿrtve ostanu ovde uti- åe i na njihovu spremnost da svedoåe. Ona tvrdi: „One åesto ne ÿele da se vrate, veã hoãe ili da ostanu tu ili da odu u neku drugu zemlju. Uko- liko bi mogle da ostanu i otpoånu novi ÿivot tamo gde ÿele, moÿda bi bile voljnije da svedoåe." Sliåno mišljenje imaju i ispitanici iz policije iz Sombora, koji kaÿu:

„Ÿrtve ne saraðuju jer im ništa ne moÿemo pruÿiti osim da im otka- ÿemo boravak, tako da kada bi bilo moguãnosti da im se obezbedi i osigu- ra boravak ovde, moÿda bi i bile spremne da saraðuju."

Više ispitanika je ukazalo i na odsustvo odgovarajuãe podrške i po- moãi ÿrtvama kao razlog njihove nespremnosti da svedoåe. Tako, na primer, napred pomenuti ispitanici iz Sombora kaÿu da u ovom mestu i njegovoj okolini nema nevladinih organizacija koje pruÿaju pomoã i po- dršku ÿrtvama. Takoðe, i saradnja sa Centrom za socijalni rad je proble- matiåna, pa se, prema reåima ovih ispitanika, „dešava da preko vikenda nema nikoga (niko tamo ne deÿura), pa ako se preko vikenda naðe ÿr- tva, i to dete ili maloletno lice, nema se kuda sa njim". Ukazano je i na praksu policije da pri raciji ugostiteljskih objekata uz devojke privede i gazdu, što je ocenjeno kao prepreka za saradnju ÿrtava kao svedoka jer one pri saslušanju ne smeju da kaÿu istinu. Kako

174 je primetio jedan ispitanik „åak i ako je saslušaju odvojeno, devojka ni- šta ne odaje iz straha od osvete svog vlasnika". Prema tvrðenju nekih ispitanika, policija u prethodnom periodu nije uspevala da sakupi dovoljno dokaza, dok su tuÿioci, po pravilu, bili nezainteresovani za ove sluåajeve. Pojedini ispitanici tvrdili su da je „praksa tuÿilaštva da se ne pojavljuje na uviðajima, odnosno da prepu- šta policiji da prikuplja sve neophodne dokaze, pa onda tuÿilaštvo pri obradi procenjuje da neki bitan podatak ili dokaz nedostaje". Ukazano je i na potrebu da prikupljanje dokaza bude konkretnije, da posao još u pretkriviånom postupku mora biti kvalitetno odraðen kako bi bilo efe- kata u smislu suzbijanja ovog oblika kriminaliteta, kao i da bi uloga tu- ÿioca trebalo da bude aktivnija. Tuÿilac treba da bude dobro obavešten o ovoj pojavi, kako bi mogao da na adekvatan naåin nalaÿe i koordinira aktivnosti policije u okviru pretkriviånog postupka. Sa svoje strane, su- dije su isticale da je sud u velikoj meri zavisan od rada drugih drÿavnih organa, tako da je „rad suda uslovljen radom organa otkrivanja i gonje- nja. Ukoliko nema optuÿnica, nema ni suðenja." Prema mišljenju predstavnice jedne nevladine organizacije, „polici- ja i radi povremene racije, ali mesto gde sve 'puca' je pravosuðe". Ona pravosuðu najviše zamera „iscrpljivanje ÿrtve brojnim ponavljanjima is- kaza i njihovim puštanjem da po davanju iskaza napuste zemlju i više se ne odazivaju na pozive, što ima za posledicu oslobaðanje trgovaca usled nedostatka dokaza." Predstavnica druge nevladine organizacije ima sliåno mišljenje, ba- zirano na neposrednom radu sa ÿrtvama:

„Kad se to odugovlaåi, to dosadi i policiji, ili okrivljeni ode u bolnicu, ili se desi nešto sliåno. Onda drÿe nju par meseci. Kad se doðe do faze da treba da se odrÿi glavni pretres, on se ne odrÿi, nju vrate u zemlju pore- kla, a u meðuvremenu su drÿane i åetiri meseca, što je potpuno nepotreb- no. Jer ako se veã znalo da one neãe svedoåiti na glavnom rpetresu, mogli su da ih puste mnogo ranije. Tu nema još uvek organizovanog postupka i tu je problem pravosuðe a ne policija, koja to odradi korektno… Ljudi iz policije sa kojima sam se ja sretala imaju izvanredan odnos prema ÿrtva- ma, što ne mogu da kaÿem za sudije i tuÿioce."

Pojedini ispitanici su ukazali i na generalno slabu poziciju koju ÿr- tva ima u kriviånom postupku u Srbiji, pri åemu je posebno istaknuto odsustvo prava na ÿalbu i, u praksi, neostvarivanje prava na naknadu štete. Ovo poslednje je od posebne vaÿnosti kao faktor koji doprinosi da ÿrtve ponovo budu viktimizirane i da ne mogu da ostvare uspešnu rehabilitaciju kada se (ako se) vrate u zemlju porekla.

175  „U pitanju je oåito nedovoljno poznavanje materije od strane sudija. Pri tome se na prostituciju gleda kao na deo folklora, a na trgovinu kao deo prostitucije. Ÿrtve se tretiraju kao dobrovoljni svedoci koji mogu i ne moraju da svedoåe, a kada svedoåe, cela procedura podrazumeva više- struku retraumatizaciju sa malom ili nikakvom naknadom u vidu osude trgovaca. One se vraãaju u zemlju porekla, ali zbog jako loših materijalnih prilika, one su ponovo na istim pozicijama sa kojih su krenuli u ceo pro- ces. Kada bi pravosuðe gledalo drugaåije na naknadu štete, bila bi uma- njena vulnerabilnost tih devojaka na buduãu viktimizaciju. Te devojke treba da dobiju novac kao nadoknadu, iz ljudskog i moralnog razloga, ali i da bi zadali udarac organizovanom kriminalu, jer novac je njima najva- ÿniji. Zato bi i te sume trebalo da budu znatno veãe. Drugo, kada se vrati, ona bi imala kapital za obrazovanje, rad, a time bi bila spreåena da moÿda opet krene istim putem po zaradu." (advokatica koja zastupa ÿrtve trgovi- ne ljudima)

U neposrednoj vezi sa ovim je i potpuno nerešeno pitanje reinte- gracije ÿrtava, kako domaãih, tako i stranih drÿavljanki. Kada su u pita- nju domaãe drÿavljanke,175 kao osnovni problem istaknuto je odsustvo jasno definisanih obaveza i odgovornosti odgovarajuãih drÿavnih orga- na, posebno centara za socijalni rad, kao i odsustvo svake brige društva za rešavanje problema u kojima se nalaze ÿrtve trgovine. Ÿrtvama u pr- vom momentu pomaÿu Meðunarodna organizacija za migracije, Skloni- šte i Astra. Meðutim, kako je primetila Sandra Ljubinkoviã iz Astre, to što oni mogu da pruÿe nije dovoljno za uspešnu reintegraciju jer se ra- di o ÿenama i deci kojima je pomoã potrebna mesecima, pa i godinama. Takoðe, reintegracija ÿrtava je veoma sloÿen proces u kojem je najåešãe neophodno raditi sa åitavom porodicom, pa je veoma vaÿno definisati obaveze drÿave u tom pogledu. Ispitanice iz nevladinih organizacija i Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije su u vezi sa time navele primer devojke koja je provela više od godinu dana u Skloništu za ÿrtve trgo- vine ÿenama jer nije imala gde da se vrati, niti je imala bilo kakva sred- stva za ÿivot. Svim identifikovanim problemima zajedniåko je to da njihovo po- stojanje i nerešavanje jeste uzrok åitavog niza drugih problema koji se mogu saÿeti u tri osnovna:

— neutvrðivanje postojanja kriviånog dela („problem dokazivanja") i nekaÿnjavanje izvršilaca, — sekundarna viktimizacija, — reviktimizacija (ponovno upadanje u lanac trgovine) ÿrtava. 175 O problemima u vezi sa reintegracijom ÿrtava stranih drÿavljanki videti izlaganje o me- ðunarodnoj organizaciji za migracije, na str. 142—144.

176  Neosvetljavanje i neuklanjanje uzroka stvara utisak da se nalazimo u zaåaranom krugu u kojem, åak i kada policija odliåno uradi svoj deo posla, nije moguãe dokazati postojanje kriviånog dela i to, paradoksal- no, zbog neadekvatnog ponašanja samih ÿrtava. Izbegavanjem da se uåini vidljivim odsustvo sistemskih i strukturalnih (u zemlji, regionu i svetu) uslova za saradnju ÿrtava stvara se nejasna i konfuzna predstava o ÿrtvama, pre svega ÿenama i devojåicama, koja deluje zbunjujuãe na javno mnjenje jer mu se neprestano šalju protivreåne poruke tipa: one su ÿrtve i one nisu MI, one su DRUGO, same su krive, teško je znati da li su htele ili su primorane i sl. Sudeãi prema odgovorima naših ispitani- ka, ni zaposleni u pravosudnim organima nisu imuni od predrasuda, ili bar konfuznih i protivreånih predstava o ÿrtvama. Kada se svi navedeni problemi osmotre u svojoj ukupnosti, onda postaje jasno da iza mita o navodnoj nedokazivosti trgovine ljudima i „problematiånosti" samih ÿrtava zapravo stoji åitav niz loših ili neodgo- varajuãih zakonskih rešenja, neznanje, predrasude, sistemska neefika- snost i neorganizovanost, posebno pravosuða. Sve to skupa jeste u do- broj meri nasleðe prošlog vremena koje se teško menja, åemu treba do- dati i tranzicijsku brzopletost, nesistematiåno menjanje zakona i, poseb- no, prenaglašenu potrebu da se kroz poboljšanje poloÿaja okrivljenog, a na raåun prava ÿrtava, pokaÿe da je ostvaren raskid sa socijalizmom. Pošto sistemski problemi traÿe sistemska rešenja, jasno je da se zakoni i praksa vezani za delovanje drÿavnih tuÿilaštava i sudova u oblasti trgo- vine ljudima moraju menjati sistematiåno i imajuãi u vodu povezanost pojedinaånih i opštih problema i interesa.

X 1.3. Odnos drÿavnih organa prema prostituciji, prosjaåenju, beskuãništvu i radu „na crno"

Ispitanicima su, pored pitanja o delovanju drÿavnih organa u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima, postavljana i pitanja o odnosu drÿavnih organa prema prostituciji, prosjaåenju, beskuãništvu i radu „na crno" — pojava- ma åije suzbijanje je, pretpostavljali smo, u tesnoj vezi sa suzbijanjem trgovine. Odgovori ispitanika o odnosu drÿavnih organa prema prostituciji mogu se svrstati u tri grupe i to:

— drÿava ne preduzima ništa, — delovanje drÿavnih organa, pre svega policije, u ovoj oblasti je neadekvatno, — drÿava preduzima sve što je u njenoj moãi.

177  Ispitanici su najreðe, odnosno samo u pojedinaånim sluåajevima, smatrali da drÿava preduzima sve što je u njenoj moãi, dok je najviše njih smatralo da je odnos drÿavnih organa, pre svega policije, neade- kvatan. Pri tome, ispitanici koji su smatrali da je odnos neadekvatan najåešãe su ukazivali na:

— nesistematiånost, — kampanjsko i stihijsko delovanje, — odsustvo jasne strategije, — preterano oslanjanje na represiju, odnosno prekršajno kaÿnjava- nje prostitutki, — minimalno angaÿovanje, — diskriminatorski odnos, — licemerstvo, — preãutno odobravanje, — pasivnost.

Od strane pojedinih pripadnika policije ukazano je i na skorašnju promenu u pogledu odnosa policije prema prostituciji, koja sada stavlja veãi akcenat na tu pojavu i uz borbu protiv trgovine ljudima bori se i protiv prostitucije. Meðutim, sa druge strane, ukazano je i na preteranu zavisnost odnosa prema prostituciji od trenutnih drÿavnih interesa, kao i na postojeãe zakone kao smetnju odluånijem bavljenju ovom poja- vom. Pojedini ispitanici su uoåili i prezauzetost drÿavnih organa bavlje- njem drugim problemima koji su trenutno prioritetniji kao razlog nedo- voljnog bavljenja problemom prostitucije. Uoåeno je i odsustvo preven- tivnih programa i, uopšte, preventivnog delovanja drÿavnih organa, kao i, sa tim u vezi, licemernost koja se ogleda u åinjenici da se seksual- ne usluge bez ikakvih problema i neprestano nude posredstvom svih postojeãih medija. Posebno je uoåena pasivnost socijalnih sluÿbi u od- nosu na deåiju prostituciju. Ocene odnosa drÿavnih organa prema prosjaåenju i beskuãništvu sliåne su ocenama odnosa prema prostituciji, i kreãu se od mišljenja da drÿavni organi ništa ne rade, preko ocena da je njihov odnos neadekva- tan, do mišljenja da oni åine ono što im zakon i postojeãi ekonomski uslovi dozvoljavaju. Ispitanici uglavnom ukazuju na prekršajno kaÿnja- vanje i/ili uklanjanje prosjaka sa ulica i trenutnu socijalnu pomoã kao mere privremenog karaktera koje se najåešãe primenjuju. Ispitanici su naveli i konkretne akcije drÿavnih organa u cilju zbri- njavanja prosjaka i beskuãnika, kao i zajedniåke akcije drÿavnih organa i nevladinih organizacija u pravcu rešavanja sve više izraÿenog proble-

178 ma tzv. „dece ulice".176 Istovremeno je ukazano i na kampanjski karak- ter ovih akcija i njihovu direktnu povezanost sa smeštajnim kapaciteti- ma u ustanovama za decu bez roditeljskog staranja i prihvatilištima. Naime, uoåeno je da su smeštajni kapaciteti ovih ustanova potpuno ne- adekvatni broju prosjaka i beskuãnika, što je imalo direktan uticaj na proreðivanje, odnosno obustavljanje akcija sklanjanja ovih lica sa ulica. Pomenuto je i da Gradski centar za socijalni rad namerava da pokrene projekat „Sigurne kuãe za decu ulice". Takoðe, skrenuta je paÿnja i na potpuno odsustvo hapšenja i ka- ÿnjavanja organizatora prosjaåenja, iako, prema mišljenju nekih ispita- nika, policija ima saznanja o tome ko ih i kako organizuje, ali ne radi ništa da bi to rešila. Pojedini ispitanici su primetili da odnos drÿavnih organa samo dodatno diskriminiše prosjake, posebno Rome, koji zbog svoje društvene iskljuåenosti åine veãinu prosjaka.

„Najveãi broj prosjaka su Romi i mi znamo zbog åega i znamo da je pitanje Roma, njihovog obrazovanja i ukljuåivanja u društvene tokove pi- tanje koje se mora rešavati na nivou drÿave." (ispitanik iz Novog Pazara)

Više ispitanika je uoåilo blagonaklon i tolerantni odnos kao izraz nemoãi da se u postojeãim ekonomskim uslovima deluje na drugaåiji naåin. Kao i kada je u pitanju prostitucija, ukazano je na potpuno odsu- stvo strategije i koordinacije, posebno kada su u pitanju deca ulice. U tom pogledu, ilustrativne su sledeãe izjave naših ispitanika:

„Åesto mi privedu ÿenu sa detetom, i dok je ona kod mene, dete od- vedu gore u policiju, i kako posle åujem, puste ga na ulicu."(predstavnik organa za prekršaje iz Beograda) „Tom problemu treba priãi šire i iznaãi naåine bolje kontrole u reša- vanju ovog problema. Ako ih jedno vreme i udaljimo sa ulice, oni se raz- mile po kuãama, i kad nam paÿnja popusti, ponovo se vraãaju. Jedno hendikepirano lice spava ispod mosta leti i zimi u krajnje nehumanim uslovima, mi to znamo ali šta da radimo — da mu pišemo prijavu, saslu- šamo ga, moÿda i kaznimo, i opet vratimo na ulicu, pa smo opet na istom. Druge institucije, kao i mi, nemoãne su pred ovom pojavom. Centar za socijalni rad nema moguãnosti da pomogne. Nemam ideju kako bi se for- mirao neki prostor gde bi se oni mogli okupljati, gde bi se moglo raditi sa njima, edukovati ih i zainteresovati decu za školu, i pomoãi da se integri- šu u lokalnu zajednicu. Kada nama nije jasno sve to, kako onda da oni znaju kome da se obrate za pomoã." (predstavnik organa za prekršaje iz Novog Pazara)

176 Ukazano je npr. na saradnju Doma „Vasa Stajiã", Deåijeg romskog centra, Ministarstva za socijalna pitanja i Centra za zaštitu odojåadi, dece i omaladine u ovom pogledu.

179  Vezano za decu ulice, ukazano je i na nesposobnost centara za so- cijalni rad, onakvih kakvi su sada, da na adekvatan naåin reaguju. U tom smislu, pomenuta je i nuÿnost njihove celovite transformacije. Kada je u pitanju odnos drÿavnih organa prema radu „na crno", iz- dvojile su se dve grupe odgovora naših ispitanika. U prvoj grupi su od- govori koji preovlaðuju i prema kojima su drÿavni organi krenuli u od- luånu akciju u pravcu suzbijanja nelegalnog rada, dok drugu grupu åi- ne odgovori prema kojima drÿavni organi ne åine napore u tom pravcu i tolerišu rad „na crno". Ispitanici koji smatraju da su drÿavni organi poåeli da preduzimaju odreðene mere u pravcu suzbijanja rada „na crno" ukazali su na odgo- varajuãe zakonske promene, kao i na pojaåane inspekcijske kontrole u cilju njegovog otkrivanja. Meðutim, oni su imali i åitav niz primedbi na rad drÿavnih organa u ovoj oblasti i to: uglavnom se kaÿnjavaju radnici, odnosno ÿrtve, a ne oni koji ih zapošljavaju, odsustvo paralelnih mera socijalne politike i moguãnosti legalnog zapošljavanja, borba protiv ra- da „na crno" uglavnom se odnosi na domaãe, a zaobilazi strane radnike i sl. Oåigledan trend ka odluånijoj borbi protiv rada „na crno" od zna- åaja je i za otkrivanje trgovine ljudima, o åemu govori primer iz Novog Pazara:

„Drÿavni organi imaju za cilj da suzbiju rad 'na crno' i to rade razli- åitim mehanizmima kontrole. Sada su åeste kontrole sa poveãanim brojem izvršilaca koje moramo da primamo na odreðeno vreme, kako bismo ovu pojavu drÿali pod kontrolom. Istina, sada nam zakon ide na ruku pa je to sada uspešnije. U nekim sluåajevima, kada su u pitanju ugostiteljski objekti, pojavu je vrlo teško kontrolisati i mi nikada nismo sigurni koliko radnika drÿe 'na crno'. Kad doðemo, konobarice i ostala lica zaposlena 'na crno' prosto sednu za sto i mi åesto nismo u stanju da ih prepoznamo. Ove kontrole ukazuju i na druge pojave, povezane sa radom 'na crno', kao što je prostitucija. Dešava se da prilikom kontrole u ugostiteljskom objektu — kafani, koja ima samo åetiri stola, zateknemo šest ili sedam ko- nobarica."

X 2. Nevladine i meðunarodne organizacije

Do saznanja o mehanizmima delovanja domaãih nevladinih i me- ðunarodnih organizacija vezanih za trgovinu ljudima došli smo na os- novu intervjua sa njihovim predstavnicima, na osnovu pisanih materija- la koje smo od njih dobili, kao i na osnovu intervjua sa ostalim ispitani-

180 cima, koje smo zamolili da daju svoje viðenje i ocenu delovanja ovih organizacija.

X 2.1. Mehanizmi delovanja organizacija koje se bave problemom trgovine ljudima

Tri najvaÿnije nevladine organizacije koje se bave problemom trgo- vine ljudima u Srbiji su ASTRA, Sklonište za ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama i Viktimološko društvo Srbije. Pored ovih organizacija, problemom trgo- vine ljudima bavi se i Beosupport, a u okviru tzv. Astrine mreÿe u Srbiji deluje oko 15 organizacija koje se, takoðe, na razliåite naåine, u manjoj ili veãoj meri bave ovim problemom. Takoðe, problemima trgovine rom- skim ÿenama i decom bave se romske nevladine organizacije kao što su Bibija, Deåiji romski centar i Krlan. Kada su u pitanju meðunarodne or- ganizacije, problemom trgovine ljudima bave se Meðunarodna organi- zacija za migracije, OEBS, Pakt za stabilnost jugoistoåne Evrope, Catolic Relief Service, Meðunarodni institut za rat i mir, Save the children i dr. Pruÿanjem neposredne pomoãi ÿrtvama bave se Sklonište za ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama, Meðunarodna organizacija za migracije, ASTRA i po- menute romske organizacije. Sandra Slijepåeviã, programska asistentkinja Meðunarodne organi- zacije za migracije, i Vesna Stanojeviã, koordinatorka Skloništa za ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama, ukazale su na promenu procedure do koje je došlo u novije vreme, a koja se odnosi na prihvat ÿrtava od strane njihovih or- ganizacija i odnos sa policijom, što je u skladu sa informacijama o delo- vanju drÿavnih organa koji su prethodno izloÿeni u ovom delu rada. Naime, prema reåima Sandre Slijepåeviã, ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama su ranije uglavnom prvo hapšene i voðene kod sudije za prekršaje, a onda u zatvor u Padinskoj Skeli do 40 dana. Tek nakon toga, one su upuãiva- ne Meðunarodnoj organizaciji za migracije, odnosno u Sklonište. U po- slednje vreme se, meðutim, situacija poboljšala i ÿrtve se åesto direktno upuãuju u Meðunarodnu organizaciju za migracije. Vesna Stanojeviã sa svoje strane, takoðe, ukazuje na promenu ve- zanu za naåin dolaska ÿrtava u Sklonište. Ÿrtve u Sklonište sve åešãe dolaze direktno, preko Republiåkog MUP-a, tako što ih policija pokupi, obaveštava Savetovalište i onda ih doveze kod njih. Pored toga, ÿrtve dolaze u Sklonište i preko Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije, od- nosno posredstvom zatvora u Padinskoj Skeli, u sluåaju da su bile osu- ðene i upuãene najpre na izdrÿavanje kazne. Kada se ÿrtve naðu, dalja procedura se razlikuje u zavisnosti od to- ga da li se radi o stranim ili domaãim drÿavljankama. Ukoliko je reå o drÿavljankama Srbije, one se, ukoliko je to moguãe, odvode kuãi, a ako

181 nije moguãe, upuãuju se u Sklonište. Postupak sa stranim drÿavljanka- ma se razlikuje u zavisnosti od toga da li prihvate da uðu u program za reintegraciju i repatrijaciju Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije. Ukoliko to prihvate, upuãuju se u Sklonište. U protivnom ÿrtve se šalju u Prihvatilište za strance u Padinskoj Skeli, a zatim se deportuju u ze- mlju porekla. Strane drÿavljanke iz Skloništa idu kuãi (repatrijacija), a ako se radi o našim drÿavljankama, njima se od strane Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije i Astre u cilju reintegracije nude razni kursevi (frizerski, manikirski, pedikirski, besplatni kursevi jezika, kompjutera i sliåno). Program povratka i reintegracije koji sprovodi Meðunarodna orga- nizacija za migracije podrazumeva organizovanje dobrovoljnog povrat- ka ÿrtava. Program reintegracije se kreira prema potrebi svake ÿrtve po- naosob. Sandra Slijepåeviã je na sledeãi naåin opisala delovanje ove or- ganizacije u tom pogledu:

„Program funkcioniše tako što, kada nama devojka bude prijavljena, odnosno kada nam kaÿu da postoji neka devojka koja je ÿrtva trgovine ljudima, onda mi odemo tamo i predstavimo se. Kaÿemo joj šta radimo, šta moÿemo da joj ponudimo, u åemu se sastoji naš program. Damo joj neko vreme da razmisli da li hoãe da se ukljuåi. Neke devojke prihvate odmah, a neke se malo boje. Kada prihvate da uðu u program, smeštamo ih u Sklonište, pa ih uglavnom ostavljamo nekoliko dana da se malo sabe- ru. Radimo intervju sa njima i on nam sluÿi da bismo dobili podatke koji ãe posle pomoãi u njihovoj reintegraciji. Popunjen upitnik, zatim, ide u IOM-ovu misiju u zemlju odakle je devojka, zemlju u koju ãe se vratiti, sa kompletnim lekarskim izveštajem, izveštajem psihologa, podacima o nje- noj porodiånoj situaciji, o tome šta bi, recimo, volela i htela da radi kad se vrati itd. Upitnik uvek ide neko vreme pre devojke. Devojkama obezbe- ðujemo i dokumenta. Saraðujemo sa ambasadama Ukrajine, Rusije, Mol- davije, Rumunije, Bugarske. Trudimo se da im obezbedimo sve ono što nemaju: garderobu, cipele, putne torbe. Od nas dobijaju mali dÿeparac od 150 $, koji im sluÿi da imaju nešto kad se vrate kuãi. One, dakle, ÿele da se vrate kuãi, ali skoro uvek im je problem taj što se vraãaju bez novca. Malo je lakše ÿrtvama koje se vraãaju iz Italije. Naime, italijanska vlada sponzoriše devojke ÿrtve sa 1500 evra, åime im je znaåajno olakšan povra- tak kuãi. Novac im se ne isplaãuje odmah, nego u tri rate: 500 evra pre nego što krenu, 500 posle tri meseca i 500 posle još tri meseca. Problem je meðutim, što devojke koje su trafikovane u Italiju budu najviše istrauma- tizovane."

Sklonište za ÿrtve trgovine predstavlja siguran smeštaj za ÿrtve, u kojem one dobijaju razliåite oblike pomoãi: „smeštaj, lekarsku pomoã,

182 psihološku i pravnu pomoã, jednom reåju sve ono što im treba da bi se oseãale bezbedno" (Sandra Slijepåeviã). Proseåno vreme boravka ÿrtava u Skloništu je 29 dana, ali ima i onih koje su tu åetiri meseca i više. Na primer, jedna ÿrtva — naša drÿavljanka ostala je u Skloništu više od go- dinu dana. U Skloništu radi pet ÿena: advokat, psiholog, medicinska sestra i dve socijalne radnice. Naše sagovornice su istakle nekoliko problema sa kojima su suoåene kako ÿrtve, tako i osobe koje rade u Skloništu. Naj- pre, ÿene koje se smeštaju u Sklonište nemaju slobodu kretanja, tako da su i tu „praktiåno u nekoj vrsti zatvora". Naÿalost, one ostaju sve duÿe u Skloništu, pre svega zbog sporosti našeg pravosuða, odnosno dugog trajanja kriviånog postupka. To njihovu situaciju znatno oteÿava, ali oteÿava i rad osobama koje se njima bave u Skloništu:

„S jedne strane je dobro što naše sudstvo i policija imaju volju da lju- di koji su te devojke prodavali, preprodavali i eksploatisali odsluÿe zaslu- ÿenu kaznu i da im bude suðeno, a sa druge strane tu je i sporost našeg sistema. To je za ÿrtve jako teško jer su kao u zatvoru, a svaka kod kuãe ima neki problem, neku nerešenu situaciju, neko dete, nekog ko je bole- stan, nekog ko nema novaca.Onda je jako teško raditi sa njima i objasniti im da to prosto tako mora jer ÿrtve niko ne pita da li hoãe da svedoåe ili ne. Takoðe, da bi ÿrtve izašle iz zemlje, moraju da dobiju izlaznu vizu, ko- ju mi traÿimo od policije, a policija izdaje tu izlaznu vizu tek kada je ceo sudski proces završen. Zbog toga, naÿalost, taj period njihovog boravka u Skloništu postaje sve duÿi." (Sandra Slijepåeviã, Meðunarodna organizaci- ja za migracije)

Drugi bitan problem odnosi se na bezbednost ÿena smeštenih u Skloništu, kao i osoblja koje u njemu radi. U tom pogledu situacija je od nedavno postala lošija jer je ranije stalno obezbeðenje od strane Save- znog MUP-a zamenila patrola gradskog SUP-a, koja samo s vremena na vreme obilazi Sklonište. Oåito je da problem bezbednosti Skloništa nije rešen na adekvatan naåin, što moÿe imati veoma ozbiljne posledice ka- ko po ÿrtve, tako i po lica koja u njemu rade. Aktivnosti Astre su prvenstveno usmerene na prevenciju (medijske kampanje, edukacija, brošure, informacije), pomoã u nalaÿenju i spaša- vanju ÿrtava, pomoã rodbini ÿrtava, provere ponuda/ugovora za poslo- ve i druge aranÿmane u inostranstvu i sl. U okviru Astre funkcioniše i SOS telefon za ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama. Organizacije koje ulaze u Astri- nu mreÿu, kao i Beosupport, uglavnom rade na razliåitim programima prevencije trgovine ÿenama i decom. Romske organizacije, posebno Bibija i Krlan, neformalnim putevi- ma pokušavaju da spasu romske ÿene i decu ÿrtve prisilne prostitucije i

183 trgovine, za šta, prema sopstvenim reåima, imaju neformalni mobilni tim za intervencije. Delovanje Viktimološkog društva Srbije u vezi sa trgovinom ljudi- ma odnosi se, pre svega, na predlaganje izmena zakona, lobiranje za njihovo usvajanje i na edukaciju struånjaka. Pored toga, od aprila 2003. godine u okviru Viktimološkog društva Srbije je poåela da radi i sluÿba za pomoã ÿrtvama kriminaliteta pod nazivom „VDS info i podrška ÿr- tvama". Kada su u pitanju ÿrtve trgovine, znaåaj ove sluÿbe se ogleda, pre svega, u njihovom informisanju o pravima koje imaju i o sluÿbama koje im mogu biti od koristi, a što se ostvaruje uglavnom posredstvom distribucije informativnih brošura.

X 2.2. Ocena delovanja nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija

Gotovo svi ispitanici (120 ili 97,6%) su odgovorili da su upoznati sa radom domaãih nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija u ovoj oblasti, što bi mogao biti pokazatelj visoke vidljivosti njihovog rada, bar kada su u pitanju struånjaci koji su obuhvaãeni istraÿivanjem. Ispitanici koji su upoznati sa radom domaãih nevladinih organiza- cija uglavnom su imali pozitivan stav prema njihovom radu. Drugim re- åima, samo u nekoliko sluåajeva bilo je prisutno negiranje znaåaja po- stojanja nevladinih organizacija i njihovog delovanja, ili sumnja u nji- hove prave namere u ovoj oblasti. Odgovori ispitanika u vezi sa delova- njem ovih organizacija mogu se svrstati u tri grupe:

— hvalili su njihov rad; — imali su kritiåki stav prema njihovom radu; — ukazali su na probleme sa kojima su suoåene ove organizacije i/ili na odsustvo ovakvih organizacija kao problem.

Ispitanici koji su imali samo reåi pohvale za nevladine organizacije isticali su njihov znaåaj u pogledu informisanja i senzibilisanja javnosti za ovaj problem, u pogledu prevencije i, posebno, pruÿanja pomoãi ÿr- tvama. Prema reåima velikog broja ispitanika, nevladine organizacije su jedine koje pomaÿu ÿrtvama, one su prve poåele da reaguju na ovu po- javu, da priåaju o njoj, da vrše edukacije itd. Ima i mišljenja da bi ne- vladine organizacije trebalo još „agresivnije" da nastupaju u javnosti, ukazujuãi na ovaj problem. U pogledu pruÿanja pomoãi ÿrtvama istican je znaåaj postojanja si- gurnih kuãa, u pogledu rada na prevenciji aktivnost Astre, a u vezi sa zalaganjem za promene zakona aktivnosti Viktimološkog društva Srbije.

184 Istaknuto je i da su medijske akcije i kampanje dale prve rezultate u ovoj oblasti. Takoðe, pojedini ispitanici su isticali i da nevladine organizacije mnogo bolje rade i funkcionišu nego drÿavni organi (npr. „One su bolje povezane, bolje komuniciraju."). Na drugoj strani, isticano je da one imaju i bolje uslove rada nego drÿavni organi:

„Nevladine organizacije su kadrovski i materijalno u odredenoj pred- nosti u odnosu na policiju. Imaju dobre kadrove, znaåajna finansijska sredstva, za razliku od policajaca koji imaju izuzetno male plate, a rade ja- ko mnogo, skoro i po 20 sati dnevno." (predstavnik policije)

Sliåno tome, od strane predstavnika policije ukazano je i na posto- janje boljih uslova u Skloništu za ÿene ÿrtve trgovine u poreðenju sa uslovima koji postoje u Prihvatilištu za strance. Ispitanici koji su imali kritiåki stav prema nevladinim organizacija- ma uglavnom su isticali da, iako jedina, pomoã koju su nevladine orga- nizacije u stanju da pruÿe nije dovoljna, da nema dovoljno organizacija koje pruÿaju pomoã ÿrtvama, da u prevelikoj ÿelji da rade mnogo toga, ove organizacije åesto ne rade dovoljno sistematiåno i kvalitetno, da ima nekoliko organizacija koje zaista nešto rade i mnoštvo onih koje „samo priåaju" i sliåno. Nekoliko ispitanica je ukazalo na izvesnu dozu diskriminatorskog odnosa nevladinih organizacija prema pojedinim ÿrtvama, pri åemu je posebno istaknut neadekvatni odnos prema Romkinjama i ÿenama sa posebnim potrebama. Tako je jedna aktivistkinja romske nevladine or- ganizacije ukazala da se „veliki znaåaj pridaje devojkama koje su trafi- kovane iz drugih zemalja, pa su se kao takve našle na teritoriji naše ze- mlje, a niko ne vodi raåuna o romskim devojkama. O njima se slabo go- vori, nikoga ne interesuje romska populacija". Ona je, takoðe, istakla da su u nevladinom sektoru prisutne i predrasude o Romkinjama, pa je i saradnja izmeðu romskih i drugih nevladinih organizacija veoma slaba. Takoðe, jedna ispitanica, inaåe zaposlena u Centru za socijalni rad, ista- kla je da, kada se radi o licima sa posebnim potrebama, „nevladinim or- ganizacijama nije uvek primarno zbrinjavanje ÿrtve u skladu sa njenim potrebama". Posebno je ukazano na problem koji postoji jer se ni Rom- kinje ni invalitkinje ne primaju u Sklonište za ÿrtve. Ukazano je i na problem neodgovarajuãe kadrovske strukture ne- vladinih organizacija koje pruÿaju pomoã ÿrtvama i rade edukacije, što ima za posledicu kako slabe rezultate, tako i neadekvatnu prihvaãenost ovih organizacija od strane polaznika seminara. U tom pogledu poseb- no su ilustrativne izjave dve ispitanice — predstavnice ustanove socijal-

185 nog staranja iz Beograda i predstavnice jednog od centara za socijalni rad iz unutrašnjosti:

„Nevladine organizacije svakako pomaÿu ÿrtvama. Ali sada se na podruåju Srbije pojavio veliki broj NVO, koje ni same nemaju edukovane ålanove, odnosno imaju ålanove koji su prošli neke instant edukacije, pa sada uåe ljude koji su daleko obrazovaniji i upuãeniji u neke probleme od njih. U nevladinom sektoru ima dosta mladih devojaka koje su vredne, ali koje nemaju odgovarajuãe obrazovanje. Neke su završile godinu-dve ne- kog fakulteta koji nema veze sa poslom kojim se bave." „Sada veliki broj volontera nestruånjaka radi po nevladinim organi- zacijama, domaãim više nego stranim, koji jesu edukovani, ali åesto te edukacije donose više štete nego koristi jer su ti ljudi samo priuåeni. Mora postojati stalna struåna supervizija rada u tim organizacijama kako bi se kvalitet pomoãi drÿao na nivou i kako bi se pruÿila prava pomoã, a ne na- nela šteta."

Na ovom mestu bi trebalo podsetiti na reåi profesora Fattah-a, koji tvrdi da „za mnoge ÿrtve odsustvo pomoãi moÿe biti bolje od pogrešne, loše ili ideološki obojene pomoãi. Okolnost da su sluÿbe i programi za pomoã ÿrtvama preteÿno deo humanitarnih i dobrotvornih napora, ili deo javnih sluÿbi, dobar je razlog za briÿljiv monitoring njihovog rada i evaluaciju njihovih rezultata."177 U vezi sa kritikom na raåun struånosti osoba zaposlenih u nevladi- nom sektoru je i zapaÿanje jedne ispitanice koje se odnosi na nedostat- ke vezane za medijske kampanje pojedinih nevladinih organizacija, ne- ispraãene ispitivanjem javnog mnjenja na poåetku, sredinom i na kraju kampanje. „Kampanja je zbog toga besmislena, nevidljiva, jer se ne zna- ju njeni efekti" upozorava ova ispitanica. Više ispitanika je uoåilo odsustvo koordinacije u radu nevladinih organizacija, slabu transparentnost njihovog rada, kao i konkurenciju koja ide na štetu ÿrtava. Jedna ispitanica je zbog toga predloÿila stvara- nje mreÿe pruÿanja pomoãi, u kojoj bi svima bilo poznato koja se nevla- dina organizacija åime bavi, pri åemu ne bi bilo spreåavanja da svaka ima svoje projekte, ali bi se znalo kome neko moÿe da se obrati za po- moã. „Trebalo bi da kada neko kome je potrebna pomoã nazove telefon- ski broj sa åetiri cifre, dobije åitavu paletu struånjaka koji nude razne vrste pomoãi."178 177 Fattah, E. (1999) „From a handful of dollars to tea and sympathy: sad history of victim assistance", in J. van Dijk, R. van Kaam i J. Wemmers (eds) Caring for crime victims, Monsey, New York: Criminal Justice Press. 178 Ova ispitanica najverovatnije nije bila upoznata sa nedavno osnovanom sluÿbom „VDS info i podrška ÿrtvama" koju je osnovalo Viktimološko društvo Srbije, a koja, izmeðu ostalog, ras- polaÿe informacijama ove vrste.

186  Ispitanici su naveli i niz problema sa kojima su suoåene domaãe nevladine organizacije. Meðu navedenim problemima posebno se istiåu sledeãi: problemi sa finansiranjem i prezentiranjem svoga rada, još uvek prisutan negativan stav prema njihovom radu u javnosti i sredinama u kojima deluju, neizvesna odrÿivost njihovih aktivnosti („šta ãe se desiti kada ne bude bilo para!?"), nedovoljan broj skloništa za ÿrtve, skeptiåan odnos pojedinih drÿavnih institucija prema njihovom radu i sl. Ukazano je i na problem bezbednosti saradnica nevladinih organi- zacija koje pruÿaju pomoã ÿrtvama:

„Moramo da povedemo raåuna o sebi jer se dešavalo da mene i pre- vodioca juri neko kolima sa ÿeljom da nas pregazi. Mi se stalno u Skloni- štu proveravamo kako smo i da li je sve u redu jer postoji strah od neka- kvih napada. Niko ne zna osim najuÿeg kruga ljudi gde je Sklonište i ja se jako åuvam toga šta izjavljujem i kome o Skloništu i o devojkama ÿrt- vama."

Kada su u pitanju meðunarodne organizacije, ocene ispitanika se kreãu od isticanja njihovog znaåaja za reforme, za åinjenje problema tr- govine ljudima vidljivim i za pomoã ÿrtvama do izrazito kritiåkih sta- vova o njihovom odnosu prema domaãim nevladinim organizacijama i struånjacima i ulozi koju imaju pri rešavanju problema trgovine lju- dima. Pojedini predstavnici policije i sudije za prekršaje su izraÿavali svo- je nepoverenje prema sposobnosti ovih organizacija da utiåu na suzbija- nje trgovine ljudima i sumnje u njihove iskrene namere, i ukazivali na nametanje tema i prioriteta od strane ovih organizacija, bez voðenja ra- åuna o mišljenju i potrebama lokalnih aktera. Sliåno mišljenje imale su i predstavnice pojedinih nevladinih organizacija, koje su ukazale na poli- tiåku dimenziju njihovog bavljenja ovim problemom, na nepostojanje njihovog stvarnog interesa i brige za ÿrtve, kao i na monopolistiåki, aro- gantni i gotovo ucenjivaåki stav prema lokalnim nevladinim organizaci- jama u pogledu toga šta i kako treba raditi. Takoðe, prema mišljenju predstavnice nevladinog sektora iz unu- trašnjosti, meðunarodne organizacije bi trebalo više da se angaÿuju na pomoãi domaãim organizacijama, pre svega u vidu novåanih sredstava, i to posebno u vezi sa opasnošãu kojoj se izlaÿu radeãi na ovoj osetljivoj temi:

„Naša organizacija je imala tromeseåni projekat koji je, pre svega, imao za cilj podizanje svesti graðana u vezi sa trgovinom ÿenama, nakon kojeg su se ålanice organizacije susrele sa brojnim problemima u vidu pretnji, anonimnih poziva. Rad na ovoj temi nosi i veliki rizik, tako da ãe

187  svi aktivisti ozbiljno porazmisliti pre nego što dovedu sebe i svoju porodi- cu u opasnost za neka minorna sredstva koja se izdvajaju za projekte koji za temu imaju trgovinu ljudima."

Ukazano je da nije dobro što se ÿrtvama trgovine u cilju reintegra- cije nude kursevi koji se zasnivaju na fiziåkom dodiru, što moÿe biti ve- liki problem s obzirom da su one uglavnom ÿrtve seksualnog nasilja. Najzad, vaÿno je pomenuti i zapaÿanje predstavnica nevladinih organi- zacija da uslovljavanje pomoãi od strane Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije ÿrtvinim prihvatanjem programa reintegracije koju ova orga- nizacija nudi nije u redu, i da bi ÿrtve trebalo da imaju pristup Skloni- štu i drugim oblicima pomoãi nezavisno od toga da li prihvataju taj program,odnosno da li ÿele da se vrate u zemlje porekla ili ne. Ovo za- paÿanje otvara veoma vaÿno pitanje koje se odnosi na probleme sa koji- ma su ÿrtve suoåene po povratku u svoje zemlje, na njihovu nezaštiãe- nost i åitav niz otvorenih pitanja vezanih za njihovu bezbednost i efek- tivnu reintegraciju.

X 3. Meðusobna saradnja drÿavnih organa, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija

Kada je u pitanju meðusobna saradnja drÿavnih organa, nevladi- nih i meðunarodnih organizacija, kao i saradnja unutar pojedinih sekto- ra, odgovori ispitanika pokazuju veliku šarolikost: od odsustva bilo ka- kve saradnje, preko mišljenja da postoji samo sporadiåna saradnja ili da bi trebalo da bude mnogo bolja, do iskustava odliåne saradnje. Pri tome, bez obzira na to kakve odgovore su dali, gotovo svi ispitanici su uoåili probleme vezane za saradnju, odnosno njeno uspostavljanje. Kada je u pitanju meðusobna saradnja drÿavnih organa, nevladi- nih i meðunarodnih organizacija, u pozitivnom smislu se istiåe primer Nacionalnog tima za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima, kao i saradnja novi- nara sa drÿavnim organima, posebno sa policijom, i nevladinim organi- zacijama u otkrivanju sluåajeva trgovine ljudima. Meðutim, saradnja, ukljuåujuãi i saradnju u okviru Nacionalnog ti- ma, nije jasno definisana ni institucionalizovana i ispitanici uglavnom istiåu da se ona odvija na liånom, odnosno pojedinaånom nivou. Uglav- nom nema protokola o saradnji, pa samim tim ni jasno definisanih oba- veza i odgovornosti, za šta se više ispitanika zaloÿilo, smatrajuãi da bi to znatno poboljšalo saradnju. Takoðe, ispitanica iz nevladine organizacije je iznela svoju primedbu na sastav i brojnost Nacionalnog tima, kao smetnju njegovoj efikasnosti. Ona smatra da je Nacionalni tim za bor- bu protiv trgovine ljudima preglomazan i zbog toga neefikasan, da se mnogi koji su deo njega uopšte ne bave problemom trgovine ljudima,

188 kao i „da se o trgovini ljudima priåa uopšteno, jer mnogi od ålanova ti- ma nikada nisu ni videli ÿrtve". Uoåen je problem saradnje drÿavnih organa i nevladinih organiza- cija sa centrima za socijalni rad, posebno kad se radi o deci i ÿenama sa decom kao ÿrtvama, problemi u saradnji izmeðu pojedinih nevladinih organizacija i Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije, kao i još uvek postojeãi problemi u ostvarivanju saradnje nevladinog i vladinog sekto- ra uopšte. U tom kontekstu su i problemi u vezi sa funkcionisanjem Centra za savetovanje i koordinaciju (tzv. mobilni tim),179 u okviru koje- ga je zamišljeno da tesno saraðuju Centar za socijalni rad, nevladine or- ganizacije koje pruÿaju pomoã ÿrtvama, Meðunarodna organizacija za migracije, policija i drugi drÿavni organi, u zavisnosti od potrebe. U vezi sa Centrom za savetovanje i koordinaciju i problemima u oÿivljavanju njegovog rada izneto je više kritika od strane ispitanika iz nevladinih organizacija i centara za socijalni rad, i to: nejasno definisa- na uloga, nerešen pravni status, odsustvo protokola o saradnji i jasnih procedura postupanja, opasnost od dodatnog traumiranja ÿrtava jer bi to znaåilo još jedno ponavljanje iskaza, loša meðusobna komunikacija, odsustvo motivacije svih aktera. U tom pogledu indikativan je iskaz is- pitanice koja je i sama neposredno ukljuåena u rad ovog Centra:

„Od poåetka nisu postojali zacrtani konkretni ciljevi projekta koji bi trebalo da se ostvare, veã je ostavljeno otvoreno da se ciljevi usklaðuju sa potrebama koje ãe se u hodu pojaviti, što je dodatno oteÿalo realizaciju projekta, a i njegovu evaluaciju. U projekat je, od strane vladinih i nevla- dinih organizacija, ukljuåen jedan broj ljudi koji nije imao pravu motivaci- ju da se projekat realizuje, veã je deo njih to radio u cilju liåne promocije. Kod nevladinih organizacija postojalo je donekle odsustvo motivacije jer nisu imale posebnih finansijskih interesa, tako da je nastup nekih od njih prema drÿavnim institucijama bio priliåno agresivan. Preveliki deo posla je pao samo na jednu osobu, koordinatorku Centra, i ona se u njemu nije snašla. Na drugoj strani, i vladine i nevladine organizacije ÿelele su da formalno ostave utisak da saradnja postoji, iako ona nije konkretno reali- zovana."

X 4. Primeri dobre i loše prakse drÿavnih organa, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija

Radi dobijanja potpunijih saznanja o mehanizmima delovanja dr- ÿavnih organa, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija, pitale smo ispi- 179 Centar za savetovanje i koordinaciju je projekat u nastajanju, iza kojeg stoji ideja uspo- stavljanja standardnih mehanizama upuãivanja i zaštite ÿrtava trgovine ljudima.

189 tanike da nam navedu po jedan primer dobre i loše prakse o kojem imaju neposredno ili posredno saznanje. Veãina ispitanika je navela pri- mere iz svog neposrednog iskustva, dok je samo manji broj govorio o primerima iz posrednog saznanja i u tom sluåaju se uglavnom radilo o navoðenju sluåaja S. Å. iz Crne Gore, kao primera loše prakse. Analiza primera dobre i loše prakse istovremeno na najbolji naåin sublimira napred datu analizu mehanizama delovanja drÿavnih organa, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija i daje osnovu za predlaganje odgovarajuãih promena. Radi boljeg isticanja pozitivnih i negativnih modela, a kao osnova za preporuke koje slede u zakljuåku na kraju ovog rada, rezultati ove analize biãe najpre dati u formi rezimea dobre i loše prakse iznete od strane ispitanika, a zatim ãe biti izneti primeri koji i jedno i drugo na najbolji naåin ilustruju.

Loša praksa

a) Loša saradnja drÿavnih organa i nevladinih organizacija, b) Loša saradnja policije sa pograniånim organima Vojske Srbije i Crne Gore, c) Nepostojanje razmene informacija meðu institucijama, d) Neadekvatno izveštavanje štampe i posledice po otkrivanje, e) Politiåki pritisci, f) Povezanost policije sa trgovcima, g) Osuda i zatvaranje ÿrtava, h) Neopravdano puštanje okrivljenih na slobodu, i) Dugo trajanje postupka, j) Poveravanje saslušanja ÿrtava saradnicima bez iskustva i edu- kacije, k) Loše obezbeðenje ÿrtava prilikom povratka u zemlju porekla i ponovno upadanje u lanac trgovine, l) Nekaÿnjavanje izvršilaca, m) Nedobijanje povratnih informacija o ÿrtvama od drugih institu- cija i organizacija, n) Odsustvo programa prevencije, o) Odsustvo programa reintegracije.

Dobra praksa

(a) Dobra saradnja raznih SUP-ova u otkrivanju; (b) Saradnja sudije za prekršaje, policije, nevladinih organizacija, Meðunarodne organizacije za migracije i Centra za socijalni rad i uspe- šno zbrinjavanje ÿrtve;

190  (c) Saradnja domaãih i stranih nevladinih organizacija na jednoj, i policije na drugoj strani, i uspešno otkrivanje i oslobaðanje ÿrtve; (d) Nacionalni tim za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima kao primer sa- radnje drÿavnih organa i nevladinih organizacija; (e) Regionalna saradnja drÿavnih organa i nevladinih organizacija u otkrivanju ÿrtava; (f) Proaktivni odnos policije i uspešno otkrivanje; (g) Saradnja novinara, drÿavnih organa i nevladinih organizacija, i otkrivanje i oslobaðanje ÿrtava; (h) Brzo reagovanje nadleÿnih organa; (i) Spremnost edukovanih policajaca na saradnju sa organizacijama za pomoã ÿrtvama; (j) Zaštita ÿrtava od strane nevladinih organizacija; (k) Nevladine organizacije koje pomaÿu ÿrtvama da dobijaju po- vratne informacije o njima; (l) Javni tuÿilac se zalaÿe za potpunu obradu predmeta; (m) Ÿrtva (devojka) je pobegla od trgovca, obratila se za pomoã po- liciji, policija joj je obezbedila odgovarajuãu zaštitu i ona je svedoåila; (n) Sudija brine za ÿrtvu: obezbeðuje psihologa, lekara i veštaka, i saslušava ÿrtvu po zamolnici drugog sudije; (o) Senzibilan odnos prema ÿrtvama i spremnost ÿrtava na sve- doåenje.

Navedeni rezime sluåajeva dobre i loše prakse, koje su naveli ispi- tanici, još jednom ukazuje na znaåaj proaktivnog i senzibilisanog pristu- pa policije, tuÿilaca i sudija, zaštite i pravilnog tretmana ÿrtava, kao i dobre saradnje razliåitih aktera, za otkrivanje, gonjenje i kaÿnjavanje iz- vršilaca, i spreåavanje sekundarne viktmizacije i reviktimizacije ÿrtava. Takoðe, navedeni primeri pokazuju da se moÿe puno nauåiti iz dosada- šnjih iskustava i da u postojeãim mehanizmima postupanja drÿavnih organa ima negativnih, ali i sasvim dovoljno pozitivnih modela. Primeri dobre i loše prakse koje su naveli ispitanici još jednom potvrðuju za- kljuåak koji sledi iz drugih odgovora ispitanika, da problemi otkrivanja i dokazivanja trgovine ljudima nisu u ÿrtvama veã u izvršiocima, u odsu- stvu sistemskih i sveobuhvatnih rešenja i odluånosti drÿavnih organa da joj stanu na put. Primer dva ekstremna sluåaja iz prakse policije:

Loša praksa

„Imali smo jedan sluåaj u kojem se radilo o noãnom baru u centru jednog grada u unutrašnjosti. Svi meštani su znali šta se radi u tom baru,

191  on se nalazio pored najprometnijeg, najposeãenijeg kafiãa u tom gradu. Kada je UBPOK ušao u lokal, krenula je opstrukcija lokalne policije. Åo- vek koji je bio vlasnik bara je istovremeno bio i lokalni moãnik, u vrhu politiåke partije koja je bila na vlasti i lokalna policija ga nije dirala. Kada je UBPOK ušao u objekat, blokirali su izlaze i poåeo je pretres. Lokalnoj policiji, odnosno istraÿnom sudiji, trebalo je sat i po da doðu. Umesto ko- lega policajaca šef policije je poslao koleginice, policajke, a zna se da se to ne radi. Nisu imali adekvatne prostorije u policiji za saslušanje, nisu im dali raåunare itd. Razgovarali su sa svim devojkama i nakon što su im uzeli izjave, prosledili su ih lokalnoj policiji kako bi se išlo dalje u prekr- šajni postupak i otkaz boravka. Dok sam kucao kriviånu prijavu protiv vlasnika, koga su sve devojke identifikovale po imenu i prezimenu, tuÿi- lac je veã dobio kriviånu prijavu od lokalne policije za posredovanje u prostituciji, ali protiv N.N. izvršioca! Tu je bilo oåigledno da se radi o po- vezanosti lokalnih politiåkih moãnika, koji se bave trgovinom ÿenama i prostitucijom, i policije."

Dobra praksa

„Pozvali su me tokom noãi. Radilo se o dve devojke koje su zadrÿane na prelazu u Srpskoj Crnji. Jedna je bila sa pocepanim pasošem, a javljeno mi je da su obe izgubljene i da samo ãute. Otišao sam tamo, ponudio ih kafom, åajem, one su odbile. Prespavao sam s njima u stanici i ujutru ih odveo na doruåak. Onda su se raspriåale. Ispriåale su uÿasne stvari, bile su u velikom strahu da ãe ih muåitelji naãi, a imale su od ranije loše isku- stvo sa policijom. Jedna je bila iz Moldavije. Krenula je na zimovanje, ne- ko joj je ponudio izlet do Jugoslavije, i ona je pristala. Ušla je u auto ko- jem nisu mogla da se otvore vrata sa unutrašnje strane i to je bio kraj. Drugu su prevarili da ãe da radi kao konobarica. Prošle su straviåne stvari, i po Bosni i po Kosovu, Makedoniji. Dobio sam od njih sve podatke, slike, lica, opise.. i prosledio ih nadleÿnim policijskim organima. One su bile 30 dana u zatvoru u Poÿarevcu, tada još nije bilo Skloništa. Vratio sam ih ku- ãi sa pocepanim pasošima. Pratio sam ih do Ÿombolja. Sada me jedna od njih zove u svatove, uskoro se udaje. Neki uåinioci su uhapšeni, neki ni- su. Jedan od mušterija, klijenata, pomogao im je da se izvuku."

192  XI Informisanost o problemu trgovine ljudima i viðenje mera koje treba preduzeti

U cilju dobijanja što kompletnije slike o postojeãim i potrebnim na- åinima društvenog reagovanja na trgovinu ljudima u Srbiji, istraÿiva- njem je obuhvaãeno i prikupljanje podataka o informisanosti ispitanika o problemu trgovine ljudima i o najnovijim zakonskim promenama, kao i o njihovom viðenju mera koje treba preduzeti. U ovom odeljku ãe biti izloÿeni rezultati analize dobijenih podataka o ovim pitanjima.

XI 1. Upoznatost sa problemima vezanim za trgovinu ljudima i novim zakonskim rešenjima

Istraÿivanjem smo nastojale da doðemo do saznanja o tome u kojoj meri su struånjaci i predstavnici institucija i organizacija koje smo inter- vjuisale ukljuåeni u razliåite oblike edukacije o trgovini ljudima i u kojoj meri su upoznati sa problemom trgovine ljudima. U pogledu ovog po- slednjeg, posebnu paÿnju smo posvetile njihovom vladanju osnovnim pojmovima i njihovom meðusobnom razgraniåavanju. Takoðe, nastojale smo i da doðemo do saznanja o upoznatosti ispitanika sa novim zakon- skim rešenjem iz ål. 111b Kriviånog zakona Republike Srbije, kojim je u naš pravni sistem po prvi put uvedeno kriviåno delo trgovine ljudima. Do ovih saznanja smo došle kako na osnovu analize neposrednih odgo- vora ispitanika na pitanja u vezi sa definicijom pojmova i zakonskog re- šenja, tako i na osnovu analize odgovora na druga pitanja, odnosno na osnovu intervjua u celini. Podaci o upoznatosti sa problemom trgovine ljudima predstavljaju vaÿan pokazatelj nivoa edukovanosti naših ispitanika uopšte, a posebno onih koji se u svom svakodnevnom radu stalno ili povremeno susreãu sa sluåajevima trgovine ljudima. Takoðe, dovedeni u vezu sa podacima o uåešãu ispitanika na treninzima, seminarima, okruglim stolovima i drugim oblicima edukacije ili podizanja svesti o trgovini ljudima, podaci o upoznatosti sa ovom pojavom predstavljaju i svojevrsnu evaluaciju uspešnosti te edukacije. Samim tim, podaci o upoznatosti sa pojavom i o obuci koju su ispitanici do sada imali od velikog su znaåaja za osmi- šljavanje daljeg rada na edukaciji predstavnika drÿavnih organa i nevla-

193 dinih organizacija, ali i nauånih radnika i drugih lica koja se u svom ra- du sreãu sa problemom trgovine ljudima. Takoðe, kao što je u uvodnim izlaganjima veã pomenuto, s obzi- rom da je naše istraÿivanje imalo i akcioni karakter, još tokom rada na intervjuima naše saradnice su ispitanicima davale pojašnjenja i informa- cije u vezi sa ispitivanom pojavom i zakonskim rešenjima, i na taj naåin tokom samog istraÿivanja radile na podizanju svesti osoba sa kojima su vodile intervjue.

XI 1.1. Uåešãe na seminarima i drugim oblicima edukacije o trgovini ljudima

Od ukupno 123 intervjuisane osobe, oko jedne treãine (35,8%) je prisustvovalo razliåitim oblicima edukacije, poåev od predavanja struå- njaka iz inostranstva i akademskih skupova do seminara i treninga or- ganizovanih od strane vladinih, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizaci- ja, åija je specijalna namena bila edukacija o trgovini ljudima. Dakle, ve- ãina ispitanika, odnosno njih 79 ili 64,2%, nije prisustvovala odnosno uåestvovala ni na kakvom obliku edukacije (ukljuåujuãi i okrugle stolo- ve i predavanja) u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima. Znanja o trgovini ljudima su preko predavanja stranih struånjaka i na meðunarodnim akademskim skupovima, što je i oåekivano, sticali nauåni radnici i univerzitetski profesori, dok su predstavnici drÿavnih organa, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija, kao i novinari, prete- ÿno uåestvovali na raznim treninzima i seminarima namenjenim njiho- voj obuci. Na najveãem broju seminara uåestvovale su predstavnice beograd- skih nevladinih organizacija Astra i Savetovalište protiv porodiånog na- silja — Sklonište za ÿrtve trgovine, predstavnica Meðunarodne organi- zacije za migracije, kao i predstavnici Ministarstva za socijalna pitanja i Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Republike Srbije. Broj seminara na ko- jima su uåestvovali predstavnici ovih organizacija i ministarstava kreãe se od åetiri do nekoliko desetina seminara. Uoåava se upadljiva nesrazmera izmeðu uåešãa na seminarima is- pitanika iz Beograda i unutrašnjosti Srbije. Naime, skoro polovina ispi- tanika iz Beograda (26 ili 47,3%) bila je na nekom treningu ili skupu o trgovini ljudima, dok je od ukupno 68 ispitanika iz unutrašnjosti na ne- kom obliku edukacije bilo svega njih 18 ili 26,4%, odnosno manje od jedne treãine ispitanika. Posebno pada u oåi podatak da od ispitanika iz pograniånih grado- va Apatin, Sombor, Poÿarevac i Novi Pazar, u kojima je problem trgovi- ne ljudima veoma izraÿen, niko od ispitanika nije bio ni na kakvom ob-

194 liku edukacije. Isto vaÿi i za Miloševac kod Velike Plane, za koji, kao što smo ukazali u ranijim izlaganjima, podaci do kojih smo došli ukazuju na moguãe postojanje trgovine decom. Takoðe, i u drugim gradovima u kojima je trgovina ljudima izraÿen problem, poput Niša i Zajeåara, od ukupno 10, odnosno sedam ispitanika, samo po dvoje je bilo na nekom obliku edukacije o trgovini ljudima. U Zajeåaru su to bili pripadnici po- licije, a u Nišu pored pripadnika policije još i predstavnici nevladinog sektora (Centar za devojke) i Centra za socijalni rad. Da se ne radi o sluåajnosti, veã pravilu da åitave ustanove iz unutrašnjosti uopšte nisu bile ukljuåene ni u kakav oblik edukacije o trgovini ljudima, govore od- govori ispitanika koji kaÿu da niko iz njihove ustanove nikada nije bio na takvom obliku edukacije (npr. Osnovna škola, Opštinski organ za prekršaje i Centar za socijalni rad u Velikoj Plani, Opštinsku sud u Za- jeåaru i Okruÿni sud u Poÿarevcu, Centar za porodiåni smeštaj dece u Miloševcu).

Tabela 2: Edukacija struånjaka u Srbiji

mesto ukljuåen % nije ukljuåen % ukupno % Apatin 3 3 Aleksinac 2 2 Beograd 26 29 55 Kraljevo 1 1 Miloševac 1 1 Novi Pazar 5 5 Novi Sad 5 8 13 Niš 3 7 10 Poÿarevac 6 6 Sombor 3 3 Šabac 2 3 5 Subotica 1 1 Vrnjaåka Banja 2 2 4 Vlasotince 1 1 Velika Plana 1 4 5 Zajeåar 2 5 7 Zrenjanin 1 1 Ukupno 44 35,8% 79 64,2% 123 100%

Na osnovu izloÿenog se moÿe zakljuåiti da podaci dobijeni istraÿi- vanjem ukazuju na regionalnu neujednaåenost ukljuåivanja struånjaka u razliåite oblike edukacije. Meðutim, pored regionalne, oåigledna je i neujednaåenost u pogledu ukljuåenosti u edukaciju predstavnika razli- åitih drÿavnih organa i nevladinih organizacija.

195  Sudeãi prema odgovorima naših ispitanika, postoji znaåajna neu- jednaåenost izmeðu ukljuåivanja u edukaciju ljudi koji su zaposleni u republiåkim ministarstvima za socijalna pitanja i unutrašnje poslove na jednoj strani, i zaposlenih u centrima za socijalni rad, sudovima, tuÿila- štvima i policiji na lokalnom nivou na drugoj strani. Predstavnici okru- ÿnih i opštinskih sudova i tuÿilaštava, zaposleni u centrima za socijalni rad i policiji, najåešãe nisu uopšte bili ukljuåeni ni u kakav oblik eduka- cije o trgovini ljudima ili su bili na po jednom seminaru ili okruglom stolu. Pri tome, predstavnici policije i centara za socijalni rad su ipak bili u nešto povoljnijem poloÿaju jer su, u poreðenju sa sudijama i tuÿioci- ma, åešãe bili ukljuåeni u edukaciju, iako se po pravilu radilo o prisu- stvovanju samo jednom seminaru ili okruglom stolu. Slaba ukljuåenost sudija i tuÿilaca u edukaciju o trgovini ljudima je u suprotnosti sa potrebom, o åemu govore odgovori sledeãih ispitanika:

„Nisam do sada bio na seminarima o trgovini ljudima, ali bih voleo da budem pozvan na jedan takav seminar. Mislim da je to posebno kori- sno za radnike u pravosuðu, jer se upravo od njih oåekuje da adekvatno osude takvo opasno kriminalno ponašanje." (ispitanik iz Opštinskog suda u Zajeåaru) „Do sada nisam bio na seminarima o trgovini ljudima, ali mislim da je neophodna edukacija tuÿilaštva i sudstva kada je u pitanju ova proble- matika, jer ni sam ne znam uvek kako bih reagovao." (ispitanik iz Opštin- skog javnog tuÿilaštva u Zajeåaru).

Nesklad izmeðu edukovanosti i potreba vidi se i iz odgovora koji ukazuju na sluåajeve zaposlenih u drÿavnim organima što rade na po- slovima usko vezanim za trgovinu ljudima (npr. policija, Savezno mini- starstvo inostranih poslova), a da prethodno nisu prošli nikakav oblik edukacije o trgovini ljudima. Prema podacima dobijenim istraÿivanjem, nivo ukljuåenosti u edu- kaciju je na najniÿem nivou kada su u pitanju zaposleni u domovima u kojima su smeštena deca i omladina, kao i u srednjim školama. Naime, niko od ispitivanih predstavnika ovih institucija, izuzev psihologa Eko- nomske škole u Velikoj Plani i pomoãnika direktora SOS Deåije selo iz Novog Sada, nije prisustvovao seminarima ili drugim oblicima edukaci- je o trgovini ljudima. Uoåile smo i izvesnu nesrazmeru izmeðu broja seminara na kojima su uåestvovale predstavnice Astre i Savetovališta — Skloništa za ÿrtve trgovine na jednoj, i predstavnice nekih drugih, manjih nevladinih or- ganizacija iz Beograda i nevladinih organizacija u unutrašnjosti180 na 180 Na primer, predstavnica Deåijeg romskog centra iz Beograda izjavila je da nije bila ni na jednom seminaru jer se „naÿalost, u nevladinom sektoru ÿene njenih godina (54) smatraju neade-

196 drugoj strani. Izuzetak u tom pogledu su prestavnice NVO Eva iz No- vog Sada koje su bile na svim Astrinim i OEBS-ovim seminarima, i predstavnica SOS telefona iz Vlasotinca koja je uåestvovala na skoro svim seminarima u organizaciji Astre. Seminari i okrugli stolovi kojima su prisustvovali ispitanici organi- zovani su od strane domaãih nevladinih organizacija (Astra, Viktimo- loško društvo Srbije, Incest trauma centar, Sigurna ÿenska kuãa, Beo- support), meðunarodnih organizacija i stranih nevladinih organizacija (OEBS, Savet Evrope, UNDP, USAID, ICMPD, Pakt za stabilnost Jugoi- stoåne Evrope, IOM, Lefo, Admira, La Strada, Hans Zeidel, Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova Gråke), kao i od strane Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Srbije, Ministarstva za socijalna pitanja i Sekretarijata za rad, zapošljavanje i ravnopravnost polova Vojvodine. Seminari su obiåno or- ganizovani u saradnji razliåitih organizacija, odnosno drÿavnih organa. Ispitanici su preteÿno bili zadovoljni onim što su saznali na trenin- zima (30), jedan manji broj (7) je bio delimiåno zadovoljan, odnosno za- dovoljan nekim a nezadovoljan drugim treninzima, dok je svega åetiri ispitanika izjavilo da su bili potpuno nezadovoljni treninzima. Zanimlji- vo je da je od åetiri ispitanika koji su nezadovoljni, njih troje uåestvova- lo na treningu koji su organizovali domaãi drÿavni organi u saradnji sa nevladinim organizacijama. Meðutim, meðu onima koji su odgovorili da su delimiåno bili zadovoljni, preovlaðuju ispitanici koji su bili na tre- ninzima organizovanim od strane meðunarodnih organizacija. Ispitanici koji su bili nezadovoljni ili delimiåno zadovoljni, ili bolje reåeno oni koji su bili kritiåniji prema edukacijama u koje su bili uklju- åeni, uglavnom su isticali sledeãe nedostatke:

1. ništa novo nisu nauåili; 2. ima suviše „ponavljanja opštih mesta"; 3. „isuviše je pojednostavljeno"; 4. izneti podaci su „šturi"; 5. „nedovoljno je konkretnih informacija"; 6. nivo predavanja je nizak; 7. predavaåi su neadekvatni; 8. nesrazmerno je više informacija o situaciji u drugim zemljama nego o stanju kod nas; 9. strani predavaåi su razoåarali jer su ih tretirali kao „potpune laike"; 10. nije bilo nikakvih materijala.

kvatnim osobama za edukaciju i uåešãe na seminarima, to je rezervisano za mlade." Takoðe, pred- stavnica Centra za devojke iz Niša je odgovorila da je uåestvovala samo na jednom baziånom tre- ningu koji je organizovala Astra, a predstavnica Psihofona iz Novog Sada da je bila na samo dva seminara.

197  Osim toga, kada su u pitanju treninzi koje organizuju meðunarod- ne organizacije, predstavnica nevladine organizacije je ukazala na nepo- znavanje lokalnog konteksta od strane stranih predavaåa, kao njihov osnovni nedostatak:

„Meðunarodne organizacije ne mogu da sagledaju niti prikaÿu stvar- nu sliku stvari u zemljama regiona. Na njihovim seminarima se ne dobija- ju upotrebljiva saznanja. Ta znanja mogu da pruÿe samo 'lokalci'. Takoðe, meðunarodne organizacije serviraju samo ono što je njima politiåki po- godno. A one, naÿalost, imaju mnogo veãu moã nego lokalne organizacije i one su te koje vode politiku i odluåuju o svemu."

XI 1.2. Upoznatost sa novim zakonskim rešenjima

Skoro tri åetvrtine, dakle veãina, ispitanika je odgovorila da je upo- znata sa najnovijim izmenama zakona koje se odnose na uvoðenje no- vog kriviånog dela trgovina ljudima. Ukupno posmatrano, kako pokazuje tabela 3, visok nivo obaveštenosti postoji kako u Beogradu, tako i u dru- gim gradovima Srbije.181 Ako pogledamo ko su, s obzirom na zanimanje i instituciju/organi- zaciju u kojoj rade, ispitanici koji nisu bili upoznati sa novim kriviånim delom, videãemo da se preteÿno radi o nepravnicima zaposlenim u do- movima za zbrinjavanje dece i omladine i u osnovnim i srednjim škola- ma, a nešto reðe i u centrima za socijali rad. Meðutim, iako pravnici, posebno sudije i tuÿioci, uglavnom znaju za novo kriviåno delo, i u Be- ogradu i u drugim mestima ima i meðu njima pojedinaånih sluåajeva onih koji u vreme istraÿivanja nisu o tome bili obavešteni. Na drugoj strani, meðutim, svi ispitivani pripadnici policije, kao i predstavnici ne- vladinih organizacija i nauåni radnici, bili su upoznati sa novim kriviå- nim delom. Podaci o obaveštenosti o zakonskim promenama donekle odraÿava- ju izuzetno nisku ukljuåenost zaposlenih u domovima za zbrinjavanje dece i omladine i školama u edukaciju o trgovini ljudima, kao i neujed- naåenost u edukaciji policije na jednoj strani i sudija i tuÿilaca na dru- goj strani. Kada je u pitanju ovo poslednje, treba imati u vidu i razlike u funkcionisanju ove dve institucije, odnosno u oåigledno veãim napo- rima uloÿenim od strane Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova na sistemat- skom menjanju postupanja policije u ovim sluåajevima. 181 S obzirom na mali broj ispitanika u pojedinim mestima, pojedinaåne razlike ne bi mogle da budu osnova za neki opštiji zakljuåak, pa ih zato ovde neãemo ni komentarisati.

198  U tom smislu indikativan je odgovor predstavnika policije iz Velike Plane, koji je na pitanje da li je upoznat sa izmenama zakona odgo- vorio:

„Da, svakako. Dobili smo od Ministarstva instrukcije o postupanju u skladu sa novim promenama."

Ako se podaci o upoznatosti sa zakonskim rešenjima sagledaju u svetlu napred izloÿenih podataka o rasprostranjenosti i karakteristikama trgovine decom u Srbiji, moÿe se konstatovati da neupoznatost zaposle- nih u domovima, školama i centrima za socijalni rad sa zakonskim pro- menama posebno zabrinjava, jer moÿe imati veoma negativne konse- kvence na njihovo pravovremeno i adekvatno reagovanje u situacijama kada se sretnu sa sluåajevima trgovine decom.

Tabela 3: Upoznatost struånjaka u Srbiji sa zakonskim rešenjima

mesto upoznat/a % nije upoznat/a % ukupno % Apatin 1 2 3 Aleksinac 1 1 2 Beograd 41 14 55 Kraljevo 1 1 Miloševac 1 1 Novi Pazar 4 1 5 Novi Sad 10 3 13 Niš 5 5 10 Poÿarevac 3 3 6 Sombor 3 3 Šabac 5 5 Subotica 1 1 Vrnjaåka Banja 2 2 4 Vlasotince 1 1 Velika Plana 2 3 5 Zajeåar 7 7 Zrenjanin 1 1 Ukupno 88 71,5% 35 28,5% 123 100%

XI 1.3. Definicije i sposobnost razgraniåenja osnovnih pojmova

Na poåetku svakog intervjua naše ispitanike smo zamolile da defi- nišu sledeãe pojmove, koje smatramo baziånim za razumevanje proble- ma trgovine ljudima:

199  — Trgovina ljudima, — Prostitucija, — Krijumåarenje ljudi, — Prisilni rad.

Veãina ispitanika je dala svoje definicije navedenih pojava. Bilo je, meðutim, i pojedinaca koji nisu znali ili nisu hteli da daju svoje defi- nicije. Definicije trgovine ljudima se kreãu od prepoznavanja pojedinih elemenata do potpunog i detaljnog iznošenja definicije iz Protokola o suzbijanju trgovine ljudima iz Palerma ili zakonske definicije. Analiza dobijenih definicija pokazuje da najveãi broj ispitanika u trgovini ljudi- ma prepoznaje pre svega kupoprodajni odnos åiji su predmet ljudi, od- nosno njihovo telo i organi. Ovo nije nimalo iznenaðujuãe kada se ima u vidu sam naziv trgovina ljudima, koji je u stvari neadekvatan prevod engleske reåi trafficking, i koji pravi veliku konfuziju i oteÿava celovito sagledavanje i razumevanje problema.182 Meðutim, na drugoj strani, znaåajan deo ispitanika prepoznaje eksploataciju, odnosno ropski od- nos, kao osnovni elemenat trgovine ljudima, što zapravo govori o solid- nom nivou njihovog baziånog znanja o trgovini ljudima. Zanimljivo je i sasvim neoåekivano, s obzirom da se o ovom pro- blemu kod nas najåešãe govori kao o problemu trgovine ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, da je veãina ispitanika prilikom definisanja kao ÿrtve trgovine prepoznala ljude, odnosno ljudska biãa u širem smislu, istiåuãi pri tome posebnu ugroÿenost ÿena i dece. Sa ovim je u skladu i visok nivo prepoznavanja kako trgovine ljudima u cilju seksualne eks- ploatacije, tako i trgovine ljudima u cilju radne eksploatacije, odnosno prisilnog rada. Znatan broj ispitanika uoåava tesnu vezu izmeðu trgovi- ne ljudima, prisilne prostitucije i prisilnog rada, i uoåava prinudu, eks- ploataciju i neadekvatne uslove rada kao suštinske elemente prisilnog rada. Samo manji broj ispitanika, meðutim, uoåava širi dijapazon mogu- ãih oblika eksploatacije, poput korišãenja u oruÿanim sukobima, usvoje- nja itd. Meðutim, ispitanici su, takoðe, uz davanje pravilne definicije trgo- vine ljudima radi prisilnog rada isticali da taj oblik trgovine ljudima ne postoji u našoj zemlji. Takoðe, analiza odgovora na druga pitanja uka- zuje da jedan broj ispitanika samo deklaratorno, i najverovatnije zbog naåina koncipiranja pitanja („kako definišete trgovinu ljudima"), u po- jam ÿrtve ukljuåuje i muškarce, dok ih u stvari, i posebno u našoj ze- mlji, ne prepoznaje kao ÿrtve. Sliåno je i kada su u pitanju deca. Ispita- nici na apstraktnom nivou definisanja pojave uoåavaju trgovinu decom 182 Kelly, L. (2002), op. cit., str. 17.

200 kao oblik trgovine ljudima, ali zato kada govore o konkretnim sluåajevi- ma koji se dešavaju kod nas ne uoåavaju uvek da je u pitanju trgovina decom (npr. trgovinu maloletnicama podvode pod trgovinu ÿenama), ili, i pored opisa koji odgovara trgovini decom radi prisilnog rada, ove sluåajeve uopšte ne prepoznaju kao trgovinu ljudima. Tako, na primer, dok na jednoj strani neki ispitanici problem trgo- vine ljudima prepoznaju iskljuåivo kao trgovinu ÿenama i decom u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, na drugoj strani uoåena je sklonost ka veziva- nju trgovine muškarcima prevashodno za stereotipne predstave o radu migrantskih radnika sa Dalekog istoka u „fabrikama znoja" na Zapadu. Pored toga, dok su u mnogim sluåajevima krijumåarenja muških migra- nata kroz Srbiju ispitanici otvoreno izraÿavali sumnju ili ostavljali mo- guãnost da bi u pitanju mogla biti i trgovina ljudima, upitani o sazna- njima o prisilnom radu u Srbiji neki od njih su dali i sledeãe odgovore: „Kod nas toga nema, to se dogaða u fabrikama na Zapadu", „Kinezi se kod nas bave trgovinom, a ne proizvodnjom", „Kod nas nema fabrika u kojima gomila Kineza pravi male medvede", i sliåno. Interesantno je da je relativno mali broj anketiranih profesionalaca izrazio makar bojazan da trgovina punoletnim muškarcima ili barem prisilni rad muških imi- granata u Srbiji uopšte postoji, uprkos tome što su gotovo svi iznosili saznanja o „veoma raširenom" jeftinom radu „na crno" imigranata iz Rumunije, Bugarske i drugih zemalja, koji rade pod uslovima što, po pravilu, iskljuåivo zavise od volje poslodavaca. Ipak, trgovina muškarcima je problem u odnosu na koji senzibilisa- nost profesionalaca u Srbiji raste, naroåito kod pripadnika policije. O to- me svedoåe njihova obaveštenost i zainteresovanost, o kojima je mogu- ãe makar površno suditi na osnovu koliåine informacija kojima raspola- ÿu i sopstvenih razmišljanja o razliåitim aspektima ovog fenomena, koja su izneli prilikom anketiranja. Detaljnija analiza ukupnih odgovora ispitanika, takoðe, pokazuje da se pod trgovinom ÿenama najåešãe podrazumeva trgovina ÿenama u cilju seksualne ekploatacije, dok se trgovina u cilju radne ekploatacije, na drugoj strani, preteÿno vezuje za muškarce. Trgovina decom vezuje se kako za seksualnu, tako i za radnu eksploataciju. U meri u kojoj je to bilo moguãe iz åesto šturih definicija koje su is- pitanici davali, stekli smo utisak da se u vezi sa meðusobnim razlikova- njem pojava koje smo od njih traÿili da definišu ispitanici uglavnom mogu podeliti u tri grupe. U prvoj grupi bi bila veãina koja nema veãih problema da razgraniåi osnovne pojmove. Drugu grupu åine oni koji ne prave razliku izmeðu trgovine ljudima i krijumåarenja, a u treãoj su oni koji imaju problem da razgraniåe trgovinu ÿenama i prostituciju. Meðu ovim poslednjim je posebno uoåljiv problem razgraniåenja prinudne

201 prostitucije i trgovine ÿenama,183 što, s obzirom na njihovu tesnu pove- zanost i isprepletenost, nije nimalo iznenaðujuãe.

„Sve je to povezano. Trgovina ljudima ima ekonomski impakt, neko plati da bi otišao iz zemlje. Prostitucija je jedan od vidova trgovine. Ukra- jinke, Moldavke, Rumunke, sve one dolaze da se bave prostitucijom. U Moldaviji ih åovek skupi, proda, one onda ovde rade da odrade tu cenu i posle dele sa gazdom dalju zaradu." „Ranije sam prostituciju posmatrao kao prodavanje tela, a danas je smatram jednim od bitnih pojavnih oblika trgovine ljudima." „Prostitucija je oblik seksualne eksploatacije, ali je voljniji od trafikin- ga — eksploatisana osoba je u startu svesna šta ãe da radi. U veãini sluåa- jeva nije im ograniåena sloboda kretanja. Ne postoji u toj meri element prevare kao kod trgovine, ali ostali elementi su vrlo sliåni. Moÿe biti i dru- gih elemenata prevare i ucene — to su sluåajevi kada prostitutka koja je dobrovoljno poåela da se bavi prostitucijom u jednom momentu poÿeli da napusti makroa, ali joj on to ne dozvoljava. Sliåan sluåaj je i kada prosti- tutka koja je dobrovoljno u poslu poÿeli da odbije klijenta, ali joj to makro ne dozvoljava."

Osim toga, u pojedinaånim sluåajevima uoåeno je nerazlikovanje pojedinaånih nedozvoljenih prelazaka drÿavne granice od krijumåare- nja, nerazlikovanje prisilnog rada i rada „na crno", kao i neuoåavanja prelaska granice kao suštinskog elementa krijumåarenja ljudima, koji se, za razliku od trgovine ljudima, ne moÿe vršiti unutar granica. Pojedini ispitanici su, pored ostalog, trgovinu ljudima definisali kao oblik organizovanog kriminala i/ili skup raznih kriviånih dela, dok su drugi u prvi plan stavljali da se tu radi o drastiånom kršenju osnovnih ljudskih prava. Pojedini ispitanici su prilikom definisanja trgovine ljudi- ma ukazivali na faktore guranja i privlaåenja, pri åemu su uglavnom pominjali socijalne i ekonomske faktore kao faktore guranja, i ekonom- ske faktore i seks industriju na Zapadu kao faktore privlaåenja. Dovoðenjem u vezu podataka u vezi sa edukacijom i definicije osnovnih pojmova koje su dali ispitanici, došle smo do oåekivane veze izmeðu edukacije i nivoa razlikovanja osnovnih pojmova i razumevanja pojave trgovine ljudima u celini. Pri tome, ta povezanost je najuoåljivija u sluåajevima ispitanika koji nisu bili ni na kakvom obliku edukacije, i kod onih koji su bili na veãem broju seminara. Ispitanici koji nisu bili ni na kakvom obliku edukacije po pravilu su davali sasvim šture i ap- straktne definicije, åesto bazirane na zdravom razumu, a ne znanju, po- put: „prodaja ljudi radi dobijanja materijalne dobiti", „prodaja seksual- 183 Za sliåno videti Kelly L. (2002), op. cit., str. 14.

202 nih usluga", „ilegalno prebacivanje ljudi", „zloupotreba radi prošnje, prostitucije, prodaja radi materijalne dobiti" i sl. Ovo je posebno uoålji- vo kod odgovora ispitanika iz domova za decu i omladinu, škola i cen- tara za socijalni rad. Ipak, pojedini ispitanici iz domova za decu i omla- dinu su u sopstvenim sredinama i na konkretnim primerima prepozna- vali prisilan rad dece i trgovinu decom vezanu za njega. No, ovo po- slednje govori uglavnom o entuzijazmu i samoedukaciji pojedinaca, i dodatno potvrðuje prethodno iznete podatke o odsustvu sistematskog pristupa edukaciji zaposlenih u ovim ustanovama i potrebi za edukaci- jom. Takoðe, meðu pripadnicima razliåitih profesija, posebno meðu no- vinarima, policijom, sudijama i tuÿiocima, ima i onih koji, uprkos åinje- nici da nisu bili ili su sasvim sporadiåno bili na nekom posebnom obliku edukacije, priliåno solidno vladaju osnovnim pojmovima. To ukazuje na prisustvo samoedukacije struånjaka, što je i razumljivo imajuãi u vidu prirodu njihovih profesija. S druge strane, meðu ispitanicima koji nisu bili ni na kakvom obli- ku edukacije dominiraju oni koji nisu znali ili nisu ÿeleli da daju traÿe- ne definicije, dok su najartikulisanije i najdetaljnije odgovore dali ispita- nici, posebno pripadnici policije, koji su bili na više treninga. Meðutim, pojedini odgovori ukazuju i na moguãu povezanost kvaliteta obuke i steåenog znanja, s obzirom da i meðu onima koji su bili na treninzima ima ispitanika koji su pokazali veoma nizak nivo artikulisanja i razgra- niåenja osnovnih pojmova. Meðu njima su posebno upadljivi primeri predstavnica nevladinih organizacija iz unutrašnjosti, kod kojih su åeste uopštene definicije poput „strašna pojava", „ÿrtve su kao ÿivotinje u ka- vezu", „veliki teret, jaram", „problem potekao iz bede i siromaštva", i sl.

XI 1.4. Zakljuåak

Dobijeni podaci pokazuju da je nivo obuhvaãenosti struånjaka u Srbiji edukacijom o trgovini ljudima na niskom nivou, kao i da u tom pogledu postoji visok nivo regionalne, strukovne i vertikalne neujedna- åenosti. Edukacija je na raspolaganju prevashodno struånjacima iz Beo- grada, iz policije i nevladinih organizacija, kao i onima koji su na višem mestu u hijerarhiji, odnosno na kljuånim mestima ili u kljuånim organi- zacijama, dok je dostupnost edukacije drugima nesrazmerno niÿa. Po- sebno je indikativna niska ukljuåenost u edukaciju zaposlenih u domo- vima u kojima su smeštena deca i omladina i srednjim školama, a zatim i u centrima za socijalni rad, sudovima, tuÿilaštvima i policiji na lokal- nom nivou. Pored neodgovarajuãe rasporeðenosti ponude edukacije,

203 uoåile smo i neujednaåenost i oåigledno odsustvo bilo kakvih standarda u kvalitetu onoga što se kao edukacija nudi. Uoåljiva je i neprilagoðe- nost edukacije lokalnom kontekstu i nivou baziåne edukovanosti struå- njaka iz Srbije. S druge strane, dobijeni podaci ukazuju na oåiglednu potrebu za edukacijom o trgovini ljudima. Ona proizilazi kako iz neposrednih od- govora ispitanika u vezi sa tim, tako i iz njihovog nivoa vladanja osnov- nim pojmovima i njegove povezanosti sa edukacijom. Dobijeni podaci ukazuju na potrebu stvaranja uslova za veãe mo- guãnosti edukacije na teritoriji cele Srbije i za sve institucije/organizacije za koje je ta edukacija relevantna. Takoðe, dobijeni podaci ukazuju na potrebu detaljnog preispitivanja raspoloÿivih oblika edukacije, na njiho- vu koordinaciju, standardizaciju i struåni monitoring/evaluaciju. Sazna- nja do kojih smo došle ukazuju na posebno izraÿenu slabu upoznatost i senzibilisanost ispitanika u vezi sa trgovinom decom i muškarcima, što istovremeno sugeriše potrebu veãeg ukljuåivanja ove problematike u sve edukativne programe o trgovini ljudima. Pored toga, nameãe se i potreba podele programa edukacije na baziåne i specijalne, u zavisnosti od relevantnosti pojedinih programa, s obzirom na ciljne grupe kojima se struånjaci koji se edukuju bave. Na drugoj strani, podaci o upoznatosti za zakonskim promenama pokazali su da su struånjaci, posebno pravnici, u Srbiji dosta dobro upo- znati sa njima, kao i da njihova upoznatost sa zakonima nije neophod- no vezana za dodatnu edukaciju. Ovo je oåekivano kada se ima u vidu medijska paÿnja koja je poklonjena izmenama zakona, kao i okolnost da je praãenje zakonskih promena sastavni deo rada pravnika. No, znatno niÿa upoznatost nepravnika u socijalnim ustanovama sa zakon- skim promenama ukazuje još jednom na znaåaj edukacije ove kategori- je struånjaka.

XI 2. Viðenje mera koje treba preduzeti

Istraÿivanjem „Trgovina ljudima u Srbiji" sakupljane su i informa- cije koje se odnose na stavove i ideje ispitanika o naåinima efikasnog suprotstavljanja društva ovom teškom obliku kriminala. Svoje viðenje adekvatnog naåina borbe protiv trgovine ljudima ispitanici su iznosili odgovarajuãi na pitanja: „Imate li neku ideju kako da se naše društvo efikasnije suprotstavi problemu trgovine ljudima?", i „Kakvo je Vaše mi- šljenje o novim zakonskim rešenjima i njihovoj sprovodljivosti u praksi? Šta ona znaåe za ÿrtve, a šta za uåinioce? Šta bi još trebalo promeniti?". Veãina ispitanika — njih 77 (63%) je, odgovarajuãi na jedno ili oba po- stavljena pitanja, eksplicitno iznela svoje viðenje mera koje bi trebalo

204 preduzeti radi prevazilaÿenja problema na putu efikasnog suprotstavlja- nja problemu trgovine ljudima. Svi izneti predlozi mogu se grupisati u tri kategorije:

— predlozi mera za jaåanje efikasnosti kriviånopravne represije, — predlozi mera u cilju unapreðivanja zaštite i podrške ÿrtava tr- govine ljudima, — predlozi mera i aktivnosti u domenu preventivnog reagovanja.

U strukturi predloÿenih mera dominiraju one koje se odnose na ja- åanje efikasnosti kriviånopravne represije (44%), a zatim slede mere u cilju unapreðivanja zaštite i podrške ÿrtava (31%) i mere u oblasti pre- ventivnog reagovanja (25%). Blizu polovine svih predloÿenih mera una- preðenja prevencije, represije ili zaštite i podrške ÿrtava trgovine ljudi- ma (43%) ukljuåivalo je i potrebu izmena ili dopuna odreðenih zakon- skih rešenja, o åemu ãe više reåi biti kasnije. Najveãi deo onih koji su izneli konkretne predloge u vezi sa dru- štvenim reagovanjem na problem trgovine ljudima smatrao je neophod- nim iskljuåivo mere jaåanja kriviånopravne represije (38), dok se isklju- åivo za preventivne mere odluåilo osmoro anketiranih. Åetiri ispitanika predloÿilo je mere poboljšanja u oblasti i represivnog i preventivnog re- agovanja, dok su svi oni koji su predloÿili mere unapreðenja zaštite i podrške ÿrtava (27) istovremeno naglašavali i potrebu preduzimanja mera u domenu represivnog ili preventivnog delovanja drÿave i dru- štva prema ovom obliku kriminala.

XI 2.1. Mere za jaåanje efikasnosti kriviånopravne represije trgovine ljudima

Ispitanici koji su istakli potrebu jaåanja represivne kontrole trgovi- ne ljudima preovlaðuju kako u ukupnoj strukturi anketiranih koji su iz- neli sopstvene predloge, tako i unutar gotovo svih obuhvaãenih profesi- onalnih kategorija. Naime, mere za jaåanje efikasnosti kriviånopravne represije sadrÿane su u predlozima:

— 1/2 sudija okruÿnih i opštinskih sudova, — 2/3 okruÿnih i opštinskih javnih tuÿilaca, njihovih zamenika ili struånih saradnika, — 2/3 novinara, — 3/4 aktivista i struånih saradnika u nevladinim organizacijama,

205  — 4/5 zaposlenih u centrima za socijalni rad, obrazovnim i ustano- vama socijalne zaštite, — 9/10 zaposlenih u Ministarstvu unutrašnjih poslova, — svih sudija za prekršaje.

Ispitanici koji su izneli uverenje o neophodnosti unapreðivanja efi- kasnosti kriviånopravne represije generalno se mogu podeliti u dve gru- pe. Prvu åine oni koji su osnovni problem videli u lošem funkcionisanju represivnog mehanizma i neefikasnosti u otkrivanju kriviånih dela trgo- vine ljudima, hvatanju izvršilaca i blagovremenom i adekvatnom reago- vanju svih drÿavnih organa u lancu kriviånopravne represije, a tek po- slediåno i u dokazivanju (76%). U drugoj su ispitanici koji su smatrali da je prevashodni problem u domenu obezbeðivanja dokaza protiv iz- vršilaca trgovine ljudima, u meri i kvalitetu neophodnim za donošenje osuðujuãih presuda u kriviånim postupcima (24%). Kao što se moglo oåekivati, teško obezbeðivanje dokaza kao najveãu smetnju uspešnoj re- presiji trgovine ljudima najåešãe su naglašavali pripadnici policije, a za- tim zaposleni u tuÿilaštvima, dok su na sistemske probleme efikasnosti drÿavnih organa u represiji trgovine ljudima ukazivali ispitanici sasvim razliåitih profesija, kako oni zaposleni u drÿavnim organima, tako i pri- padnici svih ostalih profesionalnih kategorija. Shodno reåenom o viðenju problema u funkcionisanju represivne kriviånopravne kontrole, mere koje su predloÿene u cilju podizanja nje- ne efikasnosti mogle bi se podeliti na mere opšteg karaktera i mere koje se odnose iskljuåivo na oblast dokazivanja u postupcima protiv izvršila- ca kriviånog dela trgovine ljudima. Kao opšte mere za unapreðenje efikasnosti kriviånopravne represi- je trgovine ljudima, predloÿene su sledeãe:

— jaåanje meðusobne koordinacije drÿavnih organa — policije, tu- ÿilaca i sudova; — borba protiv korupcije u policiji, na carini i drugim drÿavnim sluÿbama; — jaåanje meðunarodne, naroåito regionalne saradnje u borbi pro- tiv transnacionalnog kriminala; — senzibilisanje, edukacija i struåno usavršavanje zaposlenih u dr- ÿavnim organima, pre svega u policiji, tuÿilaštvima i sudovima; — kadrovsko ojaåanje i poboljšanje kadrovske strukture policije; — podizanje tehniåke opremljenosti policije radi uspešnije kontro- le drÿavnih granica i efikasnijeg otkrivanja kriviånih dela trgovine lju- dima; — specijalizacija policijskih timova za borbu protiv trgovine lju- dima.

206  U sklopu mera koje bi unapredile represivnu formalnu kontrolu kroz stvaranje preduslova za veãu efikasnost u oblasti dokazivanja kri- viånog dela trgovine ljudima, predloÿeno je:

— hitnost postupanja organa kriviånog gonjenja u sluåajevima tr- govine ljudima; — potpunije zakonsko regulisanje zaštite svedoka u postupku pro- tiv izvršilaca kriviånog dela trgovine ljudima; — pruÿanje šire podrške (pravne, psihološke i materijalne) i zaštite ÿrtava trgovine ljudima u cilju ohrabrivanja za svedoåenje u kriviånim postupcima protiv izvršilaca; — proširivanje saradnje drÿavnih organa i NVO u oblasti podrške i zaštite ÿrtava; — odlaganje proterivanja (deportacije) stranih drÿavljana/ki ÿrtava trgovine ljudima koje ÿele da svedoåe u kriviånim postupcima protiv iz- vršilaca; — aktiviranje u praksi novih mera koje su predviðene Zakonom o kriviånom postupku (pruÿanje simulovanih poslovnih usluga, sklapanje simulovanih pravnih poslova, prikriveni islednik,184 snimanje i prisluški- vanje); — stvaranje zakonskih moguãnosti za proširivanje spektra istra- ÿnih tehnika.

Zanimljivo je da niko od anketiranih nije pomenuo kao moguãnost veãe orijentisanje i na druge izvore dokaza u odnosu na iskaze ÿrtve, kao što su, na primer, svedoci saradnici185 i dr. Åak i sami predlozi ispi- tanika koji se odnose na „aktiviranje" novih mera i tehnika prikupljanja dokaza i „proširivanje spektra istraÿnih tehnika" posredno govore da se ÿrtva od strane svih ili nekih drÿavnih organa i dalje preferira kao „jedi- ni" izvor dokaza iako su Zakonom o kriviånom postupku, a naroåito Iz- menama i dopunama ZKP od 19. decembra 2002. godine (Sluÿbeni list 184 Izmenama i dopunama Zakonika o kriviånom postupku od 19. decembra 2002. godine (Sluÿbeni list SRJ br. 68/02), ålanom 504lj predviðena je moguãnost da istraÿni sudija, na zahtev dr- ÿavnog tuÿioca, prema licu za koje postoje osnovi sumnje da „samo ili zajedno sa drugim licima priprema kriviåno delo organizovanog kriminala" odobri primenu mera: „pruÿanje simulovanih poslovnih usluga, sklapanje simulovanih pravnih poslova i angaÿovanje prikrivenih islednika, ako se kriviåno delo organizovanog kriminala na drugi naåin ne bi moglo otkriti, dokazati ili spreåiti, ili bi to bilo povezano sa znatnim teškoãama". Ove mere izvršavaju organi unutrašnjih poslova (ål. 504m st. 1. ZKP), dok „prikriveni islednik moÿe biti lice zaposleno u drÿavnim organima" (ål. 504nj st. 1. ZKP). 185 Svedok saradnik je pripadnik kriminalne organizacije (pod uslovom da ne postoji osno- vana sumnja da je njen organizator), protiv koga je podneta kriviåna prijava ili se vodi kriviåni po- stupak za delo organizovanog kriminala, a koji se na predlog drÿavnog tuÿioca saslušava kao sve- dok. Svedok saradnik koji sudu dâ iskaz u skladu sa obavezama predviðenim ål. 504ð ZKP, „ne moÿe biti gonjen za kriviåno delo organizovanog kriminala za koje se vodi postupak" (ål. 504z st. 1. ZKP).

207 SRJ br. 68/02) predviðene široke moguãnosti za korišãenje mnogih dru- gih „izvora". Moglo bi se postaviti pitanje koje su to još istraÿne tehnike „neophodne" pored: „nadzora i snimanja telefonskih i drugih razgovora ili komunikacija drugim tehniåkim sredstvima", „optiåkih snimanja lica za koje postoje osnovi sumnje da su sama ili sa drugima izvršila kriviå- na dela sa elementima organizovanog kriminala" (ål. 232. st. 1. t. 3. ZKP), „pruÿanja simulovanih poslovnih usluga, sklapanja simulovanih pravnih poslova i angaÿovanja prikrivenih islednika" (ål. 504lj st. 1. ZKP) koji opet mogu da „upotrebe tehniåka sredstva za snimanje razgo- vora i uãi u tuði stan i druge prostorije" (ål. 504nj st. 5. ZKP). No, budu- ãi da korišãenju ovih mera prethodi aktivnost i policije (koja prosleðuje informacije u vezi sa „osnovima sumnje" tuÿiocu) i tuÿioca (koji zahteva njihovo odreðivanje) i istraÿnog sudije (koji ih odobrava), pa opet poli- cije koja ih izvršava, nije moguãe jasno locirati gde leÿi prepreka „akti- viranju novih mera" koje više i nisu sasvim nove. Deo odgovora na prethodno pitanje moÿda leÿi u zapaÿanju petine ispitanika da za podizanje efikasnosti kriviånopravne represije i nisu neophodne neke posebne mere, veã da je u tom smislu zapravo pre- sudna „volja" drÿave da se trgovina ljudima odluåno suzbija kao teško kriviåno delo i teški oblik organizovanog kriminala. Meðu ispitanicima koji su podelili ovakav stav, gotovo podjednako su bili zastupljeni oni zaposleni u drÿavnim organima kao i ostali: naime, na „odustvo volje" za suzbijanje trgovine ljudima eksplicitno je ukazalo åetiri anketirana predstavnika nevladinih organizacija i po dvoje anketiranih nauånih radnika, sudija, sudija za prekršaje, pripadnika policije i novinara. Po- sebno je indikativan podatak da je na „nedostatak volje za suzbijanje tr- govine ljudima" otvoreno i jasno ukazalo relativno više onih ispitanika koji su imali neposredno profesionalno iskustvo sa problemom trgovine ljudima (25%) u odnosu na one koji to nisu (10%). Implicitno, sumnju u odluånost drÿavnih organa da se suzbijanju trgovine ljudima ozbiljno pristupi uputilo je više od treãine anketiranih ispitanika koji su, na pitanje o obaveštenosti o uvoðenju inkriminacije trgovina ljudima (ål. 111b KZRS) Zakonom o izmenama i dopunama Kriviånog zakona Republike Srbije od 11. aprila 2003. godine, odgovorili otprilike: „zakon je jedno, videãemo kako ãe to funkcionisati u praksi." Dragica Mršiã, sudija Opštinskog suda u Šapcu, je poput mnogih dru- gih istakla potrebu sistemskog i krajnje odluånog pristupa drÿavnih or- gana u represiji trgovine ljudima, koji bi trebalo da prati sâme zakonske izmene:

„Mislim da je novim zakonskim rešenjem stavljen veãi akcenat na za- štitu ljudskog tela. Meðutim, ono što predstavlja izazov za ubuduãe jeste spremnost organa kriviånopravne represije da hvataju, gone i kaÿnjavaju

208  uåinioce. U tom smislu, formalna kontrola bi trebalo da bude kompaktna — sve njene karike, poåev od policije, preko tuÿilaštva do suda, treba da imaju jednak stav i odluånost. Kaÿnjavanje izvršilaca bi trebalo da bude neizbeÿno i oštro, a ÿrtve bi trebalo ohrabriti da prijavljuju ova dela."

Preduslov za uspešnu borbu protiv trgovine ljudima u Srbiji je, po uverenju mnogih ispitanika, promena ukupnog odnosa društva, a naro- åito drÿavnih organa, prema problemu i samim ÿrtvama trgovine ljudi- ma, gde još uvek, prema njihovom zapaÿanju, ima nedopustivo mnogo nerazumevanja i predrasuda. U tom kontekstu, posebno je isticana va- ÿnost intenzivne i dobre saradnje izmeðu drÿavnih organa, medija i ne- vladinog sektora, kao jedinog strateškog pristupa koji moÿe dati rezulta- te u suprotstavljanju veoma teškom i specifiånom problemu kakav je tr- govina ljudima.

XI 2.2. Mere prevencije trgovine ljudima

Meðu preventivnim merama koje su predloÿene od strane ispitani- ka apsolutno preovlaðuju one generalno-preventivnog karaktera:

— edukacija opšte populacije o rizicima skopåanim sa ilegalnim ekonomskim i drugim migracijama; — pooštravanje zakonodavne kaznene politike radi demotivisanja potencijalnih izvršilaca; — opšte mere ekonomske i socijalne politike; — senzibilisanje javnosti na problem trgovine ljudima; — legalizacija prostitucije.

Åetvrtina anketiranih koji su izneli svoje viðenje mera za unapre- ðenje borbe protiv trgovine ljudima ukazala je na vaÿnost edukacije op- šte populacije o rizicima viktimizacije trgovinom ljudima. Opštim mera- ma ekonomske i socijalne politike kao „jedinom trajnom rešenju" apso- lutnu prednost je dalo 15% ispitanika koji su izneli svoje viðenje efika- snog društvenog suprotstavljanja trgovini ljudima. Pooštravanje zako- nodavne kaznene politike predloÿilo je blizu åetvrtine anketiranih koji su izneli sopstvene ideje o tome kako unaprediti suprotstavljanje ovom problemu, raåunajuãi na njen generalno preventivni efekat i odvraãanje potencijalnih izvršilaca kroz poveãanje „cene" ove kriminalne delatno- sti. Ispitanici koji oåekuju pozitivan efekat od senzibilisanja javnosti na problem trgovine ljudima (5%) zapravo su izrazili nadu u neformalne mehanizme kontrole kriminaliteta i pritisak javnosti na drÿavne organe koji bi rezultirao njihovom veãom efikasnošãu i angaÿovanošãu na razli-

209 åitim aspektima problema trgovine ljudima, ukljuåujuãi i preventivne. Preventivni uåinak od legalizacije prostitucije, koja je predloÿena od strane 5% ispitanika što su saopštili svoje viðenje adekvatnog suprotsta- vljanja problemu trgovine ljudima, oåekuje se prevashodno kroz širenje legalnog trÿišta usluga na raåun ilegalnog, poboljšanje pravnog, socijal- nog i ekonomskog statusa prostitutki — domaãih i stranih drÿavljanki i, poslediåno, smanjivanje rizika njihove viktimizacije. Manji broj ispitanika koji su se zaloÿili za mere prevencije prednost je dao preventivnim merama koje bi za svrhu imale edukaciju i pomoã osobama što pripadaju posebno vulnerabilnim kategorijama za viktimi- zaciju trgovinom ljudima. Oni su u tom smislu, naroåito naglasili slede- ãe mere:

— edukaciju adolescentkinja i mladih devojaka; — edukaciju dece bez roditeljskog staranja i dece u ustanovama socijalne zaštite; — materijalnu i psihološku pomoã osobama koje su veã bile ÿrtve radi spreåavanja ponovne viktimizacije.

Reviktimizacija ÿrtava trgovine ljudima u cilju seksualne eksploata- cije je problem koji je primeãen od strane nekih ispitanika iz Novog Sa- da i Novog Pazara. Valerija Tomin, lekar Doma zdravlja u Novom Sadu i struåni saradnik nevladine organizacije Eva, opisala je nekoliko sluåa- jeva trgovine ÿenama i ÿenskom decom u cilju seksualne eksploatacije u kojima su se kao ÿrtve pojavile domaãe drÿavljanke, koje su i nakon pr- ve viktimizacije „nastavile i dalje da rade na istim mestima". Ispitanici su ovi sluåajevi poznati iz neposrednog profesionalnog iskustva, buduãi da je kao lekar pozivana u kuãne posete da leåi ÿrtve, nakon åega je liå- no obaveštavala policiju. Jedan od ispitanika je svoja saznanja u vezi sa reviktimizacijom ÿrtava trgovine ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije opisao na sledeãi naåin:

„U nekim sluåajevima pronaðeno lice se uhapsi i privede kod sudije za prekršaje, gde bude saslušano i kaÿnjeno zbog kršenja Zakona o jav- nom redu i miru. Nakon toga se obezbedi pratnja milicije i ÿene se spro- vode samo do granice da bi ih vratili u zemlju porekla… Dešavalo se da se neke vrate same u Jugoslaviju, a neke su ponovo padale u ruke trgov- cima koji su ih i prodali, što samo govori koliko je ova vrsta kriminala do- bro organizovana."

Veãina ispitanika koji su pruÿili konkretne predloge u vezi sa pre- ventivnim delovanjem na rizik trgovine ljudima istovremeno je naglasi- la i vaÿnost efikasnosti represivne formalne kontrole kojoj su, u krajnjoj

210 liniji, pripisivali i odreðeni preventivni uåinak. No, pojedini ispitanici su u potpunosti negirali znaåaj represivnog reagovanja, istiåuãi da se „re- presijom ne moÿe ništa postiãi, pa stoga treba raditi na prevenciji". Oni su kao „jedino efikasne" mere suprotstavljanja problemu trgovine ljudi- ma isticali opšte mere ekonomske i socijalne politike i edukaciju opšte populacije, kao i populacije u posebnom riziku viktimizacije. Preventivnim merama su apsolutni prioritet najåešãe davali novina- ri i nauåni radnici (57%), a zatim zaposleni u obrazovnim instucijama (50%), dok su to znatno reðe åinili zaposleni u drÿavnim organima (33%) i aktivisti i saradnici nevladinih organizacija (29%).

XI 2.3. Mere zaštite i podrške ÿrtvama trgovine ljudima

Meðu ispitanicima koji su eksplicitno izneli svoje viðenje mera koje treba preduzeti u vezi sa problemom trgovine ljudima, predloge koji se odnose na podršku i pomoã ÿrtvama najåešãe su potencirali novinari (2/3), sudije za prekršaje (2/3) i aktivisti i saradnici nevladinih organiza- cija (1/2), dok su to daleko reðe åinili pripadnici policije (1/5), struånjaci u centrima za socijalni rad (1/5), opštinski i okruÿni javni tuÿioci i njiho- vi zamenici (1/5), kao i sudije opštinskih i okruÿnih sudova (1/6). Niko od anketiranih nauånih radnika niti zaposlenih u prosveti nije eksplicit- no naglasio mere podrške ÿrtvama trgovine ljudima koje bi trebalo predvideti u buduãnosti. Veãina ispitanika koja je uputila na potrebu unapreðivanja pomoãi ÿrtvama trgovine isticala je dvostruku svrsishodnost ovakvih mera, isti- åuãi da su one neophodne kako zbog osnaÿivanja samih ÿrtava i spreåa- vanja njihove sekundarne viktimizacije i re-viktimizacije, tako i zbog efikasnosti kriviånopravne represije trgovine ljudima, buduãi da su ÿr- tve åesto jedini dostupni izvori dokaza protiv izvršilaca. Predloÿene me- re u cilju osnaÿivanja ÿrtava i spreåavanja njihove sekundarne i ponov- ne viktimizacije jesu sledeãe:

— hitnost postupka u sluåajevima trgovine ljudima; — pruÿanje pravne, psihološke, medicinske i materijalne pomoãi ÿrtvama trgovine ljudima tokom priprema za svedoåenje u kriviånom postupku; — maksimalno redukovanje situacija u kojima se od ÿrtava trgovi- ne u cilju seksualne eksploatacije uzima iskaz (kako od strane drÿavnih organa, tako i od strane nevladinih organizacija); — senzibilisanje i edukacija pripadnika policije, tuÿilaca i sudija u vezi sa specifiånošãu viktimizacije trgovinom ljudima, naroåito ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije;

211  — odlaganje proterivanja (deportacije) ÿrtava ukoliko nije otklonje- na opasnost po njihovu bezbednost; — stvaranje zakonskih pretpostavki za adekvatnu zaštitu ÿrtava tr- govine koje ÿele da svedoåe u kriviånim postupcima (implementiranje programa zaštite svedoka); — otvaranje drÿavnih skloništa za ÿrtve i skloništa „na pola puta"; — podizanje kvaliteta struåne pomoãi koja se od strane nevladinih organizacija pruÿa ÿrtvama; — zakonsko obavezivanje drÿave na pruÿanje psihološke, medicin- ske i materijalne pomoãi ÿrtvama u cilju njihove resocijalizacije, bez uslovljavanja svedoåenjem u kriviånom postupku; — restrukturiranje Republiåkog tima za borbu protiv trgovine lju- dima i jasno preciziranje uloge svih aktera protokolom o saradnji.

Navedene mere zaštite i podrške ÿrtava trgovine ljudima preteÿno obavezuju drÿavu koja do sada, prema uverenju mnogih ispitanika, nije pokazivala dovoljno senzibiliteta, interesovanja i volje u ovom domenu. Odnos drÿave prema ÿrtvama trgovine ljudima odraz je generalnog sta- va drÿave i društva u celini prema ovom problemu: naime, potpuno je jasno da je bez saradnje sa ÿrtvama drastiåno limitirana moguãnost bor- be protiv ovog oblika kriminala, a pored toga, kroz odnos prema ÿrtvi odslikava se i istinsko vrednovanje dobara koja se deklarativno štite kri- viånopravnom normom. Predlozi ispitanika u domenu zaštite i podrške ÿrtava trgovine su, stoga, åešãe bili na liniji razumevanja ovog odnosa kao sistemskog problema nego kao „humanitarnog" pitanja. Senzibiliza- cija zaposlenih u drÿavnim organima na problem trgovine ljudima i specifiånost viktimizacije ovim teškim kriviånim delom shvaãena je od strane svih ispitanika koji su predloÿili mere unapreðenja podrške ÿrta- va kao sistemsko pitanje. Dr Zoran Iliã, psihijatar na Institutu za men- talno zdravlje u Beogradu i struåni konsultant u IOM-u, istiåe:

„Veoma je vaÿno da oni koji primenjuju zakon imaju potpuni oseãaj za ÿrtvu… Oni koji su u direktnom kontaktu sa ÿrtvom moraju u svakom trenutku biti svesni toga šta je ona preÿivela i šta je još åeka."

Predlog za restrukturiranje Republiåkog tima za borbu protiv trgo- vine ljudima iznet je upravo u kontekstu opšteg zapaÿanja o potrebi ukupnog odnosa drÿavnih organa i društva u celini prema problemu tr- govine ljudima i ÿrtvama trgovine. Prema mišljenju Vesne Stanojeviã, pravnice i koordinatorke u Savetovalištu protiv nasilja u porodici,

„Republiåki tim za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima treba da bude ma- nji i da u njemu budu zastupljeni ljudi koji se time baš bave — predstav-

212  nici ministarstva pravde, zdravstva, policije, ministarstva za rad i socijalna pitanja, nevladinih organizacija. Potrebno je da svako ima odreðenu ulo- gu, da se zna ko, kome i zašto treba da se obrati."

Svi ispitanici koji su istakli potrebu preduzimanja mera radi obez- beðivanja veãe zaštite i podrške ÿrtvama trgovine ljudima naglašavali su vaÿnost strateškog pristupa i kooperativnosti drÿavnog i nevladinog sektora u ovom domenu. Ozbiljnost i specifiånost problema zahtevaju opseÿnije, sistematiånije i intenzivnije angaÿovanje i saradnju razliåitih društvenih åinilaca, kako bi se kroz zaštitu i podršku ÿrtava obezbedilo ispunjenje interesa kako samih ÿrtava, tako i društva, ukljuåujuãi i cilje- ve kriviånopravne represije.

XI 2.4. Predloÿene promene zakonskih rešenja u cilju efikasnijeg suprotstavljanja trgovini ljudima

Predlozi koji se odnose na promene zakonskih rešenja predstavlja- ju sastavni deo predloga mera poboljšanja u domenu represivnog ili preventivnog reagovanja, ili mera zaštite i podrške ÿrtava trgovine lju- dima. No, vaÿnost ovih predloga uputila je na potrebu njihovog prikaza i razmatranja na posebnom mestu, što je, naÿalost, uåinilo neizbeÿnim delimiåno ponavljanje onoga što je veã bilo tema u prethodnim odelj- cima. Najpre treba reãi da veãina ispitanika koji su u vreme anketiranja bili upoznati sa najnovijim promenama zakona u vezi sa politikom bor- be protiv trgovine ljudima nije imala konkretnih primedbi na njih, sma- trajuãi ih odgovarajuãim. No, neki meðu njima su, ipak, izneli svoje za- paÿanje da je sâmo zakonsko rešenje nesumnjivo popravilo izglede za suprotstavljanje trgovini ljudima, ali da je prostora za kriviåno gonjenje bilo i ranije. Pored toga, izneta su i mišljenja da je novo rešenje dobro za poåetak, ali da je za njegovu pravilnu primenu neophodna edukacija profesionalaca. Konkretne primedbe na tekst sâme dispozicije inkriminacije Trgovi- na ljudima iz ålana 111b Kriviånog zakona Republike Srbije imala je ne- kolicina ispitanika, a one su se kretale od zapaÿanja da je zakonska de- finicija u ovom delu „preopširna" i „rogobatna" do toga da je „nedovolj- no jasna" i „nepotpuna". S tim u vezi, od strane dvoje ispitanika izneto je mišljenje da je bolje rešenje predstavljalo doslovno preuzimanje defi- nicije iz Protokola za prevenciju, suzbijanje i kaÿnjavanje trgovine ljud- skim biãima, uz Konvenciju Ujedinjenih nacija protiv transnacionalnog organizovanog kriminala iz 2000. godine. Pored toga, troje ispitanika je iznelo mišljenje da je zona kaÿnjivosti koju pokriva inkriminacija iz åla-

213 na 111b KZ RS nedovoljno široka, odnosno da je kriviånopravna zaštita punoletnih osoba i naroåito maloletnika nedovoljna. Ostali, daleko broj- niji prigovori odnosili su se na zakonodavnu kaznenu politiku u odno- su na kriviåno delo trgovine ljudima, odnosno visinu kazni predviðenih za izvršioce. Ispitanici koji su izneli konkretne primedbe na nova zakonska reše- nja po pravilu su davali i konkretne predloge u vezi sa zakonskim iz- menama i dopunama. No, åak i meðu ispitanicima koji nisu imali kon- kretnih primedbi na nova zakonska rešenja bilo je onih koji su ukazali na svrsishodnost nekih dodatnih zakonskih promena, kako bi se obez- bedila veãa efikasnost represivne ili preventivne kontrole trgovine ljudi- ma i njoj bliskih kriviånih dela. Uopšte uzev, konkretne predloge za iz- mene i dopune zakona u cilju efikasnijeg suprotstavljanja drÿavnih or- gana i društva u celini problemu trgovine ljudima iznelo je 40 ispitani- ka, a njihovi predlozi, rangirani po uåestalosti, jesu sledeãi:

— pooštravanje zakonodavne kaznene politike u vezi sa trgovi- nom ljudima; — zakonsko regulisanje posebne zaštite svedoka u kriviånim po- stupcima protiv izvršilaca kriviånog dela trgovine ljudima; — predviðanje moguãnosti odlaganja deportacije u sluåajevima u kojima ÿrtve ili drugi svedoci strani drÿavljani pristanu da svedoåe u kriviånom postupku protiv izvršilaca; — zakonsko regulisanje obaveze drÿavnih organa na hitnost po- stupanja u kriviånim postupcima u sluåajevima trgovine ljudima (skra- ãivanje zakonskih rokova za vršenje odreðenih procesnih radnji);186 — legalizacija prostitucije; — proširivanje zone kaÿnjivosti koju pokriva inkriminacija trgovi- ne ljudima iz ål. 111b KZ RS (pruÿanje veãe kriviånopravne zaštite ma- loletnicima i punoletnim osobama); — predviðanje zakonskih moguãnosti da se broj uzimanja iskaza od ÿrtve trgovine radi seksualne eksploatacije, pre i tokom kriviånog postupka, svede na minimum; — uvoðenje novih istraÿnih tehnika (tajno snimanje, audio i video osmatranje objekata i osumnjiåenih i dr.); — predviðanje moguãnosti za odlaganje deportacije u sluåajevima u kojima je ÿrtvama ugroÿena bezbednost bez uslovljavanja svedoåe- njem u kriviånom postupku; 186 S obzirom na to da je ålanom 504b Zakonika o kriviånom postupku (Sluÿbeni list SRJ br. 70/01 i 68/02) inaåe predviðeno da su „sluÿbena lica koja uåestvuju u kriviånom postupku za kriviå- na dela organizovanog kriminala duÿna da postupaju hitno", predlozi ispitanika za uvoðenje po- sebnih mera kojima bi se obezbedila hitnost postupka za kriviåna dela trgovine ljudima mogu se u konkretnom smislu shvatiti kao predlozi za predviðanje posebnih rokova za vršenje odreðenih procesnih radnji u sluåajevima u kojima postoji sumnja da je izvršeno ovo kriviåno delo.

214  — predviðanje obaveze drÿave na pruÿanje psihološke, medicin- ske i materijalne pomoãi ÿrtvama u cilju njihove resocijalizacije; — uvoðenje programa zaštite svedoka; — predviðanje kaÿnjavanja za neprijavljivanje kriviånog dela trgo- vine ljudima.

Najviše ispitanika koji su dali konkretne predloge u vezi sa zakon- skim izmenama zaloÿilo se upravo za izmenu sâme zakonske odredbe iz ål. 111b Kriviånog zakona Republike Srbije, i to u pravcu pooštrava- nja zakonodavne politike u vezi sa kriviånim delom trgovine ljudima:

— pooštravanjem predviðenih zakonskih kazni za izvršioce (17), — proširivanjem zone kaÿnjivosti kod inkriminacije trgovine lju- dima (3).

Proširivanje zone kaÿnjivosti je predloÿeno kao mera pruÿanja pot- punije kriviånopravne zaštite pre svega maloletnika (osoba uzrasta 14— 18 godina), a potom i punoletnih osoba. Reå je, naime, o predlogu da se „pristanak ÿrtve" (nezavisno od njenog uzrasta) uåini irelevantnim za postojanje osnovnog oblika kriviånog dela trgovine ljudima, a da se upotreba prinude pri izvršenju predvidi kao kvalifikatorna okolnost. Za pooštravanje zakonodavne politike kod kriviånog dela trgovine ljudima zaloÿili su se ispitanici koji su pripadali gotovo svim obuhvaãe- nim profesionalnim kategorijama: pripadnici policije, tuÿioci, sudije, su- dije za prekršaje, advokati, nauåni radnici, aktivisti nevladinih organiza- cija i prosvetni radnici. Promene Kriviånog zakona u smislu posebnog predviðanja kaÿnja- vanja za neprijavljivanje kriviånog dela i uåinioca trgovine ljudima pred- loÿila je savetnica za ravnopravnost polova u Sekretarijatu za rad, zapo- šljavanje i ravnopravnost polova AP Vojvodine. Za precizno zakonsko regulisanje posebne zaštite svedoka trgovine ljudima u kriviånom postupku zaloÿilo se desetoro ispitanika, meðu ko- jima je bilo:

— aktivista i struåni saradnici nevladinih organizacija (6), — pripadnici Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova (2), — sudija (1), — sudija za prekršaje (1).

Dve ispitanice (jedna sluÿbenica Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova i jedna aktivistkinja NVO) istovremeno su se zaloÿile i za uvoðenje pro- grama zaštite svedoka koji bi ukljuåivao promenu identiteta, preseljenje u treãu zemlju i materijalno zbrinjavanje svedoka.

215  Ispitanici koji su predloÿili zakonske promene, u cilju odlaganja de- portacije u sluåajevima u kojima ÿrtve ili svedoci trgovine ljudima ÿele da svedoåe (9), obezbeðivanja hitnosti postupaka u sluåajevima trgovi- ne ljudima (5) i redukovanja ispitivanja ÿrtve trgovine pre i tokom kri- viånog postupka (5), takoðe su pripadali razliåitim profesionalnim kate- gorijama, mada se preteÿno radilo o aktivistima i struånim saradnicima u nevladinim organizacijama. Obavezivanje drÿave na pruÿanje psiho- loške, medicinske i materijalne pomoãi ÿrtvama u cilju njihove resocija- lizacije bez uslovljavanja svedoåenjem u kriviånom postupku, kao i za- konsko regulisanje odlaganja deportacije ÿrtava u sluåajevima u kojima postoji opasnost za njihovu bezbednost, predloÿila je jedna od anketira- nih aktivistkinja NVO ASTRA iz Beograda. Za legalizaciju prostitucije zaloÿilo se åetiri ispitanika (pripadnik policije, sudija za prekršaje, nauåni radnik i jedna struåna saradnica NVO), dok su tri pripadnika Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova istakla potrebu zakonskog predviðanja moguãnosti korišãenja novih istraÿnih tehnika u obezbeðivanju dokaza.

XI 2.5. Završni osvrt na predloÿene mere unapreðenja suprotstavljanja problemu trgovine ljudima u Srbiji

Ispitanici obuhvaãeni istraÿivanjem trgovine ljudima u Srbiji prete- ÿno smatraju da je put uspešnije borbe protiv trgovine ljudima prevas- hodno u jaåanju efikasnosti represivne formalne kontrole, naroåito efi- kasnosti policije u otkrivanju i hvatanju izvršilaca kriviånih dela i obez- beðivanju dokaza. Mera koja je predloÿena od strane najveãeg broja is- pitanika (67,5%), a koja je najåešãe oznaåavana kao potreba „veãe me- ðusobne koordinacije i saradnje drÿavnih organa", posredno govori o tome da nivo odluånosti i ozbiljnosti u pristupu problemu trgovine lju- dima, kao teškom obliku ogranizovanog kriminala, nije jednak kod svih nosilaca kriviånopravne represije. Moguãe je da je predlaganje ove me- re od strane jednog dela ispitanika predstavljalo ublaÿenu manifestaciju utiska o stanju koje je od strane trinaestoro anketiranih eksplicitno oznaåeno kao nedostatak volje da se represiji trgovine ljudima pristupi sistemski ozbiljno i odluåno. Mere koje su neposredno vezane za poboljšanje ovakvog stanja od- nose se na otklanjanje kako objektivnih smetnji efikasnosti kriviåno- pravne represije trgovine ljudima (nedovoljna meðunarodna i regional- na saradnja u borbi protiv transnacionalnog kriminala, kadrovsko ojaåa- vanje policije, podizanje tehniåke opremljenosti i unapreðenje organiza- cione strukture policije), tako i smetnji subjektivne prirode (nedovoljna senzibilisanost, edukovanost i struånost, kao i korupcija drÿavnih slu-

216 ÿbenika). Prvonavedeni skup mera uglavnom je predlagan od strane pripadnika policije, dok su mere za otklanjanje subjektivnih smetnji efi- kasnosti kriviånopravne represije trgovine ljudima predloÿene od strane treãine svih ispitanika razliåitih profesionalnih kategorija. Dokazivanje trgovine ljudima je ozbiljan problem po uverenju veli- kog broja ispitanika. Buduãi da ÿrtve trgovine åesto predstavljaju osnovni izvor dokaza protiv izvršilaca, interesi kriviånopravne represije i zaštite i podrške ÿrtava trgovine ljudima se u odreðenim taåkama praktiåno po- klapaju. Predlozi mera oko kojih su se sloÿili mnogi zastupnici ideje da su „represija i hvatanje izvršilaca vaÿniji od svega" sa onima koji sma- traju da je „zaštita i interes ÿrtava trgovine pretpostavljeni svim drugim ciljevima" jesu mere zaštite svedoka trgovine ljudima, hitnost postupa- nja organa kriviånog gonjenja, psihološka, medicinska i materijalna po- drška ÿrtvama trgovine u toku pripreme za svedoåenje u kriviånom po- stupku, odlaganje deportacije stranih drÿavljana ÿrtava trgovine koji ÿe- le da svedoåe, spreåavanje sekundarne viktimizacije ÿrtava senzibilisa- njem i edukacijom zaposlenih u drÿavnim organima i proširivanje sa- radnje drÿavnih organa i nevladinih organizacija u oblasti podrške i za- štite ÿrtava trgovine ljudima. Za ispitanike obuhvaãene ovim istraÿivanjem, mere prevencije, po svemu sudeãi, imaju sekundarni znaåaj: preventivni efekat se implicitno oåekuje uglavnom kao ishod efikasne kriviånopravne represije i demoti- visanja potencijalnih izvršilaca maksimiziranjem rizika otkrivanja i hva- tanja. No, nekolicina ispitanika je izrazila generalnu sumnju u domet uåinka kriviånopravne represije: opšte mere ekonomske i socijalne poli- tike (poveãanje ÿivotnog standarda, stope zaposlenosti i dr.), edukova- nje opšte populacije o rizicima viktimizacije trgovinom ljudima, poo- štravanje zakonodavne kaznene politike i legalizacija prostitucije imaju, po njima, daleko veãe izglede za uspeh. U cilju efikasnijeg suprotstavljanja problemu trgovine ljudima, od strane nekih od ispitanika predloÿene su i sasvim konkretne zakonske izmene. No, veãina samih predlagaåa izmena u zakonskim rešenjima, poput mnogih drugih ispitanika, prioritet je dala primeni zakona, istiåu- ãi da ni najbolje zakonsko rešenje ne moÿe imati efekta ukoliko izostane njegova odluåna primena. Generalno, podizanje ozbiljnosti i odluånosti u pristupu problemu trgovine ljudima opšta je mera koja je, eksplicitno ili implicitno, stajala iza svih predloga konkretnih mera u cilju efikasnijeg suprotstavljanja društva problemu trgovine ljudima.

217  XII Zakljuåci i preporuke

Rezultati do kojih se došlo istraÿivanjem oåigledno pokazuju da je trgovina ljudima ozbiljan problem u Srbiji. Istraÿivanje, kako je na po- åetku ove studije reåeno, nije imalo pretenzija ka dolaÿenju do repre- zentativnih i preciznih podataka o trgovini ljudima u Srbiji. Meðutim, dobijeni podaci predstavljaju dobru osnovu za procenu njene raspro- stranjenosti i strukture, za dobijanja predstave o svim najvaÿnijim ka- rakteristikama ove pojave, naåinima reagovanja vladinih i nevladinih organizacija, kao i za koncipiranje preporuka u pogledu efikasnije stra- tegije njenog suzbijanja i prevencije. Veã sama åinjenica da je relativno mali broj ispitanika, odnosno 123 lica, koliko ih je bilo obuhvaãeno intervjuima sa struånjacima i aktivist- kinjama nevladinih organizacija, imao neposredna saznanja o više od hiljadu ÿrtava trgovine ÿenama, decom i muškarcima dovoljna je za pretpostavku da u Srbiji ima daleko više ÿrtava ovog oblika kriminalite- ta. U prilog tvrdnji da je stvarni broj ÿrtava mnogo veãi ide i podatak o znatnom broju ispitanika koji su imali saznanja, ali nisu mogli sa sigur- nošãu da kaÿu o kojem broju ÿrtava se radi, kao i široka rasprostranje- nost i nedovoljna istraÿenost prostitucije, prosjaåenja, beskuãništva i ra- da „na crno" — pojava koje u sebi potencijalno kriju i sluåajeve trgovi- ne. Uz to, najveãi broj ÿrtava kao takve prepoznali su pripadnici polici- je, nevladinih organizacija i pojedini novinari — dakle, ispitanici koji su najbolje bili upoznati sa problemom trgovine ljudima. Moÿe se sa veli- kom dozom izvesnosti pretpostaviti da se veliki broj ispitanika (npr. za- posleni u domovima za nezbrinutu decu i centrima za socijalni rad) u svom radu sreo sa ÿrtvama trgovine, ali da nije bio u stanju da te ÿrtve prepozna. Imajuãi u vidu ukupne podatke dobijene istraÿivanjem, mo- ÿe se uzeti da je broj od 1134 ÿrtve identifikovane u ovom istraÿivanju minimumalni moguãi broj ÿrtava trgovine ljudima u Srbiji, dok je broj stvarnih ÿrtava najverovatnije više puta veãi. Istraÿivanjem je, takoðe, nedvosmisleno pokazano da u Srbiji po- stoji kako trgovina ÿenama, tako i trgovina decom i muškarcima. Trgo- vina ÿenama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije je, kao što je i oåekivano, najrasprostranjenija, ali su identifikovani i sluåajevi trgovine ÿenama u cilju radne eksploatacije. Kada su u pitanju trgovina decom i muškarci- ma, kao i trgovina ÿenama u cilju radne eksploatacije, ovo istraÿivanje

218 treba shvatiti, pre svega, kao njihovo poåetno mapiranje. U tom smislu treba imati na umu da su ove pojave po svoj prilici daleko rasprostra- njenije, i to imajuãi u vidu kako posredne pokazatelje, posebno deåiju prostituciju, prosjaåenje, krijumåarenje ljudi i rad „na crno", tako i pret- postavljeni nizak nivo prepoznavanja ovih pojava od strane ispitanika, u poreðenju sa prepoznavanjem trgovine ÿenama.187 Srbija je, pre svega, zemlja tranzita, ali i zemlja porekla i privreme- ne destinacije ÿrtava trgovine ljudima. Pri tome, postoje izvesne razlike vezane za to da li se radi o ÿenama, deci ili muškarcima kao ÿrtvama. Rezultati istraÿivanja pokazuju da je Srbija zemlja tranzita ÿrtava trgovi- ne ÿenama, ali i zemlja porekla, privremene ili trajne destinacije, kao i zemlja unutar koje se odvija trgovina domaãim ÿenama. Ÿrtve trgovine ÿenama u Srbiji su prevashodno strane drÿavljanke, i to najåešãe drÿa- vljanke Moldavije, Ukrajine i Rumunije. Meðutim, åinjenica da je skoro svaki treãi ispitanik uspeo da identifikuje domaãu drÿavljanku ÿrtvu tr- govine, zatim široko rasprostranjen rad „na crno", prostitucija i drugi oblici seks industrije, kao i intenzivna unutrašnja trgovina ÿenama, uka- zuju da su ÿrtve trgovine i domaãe drÿavljanke i to, po svoj prilici, u daleko veãem broju od broja ÿrtava identifikovanih u ovom istraÿiva- nju. Posebnu paÿnju zasluÿuje unutrašnja trgovina kako domaãim tako i stranim drÿavljankama, koja se, oåigledno nimalo sluåajno, odvija ka- nalima transnacionalne trgovine.188 Kao posebno riziåni u tom pogledu, kao i u pogledu rasprostranjenosti seks industrije u širem smislu, izdva- jaju se veliki gradovi i njihova okolina, i to pre svega Beograd i Novi Sad, kao i gradovi u pograniånom pojasu, pri åemu se kao privremena, ali i potencijalno trajna destinacija, pre svega domaãih drÿavljanki iz- dvaja Novi Pazar. Srbija je preteÿno zemlja tranzita i kada je u pitanju trgovina mu- škarcima u cilju radne eksploatacije, ali ima indikatora koji ukazuju i na to da je ona i zemlja porekla. Osim toga, istraÿivanjem se došlo i do po- dataka koji ukazuju na široku rasprostranjenost rada „na crno" kineskih drÿavljana i, posebno, muškaraca iz istoånoevropskih zemalja, ali sazna- nja dobijena ovim istraÿivanjem ne daju dovoljno osnova za tvrdnju da se u tim sluåajevima radi o trgovini. Kada je u pitanju trgovina decom, Srbija se najåešãe pojavljuje kao zemlja porekla ÿrtava, posebno kada su u pitanju romska deca, ali i kao zemlja tranzita i privremene destinacije maloletnica koje su zajedno sa punoletnim ÿenama ukljuåene u organizovane lance trgovine ÿenama 187 Ova pretpostavka proistiåe iz veãeg nivoa vidljivosti trgovine ÿenama kako u javnom dis- kursu, tako i na profesionalnim edukacijama. 188 Kako su dobro primetile neke autorke, unutrašnja trgovina je åesto zanemarena uprkos åinjenici da ima sve više dokaza da je tesno povezana sa prekograniånom trgovinom — v. Kelly, L. (2002), op. cit., str. 16.

219 radi seksualne eksploatacije. Rezultati istraÿivanja pokazuje da se trgo- vina decom, uglavnom našim drÿavljanima, odvija i unutar granica Sr- bije, i ovaj oblik trgovine se uglavnom odvija iz manjih gradova najåe- šãe ka Beogradu, Novom Pazaru i Nišu. Prema podacima dobijenim istraÿivanjem, najåešãe ÿrtve trgovine su upravo deca drÿavljani Srbije, i to uglavnom ÿenska deca. Identifiko- vane ÿrtve su u sliånom obimu deca romske i neromske nacionalnosti, pri åemu je broj romskih ÿrtava u stvarnosti najverovatnije mnogo veãi nego što je intervjuima sa prevashodno neromskom populacijom bilo moguãe identifikovati. Pored toga, ÿrtve su i deca strani drÿavljani ukljuåeni u transnacionalnu trgovinu. Kao deca koja se nalaze u viso- kom riziku od trgovine decom izdvojila su se deca romske nacionalno- sti, deca iz domova za decu bez roditeljskog staranja (posebno osetljiva neposredno posle napuštanja doma), deca sa posebnim potrebama, de- ca sa poremeãajima u društvenom ponašanju, kao i deca iz siromašnih i porodica sa trajno narušenim porodiånim odnosima. Deca su ÿrtve trgo- vine u cilju seksualne i radne eksploatacije, kao i prosjaåenja. Iako smo u istraÿivanje krenule sa jasno razgraniåenim pojmovima trgovine ljudima na jednoj, i prostitucije i krijumåarenja ljudi na drugoj strani, rezultati do kojih smo došle pokazali su da je njihovo razgraniåe- nje daleko lakše ostvariti na teorijskom nivou nego u stvarnosti. Kao što su primetili i neki drugi istraÿivaåi,189 u stvarnosti se ove kategorije pre- klapaju, tako da nije lako utvrditi gde su granice izmeðu dobrovoljne i prinudne prostitucije, odnosno prinudne prostitucije i trgovine ÿenama, kao i izmeðu krijumåarenja ljudi i trgovine njima. Teškoãe u razgraniåe- nju ove dve pojave imaju više implikacija na bavljenje problemom trgo- vine ljudima i mogu predstavljati ozbiljan problem prilikom otkrivanja trgovine i utvrðivanja kriviåne odgovornosti izvršilaca, ali i pri odluåi- vanju o pruÿanju pomoãi i zaštite ÿrtvama. U tom pogledu, veoma je vaÿno posmatrati povezana kriminalna ponašanja i viktimizaciju ÿrtava kao celinu, uoåiti njihovu isprepletenost i izbeãi neopravdano iskljuåiva- nje kriviåne odgovornosti izvršilaca, odnosno neopravdano odbijanje pomoãi i zaštite ÿrtava samo zato što se ne moÿe povuãi jasna granica izmeðu trgovine i prostitucije, odnosno krijumåarenja ljudi. Istraÿivanjem su dobijeni i podaci o izvršiocima trgovine ljudima, od kojih su, sa stanovišta suzbijanja trgovine ljudima, najznaåajniji oni koji se odnose na njihovu povezanost sa policijom i raznim drugim le- galno registrovanim organizacijama, kao i saznanja koja ukazuju na po- vezanost trgovine ljudima sa drugim oblicima organizovanog kriminala. Pored saznanja o pojavnim oblicima trgovine ljudima, istraÿivanje je nedvosmisleno ukazalo i na najznaåajnije faktore koji doprinose nje- 189 Videti Kelly, L. (2002), op. cit., str. 14.

220 nom javljanju, na nivo svesti struånjaka i predstavnika nevladinih orga- nizacija u Srbiji o ovoj pojavi, kao i na mehanizme delovanja u pravcu njenog suzbijanja. Iz dobijenih rezultata nedvosmisleno proizilazi da su najznaåajniji faktori koji doprinose javljanju trgovine ÿenama, decom i muškarcima u Srbiji:

— geografski poloÿaj Srbije; — ekonomski faktori, poseno siromaštvo i nezaposlenost, u zemlja- ma porekla i u samoj Srbiji; — otvaranje granica Istoåne Evrope posle završetka hladnog rata, ali odnedavno i otvaranje Srbije prema svetu; — mitovi o Zapadu koji postoje kako u Srbiji, tako i u drugim is- toånoevropskim zemljama; — migracije izazvane ratom u regionu i šire (Avganistan, Irak); — militarizacija regiona i sa njom povezana ekspanzija prostitucije; — marginalizovanost pojedinih društvenih grupa poput Roma, hen- dikepirane dece, dece bez roditeljskog staranja i sl.; — seksualno nasilje, nasilje u porodici i narušeni porodiåni odnosi u širem smislu; — dezorijentisanost mladih i opšta nesigurnost izazvana tranzici- jom; — Široko rasprostranjena korupcija, još uvek nedovoljno definisa- ne granice izmeðu dozvoljenog i nedozvoljenog; — siva ekonomija; — slabo funkcionisanje pravne drÿave, nezavisnog pravosuða i dr- ÿavnih institucija uopšte.

Podaci dobijeni istraÿivanjem ukazuju na znaåajnu neujednaåenost u informisanosti o problemu trgovine ljudima meðu ispitivanim struå- njacima. Pri tome se kao kategorija sa posebno niskim nivoom znanja o ovoj pojavi izdvojila kategorija zaposlenih u domovima u kojima su smeštena deca i omladina i srednjim školama, dakle upravo onih koji rade sa najriziånijim kategorijama dece. Pored toga, nizak nivo upozna- tosti sa pojavom uoåen je i meðu zaposlenima u centrima za socijalni rad, sudovima, tuÿilaštvima i policiji na lokalnom nivou. Pri tome je po- sebno izraÿeno nepoznavanje problema trgovine decom i muškarcima, kao i neujednaåenost u dostupnosti edukaciji izmeðu struånjaka iz Beo- grada i drugih mesta u Srbiji. Analiza mehanizama postupanja drÿavnih organa ukazala je na åi- tav niz nedostataka, ali i na pozitivne pomake i isto tako niz pozitivnih primera iz prakse. Kao najbolja praksa u pogledu otkrivanja i dokazivanja trgovine ljudima iskristalisao se proaktivni pristup, u kojem se policija i tuÿila-

221 štvo oslanjaju, pre svega, na obaveštajni rad i imaju inicijativu u priku- pljanju dokaza, dok u tome prijavljivanje od strane ÿrtve i njen iskaz imaju sporednu ulogu. Istovremeno, tretiranje ÿrtve kao ÿrtve, bez kri- minalizacije i uz maksimalno poštovanje ljudskih prava, pokazalo se kao model koji treba slediti.190 Pri tome, trenutno zadovoljstvo policije zatvaranjem veãeg broja lo- kala ni u kom sluåaju ne bi smelo da utiåe na stvaranje utiska da trgovi- na ÿenama više nije veliki problem u Srbiji i na smanjivanje napora u pravcu otkrivanja izvršilaca i oslobaðanja ÿrtava. Ovo tim pre što je, po svemu sudeãi, zbog neotkrivanja svih uåesnika u lancu trgovina ÿena- ma u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, nakon skorašnjih akcija policije, po- stala prikrivenija i još teÿa za otkrivanje. Analiza mehanizama delovanja kako vladinih tako i nevladinih organizacija pokazala je da su Srbiji neophodna sistemska, celovita i institucionalizovana rešenja, kao i da su reforme drÿavnih institucija, pre svega policije, pravosudnih organa i centara za socijalni rad i uspostavljanje pravne drÿave, condicio sine qua non efikasnih promena i u oblasti trgovine ljudima. Rezultati istraÿivanja u celini, a posebno analiza odgovora ispitani- ka koji se odnose na naåin funkcionisanja i mehanizme delovanja dr- ÿavnih organa, meðunarodnih i nevladinih organizacija, kao i analiza predloga mera za suzbijanje trgovine ljudima, posluÿili su nam za kon- cipiranje sledeãih preporuka u pogledu daljih aktivnosti i istraÿivanja u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima u Srbiji:

1. hitne izmene Zakona o kretanju i boravku stranaca, Zakona o prekršajima i Zakona o kriviånom postupku u pravcu obezbeðenja ade- kvatne zaštite ÿrtava (pravo na privremeni boravak, iskljuåenje kaÿnji- vosti, zaštita svedoka); 2. ukljuåivanje u edukaciju o trgovini ljudima svih struånjaka koji se u radu mogu sresti sa riziånim kategorijama ili ÿrtvama, a posebno zaposlenih u domovima u kojima su smeštena deca i omladima, i u ško- lama; 3. ravnomerna ukljuåenost u edukaciju struånjaka iz raznih delo- va Srbije; 4. ukljuåivanje materije o trgovini ljudima u baziånu i naknadnu edukaciju struånjaka, te uvoðenje odgovarajuãih standarda i evaluacije edukacije; 5. organizovanje kampanja za podizanje svesti riziånih kategorija dece i šire populacije, bazirano na rezultatima istraÿivanja i redovnoj evaluaciji rezultata; 190 Za sliåno, videti Kelly, L. (2000), op. cit., str. 41.

222  6. formalizovanje saradnje izmeðu drÿavnih organa, nevladinih i meðunarodnih organizacija, unutar svake kategorije i meðusobno, pu- tem protokola o saradnji u kojima ãe biti jasno definisane obaveze i od- govornosti; 7. poboljšanje saradnje policije i Vojske SiCG; 8. poveãanje broja sluÿbi za pomoã ÿrtvama, uspostavljanje stan- darda usluga i razvijanje sluÿbi za zaštitu svedoka; 9. dalje razvijanje proaktivnog pristupa u otkrivanju i dokaziva- nju trgovine ljudima, posebno preko korišãenja moguãnosti koje pruÿa- ju nove zakonske odredbe u vezi sa organizovanim kriminalom; 10. poveãanje efikasnosti kriviånog postupka, osude i strogo ka- ÿnjavanje izvršilaca ukljuåenih u sve faze izvršenja kriviånog dela; 11. poboljšanje ekipiranosti i ukupne osposobljenosti, kao i specija- lizacija policije za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima; 12. pojaåavanje mera unutrašnje i spoljnje kontrole rada policije i stroge sankcije za uåestvovanje u kriviånom delu trgovine ljudima; 13. preispitivanje osnovanosti postojanja i uloge Centra za saveto- vanje i koordinaciju; 14. koncipiranje programa reintegracije ÿrtava i jasno definisanje nosilaca i njihovih odgovornosti; 15. koncipiranje programa prevencije; 16. monitoring primene zakona i svih mehanizama delovanja vla- dinih i nevladinih organizacija; 17. ukljuåivanje Roma i romskih nevladinih organizacija u sve me- hanizme delovanja u pravcu suzbijanja i prevencije trgovine; 18. preduzimanje mera za odrÿivost sluÿbi za pomoã ÿrtvama (otva- ranje drÿavnih skloništa i skloništa „na pola puta"); 19. donošenje Nacionalnog plana akcije; 20. dalja istraÿivanja, i to: — trgovine decom, pre svega romskom i drugim riziånim kategori- jama, — unutrašnje trgovine ÿenama i decom u Srbiji i njene veze sa transnacionalnom trgovinom, — rizika domaãe populacije, — ada „na crno" stranih drÿavljana u Srbiji, — trgovine ÿenama u pograniånom pojasu, — potreba ÿrtava, — primene novih zakonskih rešenja, — prostitucije, prosjaåenja, beskuãništva i njihove veze sa trgovi- nom ljudima i sl.

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225  ograd, Sluÿba za informisanje Sekretarijata unutrašnjih poslova u Beo- gradu. http://www.mup.sr.gov.yu/domino/skzn.nsf/fc9e82a3073a74fac1256c3200393 d62/$FILE/b_roblje_prostit_skr.doc MUP REPUBLIKE SRBIJE, Izveštaj Uprave pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove za 2003. godinu od 1. 04. 2003. MUP REPUBLIKE SRBIJE, Sekretarijat u Beogradu, Izveštaj pograniåne policije za strance i upravne poslove od 18. 06. 2003. MUP REPUBLIKE SRBIJE, Sekretarijat u Nišu, Izveštaj o nestalim licima i NN leševima SUP-a Niš za 2002. godinu. NELSON, D. (1999) „Slave Oil Rig Workers To Be Sacked", The Observer, 21 February. NIKOLIÃ-RISTANOVIÃ, V. (1998) „War and Crime in the former Yugoslavia", u: V. Ruggiero, N. South and I. Taylor The New European Criminology: Crime and Order in Europe, London and New York: Routledge, p. 462— 480. NIKOLIÃ-RISTANOVIÃ, V., MRVIÃ-PETROVIÃ, N., ŠKULIÃ, M., ÃOPIÃ, S. (2002) Novi model zakonskih rešenja o trgovini ljudskim biãima, Beograd: Vikti- mološko društvo Srbije [neobjavljeno]. NIKOLIÃ-RISTANOVIÃ, V. (2002) Social change, gender and violence: Post-commu- nist and war affected societies, Dordrecht/Boston/London: Kluwer Academic Publishers. NIKOLIÃ-RISTANOVIÃ, V. (2002) „Trgovina ÿenama u Srbiji i okolnim zemlja- ma: obim, karakteristike, uzroci", Temida: br. 1. NIKOLIÃ-RISTANOVIÃ, V. (2003) „Trgovina ljudima i organizovani kriminali- tet: odreðenje osnovnih pojmova i metode prikupljanja podataka" u: Ni- koliã-Ristanoviã, V., Ãopiã, S. i Mihiã, B. Trgovina ljudima: pojam, karakteri- stike i pravna regulativa, Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraÿivanja [neobjavljeno]. NIKOLIÃ-RISTANOVIÃ, V. (2003) „Trgovina ljudima i organizovani kriminali- tet: odreðenje osnovnih pojmova i metode prikupljanja podataka", u: „Tr- govina ljudima u Srbiji — seminar za istraÿivaåe", trening materijal, Beo- grad, Viktimološko društvo Srbije [neobjavljeno]. NIKOLIÃ-RISTANOVIÃ, V. „Illegal markets, human trade and transnational organized crime", u: Proceedings of 4th Colloquium on Cross-Border Crime, Ljubljana [u štampi]. RUGGIERO, V. (2000) Crime and Markets: Essays in Anti-Criminology, Oxford: Oxford University Press. SCEPP (2002) „Advisory Report on the Justice and Home Affairs in Yugoslavia / Serbia in the Context of the EU Stabilisation and Association Process", Final Report, (Prepared by Gordana Iliã), Savetodavni centar za ekonom- ska i pravna pitanja, Beograd. SCHLOENHARDT, A. (2001) „Migrant Trafficking and Regional Security", Fo- rum for Applied Research and Public Policy, Summer: 83—88. SOMERSET, C. (2001) What the Professionals Know: The Trafficking of Children in- to, and through, the UK for Sexual Purposes, End Child Prostitution Pornog- raphy Trafficking (ECPAT).

226 TAYLOR, I. (1999) Crime in context: A Critical Criminology of Market Societies. Cambridge: Polity Press. UN (1990) Konvencija UN o pravima deteta, Meðunarodni ugovor br. 15. VINTLEANU, I., BABOVIÃ, B. (ur.) (2001) Krijumåarenje ljudi, krijumåarenje ÿena i dece, Beograd: Centar za unapreðenje pravnih studija. WILLIAMS, P. (1999) „Trafficking in Women and Children: A Market Perspecti- ve", Transnational Organized Crime, Special Issue „Illegal Immigration and Commercial Sex — the New Slave Trade" (ed. P. Williams), Vol. 3—4. WILLIAMS, P. (2001) „Organizing Transnational Crime: Networks, Markets and Hierarchies" u P. Williams and D. Vlassis, Combating Transnational Crime: Concepts, Activities and Responses, London and Portland: Frank Cass, p. 61.

227  DODACI

© Viktimološko društvo Srbije Istraÿivanje trgovine ljudima u Srbiji

Anketarka: Datum: Mesto: Vreme kada je poåeo intervju: Vreme kada se intervju završio:

UPITNIK ZA PROFESIONALCE

Dobar dan, Ja sam iz Viktimološkog društva Srbije. Viktimološko društvo Srbije priku- plja podatke o trgovini ÿenama, decom i muškarcima, i o prisilnom radu u Srbiji, ukljuåujuãi tu i prisilno prosjaåenje i bavljenje drugim oblicima antisocijalnog ponašanja. Vaša znanja i iskustva nam mogu puno pomoãi u prikupljanju poda- taka o rasprostranjenosti i karakteristikama, kao i o naåinima suzbijanja ove po- jave kod nas, pa bih Vas stoga zamolila da budete ljubazni i odgovorite mi na ne- koliko pitanja. Pre nego što Vam postavim pitanja, htela bih da proverim da li imate neki pisani materijal u kojem su sadrÿani brojåani ili bilo kakvi drugi podaci o nekoj od sledeãih pojava:

1. Prostitucija — registrovane, privedene i osuðene domaãe i strane prostitutke, barovi i druge lokacije na kojima su skoncentrisane, svodnici, organizatori i sl. 2. Ilegalni ulasci i izlasci iz zemlje, lica koja ilegalno borave u Srbiji 3. Krijumåarenje ljudi i trgovina ljudima (ÿene, deca i muškarci) 4. Nestala odrasla lica i deca 5. Deca izbeglice bez roditelja 6. Agencije za poslovnu pratnju i seks industrija 7. Prosjaåenje, posebno deca koja prose, domaãa i strana 8. Beskuãnici, posebno deca, i deca koja vrše kriviåna dela 9. Deca koja prelaze granicu bez roditeljske pratnje (sa pratiocem koji nije rodi- telj i sama), deca stranci koja borave u Srbiji bez roditeljske pratnje 10. Deca koja su vraãena iz drugih zemalja 11. Deportacije stranih drÿavljana/drÿavljanki 12. Repatrijacija domaãih drÿavljana/drÿavljanki

228 13. Rad „na crno", firme i pojedinci koji ilegalno zapošljavaju domaãe i, posebno, strane drÿavljane, odrasle i decu 14. Deåiji rad

Ukoliko ste dobile neke od navedenih podataka, zabeleÿite šta ste dobile, za- hvalite se i zamolite za odgovor na opšta pitanja.

I. Opšti podaci

1. Ime i prezime191: 2. Zanimanje/radno mesto/funkcija/titula: 3. Starost: 4. Pol: 5. Organizacija/institucija: 6. Specijalnost: 7. Da li se u svom svakodnevnom radu bavi problemima vezanim za trgovinu ÿenama, decom i/ili muškarcima ili za bilo koji oblik prisilnog rada? Ako da, åi- me se bavi?

II. Informisanost o trgovini ljudima i prisilnom radu

1. Kako biste definisali:

1a. Trgovinu ljudima

1b. Prostituciju

1c. Krijumåarenje ljudima

1d. Prisilni rad

Anketarka: Objasniti kako su ovi pojmovi definisani za potrebe našeg istraÿivanja.

2. Da li ste bili na nekom od seminara o trgovini ljudima?

2a. Ako jeste, moÿete li reãi na kojem:

2a.1. Na koliko seminara ste bili?

2a.2. Ko je bio organizator?

2a.3. Da li ste bili zadovoljni?

2a.4. Kada ste poslednji put bili na takvom seminaru?

191 Treba pitati da li moÿe biti citiran/citirana u istraÿivaåkom izveštaju.

229 III. Informacije o trgovini ljudima i prisilnom radu koje su zasnovane na is- kustvu neposrednog rada sa konkretnim sluåajevima

1. Da li ste se u svom radu sretali sa sluåajevima trgovine ljudima (odraslim li- cima i decom), krijumåarenja ljudi i/ili prisilnog rada odraslih lica i dece?

2. Ako jeste, sa koliko takvih sluåajeva ste se do sada sreli?

3. Sa koliko takvih sluåajeva ste se sreli tokom 2002, a sa koliko tokom 2003. go- dine?

Sada bih Vas nešto pitala bliÿe o tim sluåajevima.

4. Ko su bile ÿrtve u tim sluåajevima?

Broj Zemlja Šta se desilo

Punoletne ÿene: Ÿenska deca: Muška deca: Punoletni muškarci:

5. U koliko sluåajeva se radilo o:

Broj

1. Trgovini/krijumåarenju u Srbiju: 2. Trgovini/krijumåarenju iz Srbije: 3. Trgovini/krijumåarenju kroz Srbiju: 4. Trgovini unutar Srbije:

6. Kako i kojim putevima su ÿrtve došle u Srbiju, odnosno otišle u drugu ze- mlju destinacije?

7. Da li su ÿrtve bile uhapšene u nekim od tih sluåajeva?

7a. Ako jesu, zbog åega?

8. Da li su ÿrtve bile osuðene?

9. Ko su bili izvršioci?

10. Da li su izvršioci uhapšeni?

10a. Ako jesu, šta im se stavljalo na teret, odnosno kako je delo bilo kvalifiko- vano?

11. Da li su izvršioci osuðeni?

230 11a. Ako jesu, za koje kriviåno delo/prekršaj su osuðeni?

12. Ako nisu ni uhapšeni ni osuðeni, zašto do toga nije došlo?

13. Šta se desilo sa ÿrtvama u tim sluåajevima?

14. Šta ste Vi liåno, Vaše kolege, odnosno Vaša instutucija/organizacija, predu- zeli u tim sluåajevima? Moÿete li da opišete bliÿe mehanizme postupanja u ta- kvim sluåajevima, kao i probleme sa kojima ste se sretali?

15. Da li su i druge institucije, organizacije i pojedinci bili ukljuåeni?

16. Ako da, šta su oni uradili?

17. Kakva su Vaša iskustva saradnje sa drugim organizacijama i drÿavnim or- ganima u pogledu rada na sluåajevima trgovine ljudima?

I. Seks industrija i prostitucija

1. Moÿete li da date procenu obima, strukture i karakteristika seks industrije i pojedinih njenih oblika u Vašem gradu i okolini (uliåna prostitucija, agencije za poslovnu pratnju, javne kuãe, noãni barovi, vruãi telefoni i sl.), kao i u repu- blici?

a) Koliki je obim?

b) Koji oblici postoje? Opišite ih bliÿe.

c) Gde je locirana?

d) Kakav uticaj ima na školsku decu i decu smeštenu u domovima?

2. Da li ste u poslednjih pet godina primetili promenu u smislu smanjenja ili poveãanja seks industrije u Vašem gradu i okolini?

2a. Ako jeste, kako se ta promena manifestuje?

2b. Kako objašnjavate tu promenu?

3. Kako biste opisali odnos koji drÿavni organi, ukljuåujuãi Vašu instituciju/or- ganizaciju, imaju prema prostituciji?

4. Koliko osoba je prema Vašem saznanju prijavljeno, kaÿnjeno, ili na neki dru- gi naåin registrovano u 2002. godini zbog prostitucije ili sa njom povezanih ka- ÿnjivih ponašanja na teritoriji za koju ste Vi nadleÿni?

Prijavljeno Kaÿnjeno Registrovano na drugi naåin (koji)

Odrasle prostututke:

231 Deca (do 18 godina): Svodnici: Klijenti:

5. Da li se u tim sluåajevima radilo o domaãim ili stranim drÿavljanima, odno- sno koliko je bilo jednih a koliko drugih? Odakle su strankinje/stranci?

Broj Zemlja

Odrasle prostututke: Deca (do 18 godina): Svodnici: Klijenti:

6. Da li se u nekom od tih sluåajeva radilo o trgovini ÿenama ili decom (ili se sumnjalo da se radi o trgovini)? Da li su Vam poznati neki drugi sluåajevi?

6a. Ako jesu, molim Vas da opišete detaljnije te sluåajeve.

7. Da li ste uspeli da rasvetlite sluåajeve u kojima se sumnjalo na trgovinu?

7a. Ako niste, šta je bio problem, odnosno prepreka?

7b. Ako jeste, opišite kako ste to uspeli.

8. Da li su Vam poznati sluåajevi prodaje naših ÿena i dece u inostranstvo radi seksualne eksploatacije?

8a. Ako jesu, opišite ih.

II. Prosjaåenje i beskuãništvo

1. Moÿete li da date procenu obima, strukture i karakteristika prosjaåenja i bes- kuãništva u Vašem gradu i okolini? U republici?

1a. Koliki deo prosjaka i beskuãnika åine ÿene i deca?

1b. U kojim delovima grada, odnosno okoline, ima najviše prosjaka i beskuãni- ka na ulicama? Opišite.

1c. Ima li meðu decom u školi i decom smeštenom u domovima onih koja pro- se ili su beskuãnici? Opišite.

2. Da li ste u poslednjih pet godina primetili promenu u smislu smanjenja ili poveãanja prosjaåenja i beskuãništva u Vašem gradu i okolini?

2a. Ako jeste, kako se ta promena manifestuje?

2b. Kako objašnjavate tu promenu?

232 3. Da li se moÿe govoriti o postojanju organizovanih oblika i prisiljavanja na vršenje ovih oblika asocijalnog ponašanja?

3a. Ako moÿe, objasnite.

4. Kako biste opisali odnos koji drÿavni organi, ukljuåujuãi Vašu instituciju/or- ganizaciju, imaju prema prosjaåenju i beskuãništvu?

5. Koliko osoba je, prema Vašem saznanju, prijavljeno, kaÿnjeno ili na neki na- åin registrovano u 2002. godini zbog prosjaåenja i beskuãništva, ili sa njima po- vezanih kaÿnjivih ponašanja na teritoriji za koju ste Vi nadleÿni?

Prijavljeno Kaÿnjeno Registrovano na drugi naåin

Prosjaåenje — ÿene: Prosjaåenje — muškarci: Prosjaåenje — deca do 18 godina: Organizatori prosjaåenja: Beskuãnici — ÿene: Beskuãnici — muškarci: Beskuãnici — deca:

6. Da li se u tim sluåajevima radilo o domaãim ili stranim drÿavljanima, odno- sno koliko je bilo jednih a koliko drugih? Odakle su strankinje/stranci?

Broj Zemlja

Odrasle ÿene — prosjaåenje: Muškarci — prosjaåenje: Deca — prosjaåenje: Organizatori: Beskuãnici — ÿene: Beskuãnici — muškarci: Beskuãnici — deca:

7. Da li se u nekom od tih sluåaja radilo o trgovini ljudima — decom, ÿenama, muškarcima (ili se sumnjalo da se radi o trgovini)? Da li su Vam uopšte pozna- ti takvi sluåaji?

7a. Ako jesu, opišite detaljnije te sluåajeve.

8. Da li su Vam poznati sluåajevi prodaje naše dece u inostranstvu radi prosja- åenja, radi nelegalnog usvojenja i prisilnog braka?

8a. Ako jesu, moÿete li nešto više reãi o tome?

9. Da li ste uspeli da rasvetlite sluåajeve u kojima se sumnjalo na trgovinu?

9a. Ako niste, šta je bio problem, odnosno prepreka?

233 III. Rad „na crno" i prisilni rad

1. Moÿete li da date procenu obima, strukture i karakteristika rada „na crno" uopšte i posebno prisilnog rada u Vašem gradu i okolini? U Republici? Gde su locirani? Opišite.

a) Koliki je obim?

b) Koji su oblici (poljoprivredni radovi, radovi na graðevini i sliåno)?

c) Gde su najrasprostranjeniji?

2. Imate li saznanja o prisilnom radu dece (uopšte, u Vašoj školi, domu i sl.)?

3. Da li ste u poslednjih pet godina primetili promenu u smislu smanjenja ili poveãanja rada „na crno" u Vašem gradu i okolini?

3a. Ako jeste, kako se promena manifestuje?

3b. Kako objašnjavate tu promenu?

4. Kako biste opisali odnos koji drÿavni organi, ukljuåujuãi Vašu instituciju/or- ganizaciju, imaju prema radu „na crno" uopšte, a posebno prema prisilnom ra- du i prisilnom radu dece?

5. Koliko osoba je prema Vašem saznanju prijavljeno, kaÿnjeno ili na neki na- åin registrovano u 2002. godini zbog zapošljavanja radnika „na crno", prisilja- vanja drugih na rad ili eksploatacije rada drugih, odnosno zbog sa njima pove- zanih ponašanja na teritoriji za koju ste Vi nadlleÿni?

Kaÿnjeno Opomenuto Registrovano

Rad „na crno": Prisilni rad — ÿene: Prisilni rad — muškarci: Prisilni rad — deca do 18 godina: Drugo (specifikovati):

6. Da li se u tim sluåajevima radilo o domaãim ili stranim drÿavljanima, odno- sno koliko je bilo jednih a koliko drugih? Odakle su strankinje/stranci?

Broj Zemlja

Odrasle ÿene — rad „na crno": Muškarci — rad „na crno": Deca — „rad na crno": Organizatori: Ÿene — prisilni rad:

234 Muškarci — prisilni rad: Deca — prisilni rad:

7. Da li se u nekom od tih sluåajeva radilo o trgovini ljudima ili o sprezi kri- jumåara ljudima i poslodavaca (ili se sumnjalo da se radi o tome)? Da li Vam je uopšte poznato postojanje takvih sluåajeva?

7a. Ako jeste, molim Vas da opišete detaljnije te sluåajeve.

8. Da li su Vam poznati sluåajevi prodaje naših ljudi (odraslih i dece) u ino- stranstvu radi

eksploatacije rada?

8a.Ako jesu, molim Vas da opišete.

9. Da li ste uspeli da rasvetlite sluåajeve u kojima se sumnjalo na trgovinu?

9a. Ako niste, šta je bio problem, odnosno prepreka?

IV. Otmice, nestanci i krijumåarenja dece

1. Da li su Vam poznati sluåajevi otmica dece? Ako jesu, opišite ih.

2. Da li su Vam poznati sluåajevi bekstva ili drugih nestanaka dece iz porodica ili domova? Ako jesu, opišite o kakvim sluåajevima se radi.

3. Ima li u Vašem mestu i okolini, u Vašoj školi, domu i sl. dece iz drugih ze- malja? Ako ima, znate li kako su tu došla, koliko ih je, koliko se zadrÿavaju, šta se sa njima dešava i sliåno?

4. Imate li saznanja o prebacivanju dece preko granice bez roditeljske pratnje ili u pratnji lica koja im nisu roditelji? Ako imate, opišite.

V. Prinuda dece na vršenje kriviånih dela (kraðe i sl.)

1. Imate li saznanja o prisiljavanju dece na vršenje kriviånih dela, na primer kraða, u Vašem gradu i okolini? U Vašoj školi? Domu?

2. Ako imate, moÿete li nešto više reãi o tome, posebno o kojoj deci se radi (strana ili domaãa, nacionalna pripadnost, starost i sl.), ko ih prisiljava na vrše- nje kriviånih dela i gde se takvi sluåajevi dogaðaju?

3. Da li ste u poslednjih pet godina primetili promenu u smislu smanjenja ili poveãanja ove pojave?

3a. Ako jeste, kako se to manifestuje?

235 3b. Kako objašnjavate tu promenu?

4. Kako biste opisali odnos koji društvo, posebno drÿavni organi, ukljuåujuãi Vašu instituciju/organizaciju, imaju prema prisiljavanju dece na vršenje kriviå- nih dela?

5. Koliko osoba je prijavljeno, kaÿnjeno ili na neki naåin registrovano u 2002. godini zbog prisiljavanja dece na vršenje kriviånih dela?

Prijavljeno Kaÿnjeno Registrovano

6. Da li se u tim sluåajevima radilo o domaãim ili stranim drÿavljanima, odno- sno koliko je bilo jednih a koliko drugih? Odakle su strankinje/stranci?

Broj Zemlja

7. Da li se u nekom od tih sluåajeva radilo o trgovini ljudima (ili se sumnjalo da se radi o tome)? Da li su Vam uopšte poznati takvi sluåajevi?

7a. Ako jesu, molim Vas da opišete detaljnije te sluåajeve.

8. Da li su Vam poznati sluåajevi prodaje naše dece u inostranstvu u cilju prisi- ljavanja na vršenje kriviånih dela?

8a. Ako jesu, moÿete li reãi nešto više o tome?

9. Da li ste uspeli da rasvetlite sluåajeve u kojima se sumnjalo na trgovinu?

9a. Ako niste, šta je bio problem, odnosno prepreka?

VI. Trgovina ljudima — metode i putevi

Kakva su Vaša saznanja o:

1. Putevima trgovine:

ÿenama: decom: muškim migrantima:

2. Naåinima namamljivanja ÿrtava:

ÿena: dece: muškaraca:

3. Naåinima transfera i ulazaka ili izlazaka ÿrtava u Srbiju ili iz Srbije i drugih zemalja tranzita i destinacije:

236 ÿene: deca: muški migranti:

4. Oblicima kontrole i ekploatacije:

ÿena: dece: muških migranata:

5. Ko su trgovci (nacionalnost, drÿavljanstvo, starost, pol):

ÿenama: decom: muškim migrantima:

6. Ko su ÿrtve (nacionalnost, drÿavljanstvo, starost, pol):

ÿene: deca: muškarci:

7. Na koji naåin su trgovci ljudima organizovani i kako su podeljene uloge, po- slovi?

8. Kakve su veze izmeðu trgovine ljudima i drugih vrsta organizovanog krimi- nala?

9. Kakve su veze sa legalnim akterima/biznisima/organizacijama?

10. Koji su najveãi problemi u otkrivanju i gonjenju (u našoj zemlji) trgovine:

ÿenama: decom: muškim migrantima:

11. Da li ste obavešteni o poslednjim izmenama zakona u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima i organizovanim kriminalom?

11a. Ako jeste, kakvo je Vaše mišljenje o novim zakonskim rešenjima, odnosno o njihovom odnosu prema ranijim rešenjima i sprovodljivosti u praksi? Šta ona znaåe za ÿrtve, a šta za uåinioce? Šta bi još trebalo promeniti?

12. Kako biste ocenili mehanizme delovanja meðunarodnih i domaãih nevladi- nih organizacija na planu pruÿanja pomoãi ÿrtvama i u vezi sa suzbijanjem tr- govine ljudima?

13. Kakva je Vaša ocena meðusobne saradnje drÿavnih organa i saradnje dr- ÿavnih organa sa meðunarodnim i domaãim nevladinim organizacijama?

237 VI. Studije sluåajeva

Molim Vas, izaberite i opišite dva sluåaja trgovine ÿenama, decom ili muškim migrantima i/ili prisilnog rada i to:

1. jedan sluåaj koji smatrate primerom dobre prakse drÿavnih organa i/ili ne- vladinih organizacija;

2. jedan sluåaj koji smatrate primerom loše prakse drÿavnih organa i/ili nevla- dinih organizacija;

Ako se ne radi o sluåaju iz Vašeg iskustva, molim Vas da navedete izvor sazna- nja.

Imate li neku ideju kako da se naše drušvo efikasnije suprotstavi trgovini ljudi- ma i prisilnom radu, posebno širenju prisilnog rada dece?

Moÿete li nam preporuåiti osobu koja bi nam mogla dati informacije o pitanji- ma na koja nam niste odgovorili, ili dodatne informacije o ostalim pitanjima i sliåno?

Hvala Vam što ste odvojili vreme za naše istraÿivanje.

238 © Viktimološko društvo Srbije Anketarka: Datum: Vreme poåetka intervjua: Vreme završetka intervjua: Mesto: Sklonište/Prihvatilište

UPITNIK ZA ŸRTVE/POTENCIJALNE ŸRTVE

Dobar dan. Mi smo iz organizacije koja pokušava da pomogne ljudima koji se nalaze u sliånoj situaciji kao Vi. Zbog toga bi nam Vaša iskustva, saznanja i mišljenja mogla biti od pomoãi. Postaviãu Vam nekoliko pitanja o Vama ili drugim ljudima koje znate ili ste sreli na putu dovde.

I Opšti podaci

1. Pol: M Ÿ

2. Mesto/drÿava porekla:

3. Starost: 1. ispod 14 godina 2. od 14 do 17 3. od 18 do 23 4. od 24 do 29 5. od 30 do 35 6. od 36 do 41 7. od 42 do 46 8. od 47 do 50 9. preko 50 godina

4. Zanimanje:

5. Zaposlenje — da li ste nekada radili i gde (u drÿavnoj firmi ili kod privatni- ka), koju vrstu posla, kolika Vam je bila plata (u proseku u EUR ili USD)? Kada ste prestali i zbog åega da radite?

6. Mesto prebivališta: 1. selo 2. grad

7. Nacionalnost: 1. srpska 2. rumunska 3. moldavska 4. ukrajinska 5. ruska

239  6. kineska 7. romska 8. drugo (specifikovati) _____________________

8. Braåno stanje: 1. neudata/neoÿenjen 2. udata/oÿenjen 3. udovica/udovac 4. razveden-a/rastavljen-a 5. vanbraåna zajednica 6. drugo (specifikovati) _____________________

II Pitanja o sadašnjim problemima

9. Kako Vam je ovde? Da li imate nekih problema? Kako se slaÿete sa drugim ÿenama/muškarcima? Kako se slaÿete sa osobljem?

10.Kako ste i kada došli u Sklonište/Prihvatilište? Ko Vas je doveo? Odakle? Ka- ko?

11. Kada ste došli u Sklonište/Prihvatilište, da li ste dobili neku pomoã i koju (medicinsku, pravnu, psihološku)? U åemu se ta pomoã konkretno sastojala?

12. Da li ste tokom boravka u Skloništu/Prihvatiluštu imali neku profesionalnu obuku? Ako jeste, kakvu?

13. Da li ste zbog neåega osuðeni pred sudom u Srbiji? Ako jeste, zbog åega (npr. zbog ilegalnog boravka, bavljenja prostitucijom) i na koju kaznu?

III Ÿivot u mestu/zemlji porekla

14. Kakva je situacija bila u mestu/zemlji odakle ste? Kakve su tamo moguãno- sti za mlade ljude, za zapošljavanje, ÿivot? Kakva je bila Vaša materijalna situa- cija? Kakvi su bili stambeni uslovi? Sa kim ste ÿiveli u mestu/zemlji odakle ste?

15. Da li imate dece? Koliko? Gde su i sa kim su sada?

IV Informacije o namamljivanju i transportu

16. Kako i kada je došlo do toga da napustite Vaše mesto/drÿavu? Da li znate za još neke sluåajeve, za druge ljude (drugarice, poznanike, roðake i sliåno) ko- ji su isto tako otišli? Moÿete li da nam nešto o tome ispriåate?

Podsetnik: Da li ste imali ÿelju da odete od kuãe, u drugo mestu, drÿavu? Da li ste pokušavali da naðete naåin da to i ostvarite? Zbog åega ste to ÿeleli?

240  Da li je Vama ili drugoj osobi koju znate neko ponudio bolji posao, zara- du u inostranstvu ili u nekom drugom mestu? Ko je to bio — pol, nacional- nost, odnos sa ÿrtvom, zanimanje i sliåno? Kako je došlo to toga? Da li ste sami traÿili tako nešto preko agencije za zaposlenje, turistiåke agencije i sliåno? Da li ste Vi ili osoba koju znate u tom momentu nešto od tih ponuda pri- hvatili i šta? Šta je obeãano? Gde je trebalo da odete (šta je za ÿrtvu bila zemlja destinacije)? Da li ste znali šta ãete raditi?

17. Da li ste posedovali vaÿeãe liåne dokumente i putnu ispravu (pasoš)? Da li ste dobili falsifikovani pasoš? Da li ste za to platili, koliko i kome?

18. Šta se dešavalo tokom tog puta?

Podsetnik: Da li ste bili sami ili je bilo još ÿena, muškaraca ili dece koji su pošli zajedno sa Vama ili osobom koju poznajete (misli se na druge ÿrtve)? Da li ste prelazili granicu druge drÿave? Koliko granica ste prešli? Da li ste to åinili le- galno ili ilegalno? Da li znate na kojem mestu ste ušli u Srbiju, na kojem mestu ste prešli granicu i kako (peške, ili nekim prevoznim sredstvom, i kojim)? Ko Vas je prebacio preko granice? Da li je to bila ista osoba sa kojom ste krenuli na put? Ko Vas je saåekao i gde ste dalje otišli? Da li ste videli da tokom puta neko nešto od tih lica plaãa drugome? Da li ste Vi ili osoba koju poznajete pla- tili nešto, koliko i kome za ceo „aranÿman"?

19. Da li je neko od osoba koje su bile sa Vama, ili Vi, imao problema tokom puta? Da li je neko bio nasilan prema nekoj osobi koja je bila sa Vama ili pre- ma Vama? Da li je neko od osobe koja je bila sa Vama ili od Vas traÿio da uåi- nite nešto što se njoj/njemu ili Vama nije dopalo?

V Informacije o kontroli i eksploataciji

20. Gde ste bili smešteni (restoran, noãni bar, kafana)? Da li Vam je poznato u kojem mestu ste bili?

21. Šta ste tamo radili — Vi ili osoba koju poznajete? Koju vrstu posla ste oba- vljali (seksualna eksploatacija, rad na poljoprivrednom gazdinstvu, na graðevi- ni, kuãni poslovi)? Da li ste Vi ili neko drugi bili prisiljavani da radite nešto što vam se nije dopalo?

22. Kakvi su bili uslovi za ÿivot i rad (smeštaj, hrana, odeãa i sliåno)?

23. Da li je sloboda kretanja bila ograniåena? Da li ste mogli da izlazite samo sa pratnjom i ko je to bio?

24. Da li je Vaš rad ili rad osobe koju znate bio plaãen? Koliko åesto? Koliki iz- nos?

25. Da li ste Vi ili osoba koju znate koristili alkohol ili drogu? Da li ste bili prisi- ljavani na to?

241 26. Kako su se ponašali gazda lokala i druga lica koja su tamo radila? Da li su bili korektni prema Vama ili osobi koju znate? Da li su Vas na neki naåin mal- tretirali i kako (fiziåki, psihiåki, seksualno)?

27. Da li su Vama ili osobi koju znate dokumenta bila oduzeta i kada? Da li je gazda ili neko drugi pretio i åime? Da li je neko pretio policijom (da ãe kazniti Vas)? Da li je neko pretio da ãe reãi Vašim roditeljima, suprugu i sliåno gde ste, šta radite ili da ãe se nešto njima desiti ako ne budete slušali?

28. Kakav je bio odnos klijenata (ako se radi o seksualnoj eksploataciji)? Da li ste bili prisiljeni da imate više klijenata u toku dana i koliko? Ko su bili klijenti? Da li ste koristili sredstva zaštite? Da li ste ostajali u drugom stanju? Da li ste rodili dete ili abortirali (gde, ko je platio i sliåno)? Da li su klijenti bili nasilni? Da li su nudili pomoã i kakvu?

29. Da li ste pokušali da odete odatle? Da li ste traÿili pomoã i od koga? Da li ste pomoã dobili?

30. Da li ste sami pobegli i kako?

VI Odnos drÿavnih organa (pre svega policije) i drugih sluÿbi

31. Ko Vas je našao i spasio? Kako je to bilo?

32. Da li ste dolazili u kontakt sa policijom (sluÿbeno ili privatno), kada i kako? Ako Vas je policija pronašla, kakav je bio njihov odnos prema Vama? Gde su Vas odveli?

33. Gde ste bili pre nego što ste dospeli u Sklonište/Prihvatilište? Kakv je bio odnos tih lica prema Vama (za svaku sluÿbu ili organizaciju posebno — npr. IOM, Centar za socijalni rad, NVO, zatvor, Prihvatilište i sliåno)?

34. Da li ste se pojavljivali na sudu kao svedok? Ako jeste, kako ste se oseãali? Kakv je bio odnos sudija i tuÿilaca prema Vama?

35. Da li Vam se nešto sliåno sada prvi put desilo?

VII Buduãnost

36. Gde biste ÿeleli da odete iz Skloništa/Prihvatilišta? Šta biste radili? Da li ste u vezi sa porodicom? Mislite li da biste mogli da se vratite tamo odakle ste? Ako ne, gde biste hteli iãi, kod koga?

Da li biste hteli nešto Vi nas da pitate, još nešto da kaÿete?

Hvala Vam na vremenu koje ste nam poklonili!

242 © Viktimološko društvo Srbije Istraÿivanje Trgovina ljudima u Srbiji Anketarka:

Protokol posmatranja

I. Period u kojem je vršeno posmatranje:

II. Uåestalost posmatranja (svaki dan, jednom nedeljno i sl.):

III. Gde je vršeno posmatranje (grad, selo, deo grada, ulica, trg i sl.)?

IV. Ko je posmatran (deca, muškarci, ÿene)?

V. Šta je posmatrano (predmet posmatranja)?

VI. Šta je uoåeno?

Opis br. 1:

Opis br. 2, itd.

V. Zakljuåak

243