Crime Victims: International and Serbian Persepctive

Magnus Lindgren — Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović

CRIME VICTIMS INTERNATIONAL AND SERBIAN PERSPECTIVE CRIME VICTIMS INTERNATIONAL AND SERBIAN PERSPECTIVE Authors and publication title Magnus Lindgren and Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović, Crime Victims: International and Serbian Perspective Edition first Publisher Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, Mission to Serbia, Law Enforcement Department Design and prepress comma | communications design Printing company Original Number of copies 500 ISBN 978-86-85207-75-4

All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction be accompanied by an acknowledgment of the source. Disclaimer: The views herein expressed are solely those of the author and contributors and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the OSCE Mission to Serbia. Writing of this publication was supported by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, Mission to Serbia, Law Enforcement Department, Čakorska 1, 11000 Belgrade.  About the authors: Magnus Lindgren currently works as the Secretary General of a Swedish non-profit NGO called Safer Sweden Foundation (Stiftelsen Tryggare Sverige). Magnus is a crimi- nologist and a former police officer with a PhD in Psychology from the University of Stockholm. He was previously director of Victim Support Sweden and Chairman of the National Organization for Relatives to Murder Victims. Through the years Mag- nus has written numerous of reports, books and articles that focus on victim reactions and contacts with the justice system. He regularly participates as a lecturer in various educational contexts, including the training of police officers, lawyers, social workers, prosecutors and judges. Vesna Nikolić Ristanović currently works as professor at the Faculty of Special Edu- cation and Rehabilitation at the University of Belgrade, where she teaches criminology, victimology, child abuse and juvenile delinquency. She deals with issues including vio- lence against women, trafficking in persons, war victimization (particularly war rapes), protection of victims, human and women’s rights, and the use of restorative justice in dealing with a past in post-conflict societies. She is the founder, first president and cur- rent director of the Victimology Society of Serbia. She is also current president-elect of European Criminology Society and member of executive committee of World Society of Victimology. Belgrade, November 2011

| 3 |  Foreword The increased attention toward victims of crimes in past years has motivated many countries to rethink the mechanisms used in many sectors of the society who provide assistance and protection to victims of crime. This book was written in an effort to shed light into what is the situation regarding the victims of crimes in Serbia using interna- tional perspective, primarily developments and researches conducted in Sweden. This was achieved through the assistance of Swedish non-profit NGO the Safer Swe- den Foundation/Tryggare Sverige headed by the former Police Commissioner Karl- Åke Pettersson and the experiences in dealing with the victims of crime in police service through Chief Inspector Bo Hägglund, member of the Swedish National Police Board and extensive criminology and policing experience provided by Magnus Lindgren. Portrayal of the situation in Serbia is based on research in development of victimol- ogy and victims’ rights carried out by Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović, as well as on perspec- tive and knowledge of the Victimology Society of Serbia -VDS about the needs of the victims of crime. The intention of the publication is to present a comprehensive overview of the situa- tion regarding crime victims from national i.e. Serbian and international perspective by covering theoretical victimology matters and real situation in various sectors, moving across different times in recent history. The authors hope that reading of this publication will provide professionals and beginners who deal with victims’ matters on daily basis, such as police service, social welfare, victim support professional associations and the entire justice sector to reflect upon the present situation and discuss future steps to be undertaken in ameliorating the system and assistance provided to the victims. For this very reason the authors of this publication have undertaken a comprehensive approach, thus presented a very wide spectrum of stakeholders who have special interest in victim issues. Victims have great expectations from various services, primarily police service but police alone can’t provide all the assistance needed.

| 5 | | 6 | Table of Contents

Foreword 1. Introduction .........................................................................................................13

Part One – The Victim 2. What is a Crime Victim? ...................................................................................19 Political Interest in the Victim Definition ..................................................20 The “Ideal” Victim............................................................................................21 The Complicit Victim ..................................................................................22 The Passive Victim ........................................................................................22 The Resistant Victim ....................................................................................23 Theories of Crime Susceptibility ...................................................................24 The Interaction between Victim and Perpetrator ..................................24 Lifestyle Theory .............................................................................................24 Routine Activity Theory ..............................................................................25 Conclusions .......................................................................................................25

Part Two – Foundations 3. Human Rights ......................................................................................................29 The International Community ......................................................................30 The United Nations ......................................................................................31 The Council of Europe .................................................................................33 The European Union ....................................................................................34 The Victim Support Europe........................................................................36 Conclusions .......................................................................................................37

Part Three – The Victim in Focus 4. Developments in the Crime Victim Field ......................................................41 A New Perspective ...........................................................................................41 The Crime Victim in a Serbian Perspective ................................................43 The Debate Intensifies ..................................................................................43

| 7 |  Legal and policy changes .............................................................................46 Civil society advocacy .....................................................................................46 Improved Legislation....................................................................................49 Research on Crime Victims............................................................................53 Serbian Research ............................................................................................55 Conclusions .......................................................................................................58 5. Exposed and Vulnerable Groups ......................................................................60 Especially Exposed Groups ............................................................................60 Violence and Threat......................................................................................60 Theft and Damage .........................................................................................61 Repeated Victimisation...................................................................................61 Especially Vulnerable Groups ........................................................................63 Children ..........................................................................................................64 Women ............................................................................................................64 Victims of Racially Motivated Crime .......................................................65 Victims of Homophobic Crime .................................................................66 The Elderly ......................................................................................................67 The Handicapped ..........................................................................................68 Travellers .........................................................................................................68 The Socially Marginalised and Convicted Criminals ............................69 Trafficking in Human Beings (THB) .......................................................69 Conclusions .......................................................................................................70

Part Four – Consequences of Crime 6. Economic Damages .............................................................................................75 Possibilities for Economic Compensation ..................................................75 Who Pays the Damages? .................................................................................76 The Culprit – Liability for Damages ........................................................76 Insurance Companies – Insurance Claims ..............................................76 | 8 |  Conclusions .......................................................................................................76 7. Physical Damages.................................................................................................77 Injuries from Violent or Sexual Crimes .......................................................77 Violence without Weapons .........................................................................77 Injuries from Pointed or Edged Weapons ................................................77 Injuries from Firearms ..................................................................................78 Injuries from Sexual Crimes ........................................................................79 Physical and Psychological Care ...................................................................79 Conclusions .......................................................................................................79 8. Psychological Reactions .....................................................................................80 From Chaos to Cosmos...................................................................................80 Initial Reactions.............................................................................................80 Guilt and Blame.............................................................................................81 Central and Peripheral Information ...........................................................82 After some Time ............................................................................................83 Long-Term Consequences...........................................................................84 Post Traumatic Stress Disorder ....................................................................85 Factors Influencing the Extent of Reaction ................................................86 The Character of the Event .........................................................................86 The Individual’s Personal Characteristics and Situation .......................87 The Individual’s Social Network ................................................................88 The After-Effect of Crime ...........................................................................89 Conclusions .......................................................................................................89 9. Social and Practical Consequences ..................................................................90 Social Consequences .......................................................................................90 Practical Problems ............................................................................................91 Conclusions .......................................................................................................92

| 9 | Part Five – The Central Stakeholders 10. Police and the Victim .........................................................................................95 Police Work with Crime Victims ..................................................................95 The Role of the Police......................................................................................95 The Encounter between Police and Victim ................................................96 The Victim Recovery Process .....................................................................96 Police Investigation of the Crime ..............................................................96 Victim Participation in the Legal Process ................................................97 Public Attitude towards the Police ............................................................98 Colleagues ......................................................................................................98 Police Obligations towards the Victim ........................................................99 International Policies ....................................................................................99 The United Nations........................................................................................100 The Council of Europe ...................................................................................100 The Victim Support Europe...........................................................................100 IACP ................................................................................................................101 Serbian policies ..............................................................................................101 Previous research ...........................................................................................102 International Experiences ............................................................................102 Serbian Studies ..............................................................................................104 Information – Aid in Handling the Event ...............................................110 Conclusions .......................................................................................................112 11. The Prosecutor and the Victim .........................................................................113 The Prosecutor’s Role ......................................................................................113 Previous Research .............................................................................................113 Initial Contacts with the Prosecutor .........................................................115 The Prosecutor’s assistance with claims for damages .............................116 Conclusions .......................................................................................................117

| 10 | 12. The Court and the Victim .................................................................................118 The Court’s Role ...............................................................................................118 The court and the victims in Serbia ..............................................................119 Legislation relevant for protection of victims during the trial.............119 Victim experiences and witness support in Serbia .................................121 Conclusions .......................................................................................................125 13. The Health Care System and the Victim ........................................................126 The Role of the Health Care System ............................................................126 Previous Research .............................................................................................127 Conclusions .......................................................................................................130 14. None-governmental organizations and the Victim ......................................131 The Shelters........................................................................................................131 Victimology Society of Serbia: VDS info and support to crime victims .....................................................................................................132 Specialised SOS hotlines and counselling services ....................................133 Previous Research .............................................................................................134 Conclusions .......................................................................................................136

References ..........................................................................................................................137

| 11 | | 12 |  Chapter 1

Introduction Several years ago, while going home from the faculty, a female student was attacked by an unknown man near the railway station in the town of Pancevo in Serbia. He showed up from the dark and suddenly pulled her down and put his hands between her thighs. She tried to defend herself and at one moment, by using all her strength, turned toward him and hit him on the nose. He released her for a moment and covered his face. She used this moment to escape but he took her again and hit her with his fist on the nape. The victim described how she felt in the following way: “I put my hands on my head and crouched, as a turtle which tries to protect itself. He was beating dif- ferent sides of my head, while I begged for my life. It seemed like an eternity, but at one moment he stopped. He stepped back and I started to run: now or never. I felt as a wounded animal that headed toward the light and it seemed to me that the faster I ran the slower I became. I saved my life, but after that, I was struggling for a long time to learn to live again.” A young man from Belgrade, who was on his way home on a late evening, came across a group of six young men who were heavily drunk. They suddenly and unexpect- edly attacked him. As a result he got several injuries and felt very angry since he was sure he did not provoke this violence by any means. Before going to seek medical help, he asked help from the guard in a nearby café but he refused to help him. A woman from a small Serbian town came to Belgrade and became the victim of the theft while waiting for the bus. The offender took her bag with all her documents, mobile phone and money inside. She tried to run after him: “I shouted to passers-by to stop him, but nobody wanted to interfere. Everyone behaved as nothing was going on. I had lost my bag and felt very angry and disappointed. I did not know where to go and what to do, since I did not know the town well.” Fortunately one passer-by lent me his phone so I could phone my relatives to ask for advice. The next day, I was contacted by a woman who found my bag with only documents left inside. I was very grateful to her.” A teenage girl and her mother had been maltreated by the father and husband for long time. He was drunk all the time and destroyed everything in the house. When she approached VDS info and victim support service, the girl had severe injuries, was deeply stressed and terrified, and said that the farther had attempted to rape her.

| 13 |  Events such as those described above occur every year, month and day. As you read these words people are experiencing crimes that will lead to extensive and long-lasting consequences. These crimes do not only affect the victims, their families and friends. They affect the entire society through the feelings of fear and insecurity that they spread.

The Aims and Foundation of this Book This book describes common reactions and needs of victims, and points to the ways in which the society can improve its collective support to crime victims. The book also gives a background discussion of the increased focus on victims’ needs that has oc- curred in recent years in many countries, especially in Sweden but also in Serbia. The book begins with the view that anyone can become the victim of crime, and that nearly all crimes result in victims, regardless of whether the crime is reported to the authorities and a suspect is apprehended or other action is taken by the justice system. Another important point of this book is that the victim has fundamental rights and identifiable needs. Strategies and plans which pay regard to these rights and needs have positive effects for both the justice system and society at large. An important foundation of this book is the belief in the equality of all individuals. All crime victims should be treated with the same respect and empathy. Governmental authorities and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) should offer the same stand- ard of service regardless of the victim’s sex, race, age, handicap, sexual orientation, social status, lifestyle, etc. The public debate has shown a tendency to see certain groups as more worthy of protection than others. However, it can never be acceptable to provide varying standards of treatment to victims. On the other hand, it is possible that certain groups of victims may be in need of special efforts at various times. Recent years have seen important work done regarding female crime victims. These directed measures have been necessary to signal society’s disapproval of this type of crime and to increase security and support for these women. Other groups that have received special atten- tion in many countries include children and victims of racially motivated and homo- phobic crimes. Other particularly vulnerable groups include the elderly, the physically handicapped, travellers, the homeless, prostitutes and drug addicts.

The Structure of the Book The book consists of five parts divided into 14 chapters. The various parts discuss victim profiles (chapter 2), fundamental concepts (chapter 3), a focus on the victim (chapters 4 - 5), the consequences of crime (chapters 6 - 9) and the victim’s interaction with the central stakeholders (chapters 10 - 14). | 14 |  Chapter 2 examines the concept of “a crime victim” and who should be considered victims. The stereotypical view of an innocent and defenceless victim is discussed. Many victims who come in contact with the justice system and other organisations are not “ideal” victims, however. Many are under the influence of alcohol or narcotics, while others behave aggressively and are seen as “difficult cases”. Those cases where the victims do not fall into the “ideal” category are the most difficult and demanding and place great pressure on the professionalism of the police force and health care system. These organisations must take precautions not to place guilt upon the victim because of his or her actions or behaviour. Early theories of crime susceptibility attempted to find causes of crime in the interaction between the victim and the perpetrator, and not in the personal characteristics of the criminal. Later theories have emphasised the importance of an individual’s lifestyle and daily routines in explaining the causes and extent of crime. Chapter 3 examines the fundamentals of working with crime victims. At its most basic level, the crime victim issue is one of human rights, such as justice and security. The international community has produced a number of documents over the past 50 years which aim to strengthen fundamental human rights. In recent years attention has turned to the issue of crime victims. This chapter contains a survey of important documents from the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the European Union and the Victim Support Europe, which is an association of European crime victim organisa- tions. Chapter 4 chronicles the historical development of the crime victim field, where at- tention first began to be paid to the victims of crime during the 1970s. The discussion in this chapter is based on the Serbian situation with special attention paid to the im- portance of the women’s rights movement in strengthening the position of crime vic- tims and making the issue of male violence against women become a matter of public debate. Chapter four also contains a survey on the development of relevant legislation and a research in the crime victims’ field. Chapter 5 contains a description of particularly exposed and vulnerable groups, such as socially marginalised individuals, children, travellers etc. All of these individuals face the risk of special problems following victimisation because of factors such as old age, the structure of the crime, handicaps, etc. Chapters 6 to 9 deal with the consequences of crime. These may be economic losses, physical damage, psychological reactions, social consequences or practical problems, and they may be of either a temporary or permanent nature. The chapter focuses on a description of various emotional reactions which can arise as a result of crime and the impact of these reactions on individuals. The criminal act itself is often not the only or even the largest problem for a victim. Problems can also arise during contacts between the victim and the authorities or other | 15 | organisations. Chapters 10 to 14 provide information concerning this contact, and describe the victim’s meetings with the police, prosecutor’s office, courts, health care system and non-governmental organisations. The authors hope that this book will be helpful to both students and professionals within the law enforcement and justice systems and the health care system. The book is also intended to be used as educational material by those working with women’s shel- ters and crime victims support. The book can also be found useful by journalists and politicians. Finally, we hope that those who have suffered from crimes will find guid- ance and support in this book.

| 16 |  Part I

The Victim

| 17 | | 18 |  Chapter 2

What is a crime victim? An important question is what the word crime victim represents? Use of this term to represent a person who is affected by a burglary or is subjected to an unprovoked beating would be unlikely to cause protests. But are relatives of a murder victim also victims of crime? Should parents of an underage murderer be considered crime vic- tims? Are companies and organisations that have been targets of criminal activity also crime victims? These may appear to be trivial questions, but a clear identification of who or what can be classified as a crime victim can be important in many respects. For example, it is often only after being categorised as belonging to a “victim group” that individuals are entitled to receive economic compensation or medical, psychological and social treat- ment and rehabilitation. It is also important to create practical boundaries, since the field of victimology brings together both practitioners from various backgrounds and researchers from academic disciplines with widely varied methodological and theoreti- cal frameworks. There is, unfortunately, no generally accepted definition of who or what the term “crime victim” encompasses. The most fundamental definition of the term crime victim limits itself to physical individuals who have been directly subjected to criminal activity (Diesen et al, 1995). This strict legal definition excludes both indirect victims, such as a man whose wife was raped or a child who lives in a violent environment and companies or other juridical persons exposed to crime. Another definition is limited to victims of traditional crimes – primarily crimes of theft or violence. This definition also excludes certain victim groups, for example victims of economic or environmental crimes. There exist more universal definitions, which also include victims of natural disasters, environmental ca- tastrophes, traffic accidents, etc. (Mendelsohn, 1982). A champion for a more general definition is the German criminologist Hans Joachim Schneider. Schneider states that a victim can be an individual, an organisation, “the moral order” or the legal system of a state which is threatened, harmed, or destroyed by an action (Schneider, 1975, p. 9).

| 19 |  The United Nations (UN) declaration of the fundamental rights of crime victims from 1985 defines a victim as a person who has suffered physical or psychological dam- age, economic loss or a noticeable deterioration of fundamental rights through actions or negligence contrary to a nation’s criminal legislation (General Assembly, res. 40/34). A person can be classified as a crime victim regardless of whether a perpetrator has been identified, arrested, charged or convicted and regardless of any kinship relation between the victim and the perpetrator. In addition, the definition includes individuals who have suffered damages through intervention to aid the victim or prevent the crime and individuals who fall victim to anti-crime measures – primarily through incorrect governmental decisions or coercive measures. The International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) employs an even wider defi- nition. This definition includes not only the direct victims, but also their families and other members of the community. It includes secondary victims as well, such as eyewit- nesses to a violent crime, police and others who arrive at the scene of the crime, indi- viduals who work with crime and the consequences of crime (judges, prosecutors etc.) and jurors who participate in high-profile trials (IACP, 2000). In conclusion, it is obvious that there exist a number of definitions of the term crime victim, some of which are quite broad while others are more limited. From a legal view- point, the group of victims is limited primarily to those exposed to a criminal act as defined by law, while a sociological definition can be seen as broader, including even animals, the environment, the society and states which were exposed to something that is defined or interpreted as a crime. A psychological definition is concerned with the individual’s experiences and interpretations of the criminal act.

Political Interest in the Victim Definition According to Leymann (1989) there exist strong political and professional interests behind the definition of the term crime victim. The state or specific professional groups may, for example, have an interest in maintaining focus on certain categories of victims. A result of this is the existence of systematic underestimation or overestimation of con- sequences, depending on the aims of the interested parties. According to Leymann, a person can only be attributed victim status if someone has an interest in this occurring, or if the victim themselves can apply political pressure. Only those who gain victim status are eligible to receive economic, medical, psycho- logical or social assistance or rehabilitation. One of the best examples of the impor- tance of political pressure groups can be seen in the case of the victims of Nazi con- centration camps. In the absence of global outrage and politically strong Jewish groups in the USA, it is possible that the ex-prisoners would never have received economic compensation from the German state. The power of pressure groups is seen in the fact | 20 | that not all ex-prisoners of the camps received compensation. Groups, which endured equally terrible treatment but were unable to mobilise an organised pressure campaign, received either no compensation or compensation far below that paid to Jewish vic- tims. Among these we find homosexuals, Roma and Jehovah’s Witnesses. Another example of political interest in the victim definition is found with rape vic- tims, who were not attributed the status of crime victims until they enlisted the aid of a pressure group. Violence and aggression against women was long seen as a private affair. During the 1970s, the women’s rights movement focussed attention on male vio- lence against women, with one result being the acknowledgement of this victim group. Similar developments – the transition from publicity (via pressure groups) to formal acknowledgement of victim status – can be seen in a number of areas. There still exist areas where the victim has yet to obtain formal victim status. Exam- ples are adult bullying and children who witness violence in the home.

The Ideal Victim Many people have a generic image of a crime victim. This image is characterised by the concept of an “ideal” victim – an innocent, defenceless victim who has no complic- ity in the crime (see e.g. Skogan & Maxfield, 1981). The ideal victim could be a young female rape victim, or an elderly woman who has been mugged. In a study of young people’s attitudes concerning rape, the general feeling was that rape is a wrong and unacceptable act ( Jeffner, 1998). The study found, however, that there were a number of circumstances, which could make this act open to interpreta- tion. Examples of these “mitigating” circumstances were if the girl (victim) did not say “no” in the correct manner, if the girl was in love with the boy even after the act, if the girl could be seen as a “whore” or if the girl did not feel badly afterwards. If the act did not meet the youths’ criteria, then it was not to be interpreted as a rape, and the victim, as a result, was not to be considered a victim. The Norwegian criminologist Nils Christie has described the ideal victim as an eld- erly lady who, while on her way to help her sick sister, is robbed by an adult male drug abuser. An ideal victim has, according to Christie (1986), at least six characteristics. • The victim is weak. • The victim is involved in a respectable activity. • The victim is en route to a place which is beyond reproach. • The perpetrator is dominant to the victim, and can be described in nega- tive terms.

| 21 |  • The perpetrator is unknown to the victim and has no relation to the victim. • The victim has enough influence to assert “victim status” (See the above mentioned discussion of political interests behind the victim definition). The ideal victim also has its opposite. An example of this type is the drunken young man who is robbed in a seedy bar by those he was associating with. Here we have the possibility to demand moral responsibility: he should not have gone to such a bar, he should not have gotten drunk, he should not have associated with those types etc. If the exposed individual is not classified as a “victim” despite the existence of psychologi- cal, physical or economic damages, then he or she risks receiving less protection, or even no protection, because he or she is not encompassed by the “standard” view of a crime victim.

The Complicit Victim The perception of a crime victim as “innocent and weak” is quite oversimplified and in many cases has no relation to reality. In some cases, the categories of crime victim and perpetrator overlap (Anttila, 1974; Fattah, 1992; Hindelang, 1981; SOU 1990:92) and they can occasionally both refer to the same individual (Blomqvist et al, 1980; Fat- tah, 1994; Lenke, 1973; Singer, 1981). In acts of the so-called “street violence,” it can be pure coincidence which determines who becomes the victim and who is the perpetrator. One indication of this problem is seen in the number of weapons which hospital emergency staff finds on the persons of patients seeking treatment for street violence (Carlsson Sanz, 2010). This overlap between victim and perpetrator has also been studied and found to exist in the case of burglaries (van Dijk & Steinmetz, 1983). A large percentage of all violent crimes is connected with the consumption of alco- hol. This is especially true in cases of violence between individuals unknown to each other, where both victim and perpetrator are often intoxicated (Carlsson Sanz et al, 2000; Dystring et al, 1991, 1993; Häggmark, 1997; Lidberg, 1995). Provocative or intoxicated behaviour by the victim at the time of the crime is not a justification for the occurrence of the crime. For insurance purposes, however, the vic- tim’s behaviour or level of inebriation can serve in certain cases to reduce or eliminate compensation (Lindgren & Malm, 2000). The victim’s behaviour can also influence the court’s decision. In cases where the victim is seen as acting in a provocative manner, there can be effects on both the classification of the crime and the sentence.

The Passive Victim As discussed later in this book, many victims describe how they are in some cases ascribed blame for the crime, rather than the perpetrator. A raped woman can be criti- | 22 | cised for being too provocative, too intoxicated or for being in the wrong place. In other cases the rape victim may be questioned because she was too passive or made only a half-hearted attempt to escape from the rapist. The dominant experience of rape is the threat of death. This leads to a reaction pat- tern in which the primary goal is survival. The victim reacts in such a manner that the rape is postponed or results in the least injury. The individual can thus be seen as “consenting” or she can lack physical signs of the violent event. Survival strategies can be very different – a woman may resist physically, try to talk to and distract the rapist or plead with him. Another strategy is to respond passively or completely block out the experience (Lindgren & Malm, 1997a). According to Eriksson (1995) it is clear that the police to some extent support a “victim scale,” where the women who seem most innocent and helpless score the high- est points. Eriksson (1995, p. 132 ff ) states that women who do not dare say that they are abused, but rather “shut up and take it” are a group which receives high points on the victim scale. The same applies to immigrant and refugee women, since they are seen as lacking a social support network, and thus as being dependent on their husband or partner. Another group scoring high on the scale is pregnant women and women with children present. Thus, in order to gain sympathy and attention the woman should be both innocent and physically or psychologically dominated by the perpetrator. The victim must not be too passive, however, or she (or he) risks having her credibility questioned.

The Resistant Victim A victim who wants to file a police report, maintains his/her story and has docu- mented injuries is no great problem for the police or prosecutors. Problems arise, how- ever, if the victim is resistant, refuses to co-operate, or retracts previous statements (Eriksson, 1995). The “correct” female abuse case includes a sober woman who can clearly recount the episode, and the woman should also have passively let herself be badly abused. She should then be willing to co-operate, file a report against the man, leave him and main- tain her testimony throughout the trial – after which she begins a new life with a man who does not abuse her (Olasdotter, 1997, pp. 9-10). Reality seldom looks like this, unfortunately. Those cases where the victim is not of the “ideal” type involve increased demands for professional action from the judicial system. Provocative behaviour on behalf of the victim cannot lead to a situation where formal rights are neglected or questioned. An individual does not have to be innocent to receive help and protection. The fact that a victim is intoxicated or “in an unsuitable place” does not constitute mitigating circumstances for the perpetrator. | 23 |  As seen above, it is not a simple task to define who or what is a crime victim. The scope is so wide that both completely innocent individuals and those complicit in the crime can be considered victims of crime. The term thus encompasses a very heteroge- neous group, but in the public debate crime victims are usually seen as a homogeneous group. Early victimology research made this mistake by applying results of research on rape victims to all crime victims. There exist grave dangers in attempting to create a “victim stereotype” with all vic- tims characterised by similar reactions, regardless of their individual characteristics or the crimes to which they were exposed. This can lead to the creation of cognitive struc- tures, which skew our interpretation of the psychological consequences for the victims. In other words, the existence of these stereotypes creates expectations of how a “real” victim should react, and these expectations influence both the victims themselves and people in their surroundings. Victims who do not conform to this stereotype risk feel- ing abnormal and/or risk being doubted by others.

Theories of Crime Susceptibility Views of who or what is to be considered a crime victim are closely related to views of crime. A number of theories concerning crime and criminality have been proposed through the years. Some of these theories have focussed on victim behaviour, while others have been based on the individual characteristics and background of the perpe- trators.

The Interaction between Victim and Perpetrator Early theories attempted to find causes of victimisation in personal characteristics of the victim or in the interaction between the victim and the perpetrator. von Hentig (1948) felt that many violent crimes were the result of a superficial or deep interaction between the victim and the perpetrator. According to von Hentig, the victim is not always a passive object. The victim’s behaviour in interaction with the perpetrator can be contributory to the criminal act itself. Wolfgang (1958) coined the term “victim precipitation,” which refers to crimes and situations where the victim, through their behaviour, can be seen as the cause. Both Wolfgang and von Hentig felt that the study of events leading up to a crime was crucial to any understanding of victimisation.

Lifestyle Theory Another theory attempting to explain the origin and extent of crime is the lifestyle theory (Hindelang et al, 1978). This theory attempts to explain variations in the risk of becoming a victim of crimes where there is direct contact between the victim and

| 24 | the perpetrator. The underlying assumption is that certain lifestyles increase the likeli- hood of being in situations where the risk of crime is high. Another assumption is that lifestyle is influenced by an individual’s demographic and social characteristics. The risk of being subjected to crime is thus a function of characteristics such as sex, age, civil status, occupation, ethnicity and social group – characteristics, which influence an in- dividual’s choice of activities both at work and during free time.

Routine Activity Theory The routine activity theory was formulated at about the same time as the lifestyle theory (Cohen & Felson, 1979). According to this theory, three factors must interact for a crime to take place. There must exist a motivated perpetrator, a suitable victim or object and the absence of persons who can prevent the crime. Cohen and Felson feel that the likelihood that a crime is committed is a function of these three factors converging at a given time and place. This convergence is affected, in turn, by how daily routines are organised. Some individuals routinely find themselves in situations where all three factors are present, while others have daily routines which rarely place them in these situations.

Conclusions This chapter has shown that the term “crime victim” can be narrowly defined to in- clude only those physical persons who have been directly subjected to a crime. It has also presented other, more general definitions concerning a broader group of victims, such as victims of traffic accidents, environmental disasters and acts of war. From this point we will use a narrow definition of victim, primarily discussing physi- cal persons who have suffered from crime either directly or indirectly. Examples of the latter category are relatives of a murder victim or individuals exposed to extreme emo- tional stress through their occupations. In applicable sections, the definition will be expanded to include even witnesses and juridical persons. To the extent that the defini- tion is integral to the application of a law, the term plaintiff will be used. Ultimately, the definition of a crime victim is a political question. Given this, the ex- istence of political pressure groups is vital in their role of publicising the victim groups and placing demands on their behalf. The women’s movement is a good example of such pressure groups. They have moulded public opinion and turned the spotlight on men’s violence against women – with the result being improved treatment of threat- ened and battered women (see chapter 4). This chapter has also shown that many people appear to have a mental picture of the “ideal” victim. The ideal victim is seen as innocent, defenceless and completely unin- | 25 | volved in the criminal act. The majority of those subjected to crime are not involved in the act, but rather randomly selected. Many victims met by people working in the judicial system, health care system or social services do not meet this “ideal” definition, however. The victim can be intoxicated, difficult to deal with or even complicit in the criminal act. Despite this fact, this book bases its discussion to an extent on this ideal victim. This is done because the reader must understand the “normal” case if he or she is to have the ability to understand and manage matters concerning “non-ideal” victims. It is not difficult to be professional and empathetic with ideal victims. On the other hand, dealing with complicit, passive or resistant victims requires a great deal of profes- sionalism and empathy.

| 26 |  Part II

Foundations

| 27 | | 28 |  Chapter 3

Human Rights In early times, the duties of maintaining law and order were shouldered by individu- als themselves. When a crime occurred, it was primarily an issue to be resolved be- tween the involved parties. The goal was for the criminal to repair or repay the damages caused by the crime. In certain cases, the victim was expected and allowed to seek re- venge for the wrongdoing. If the victim himself could not carry out the deed, the bur- den of exacting justice fell upon the family. Revenge and penance were central concepts in this early justice system. Billström (1995) sees these reactions as expressions of the concept of an equivalence and proportionality between the crime and the punishment. Revenge should result in an offence against the perpetrator of the same proportion as that committed against the victim, and penance should equal the value of the stolen or destroyed object. Even nowadays, the same situation can be found in societies which are either isolated, or in a state of trauma (e.g. during or after a civil war). Sometimes the two systems (in- dividual, revenge-based retribution and organized, society-administered justice) also coexist. Eventually, the duty of protecting individuals and administering justice fell to the state. For the victim, this involved a weakening of his or her position in the legal proc- ess. From a time when the victim could demand justice, the state became the force that determined the fate of the perpetrator best suited to the aims of the punishment (Billström, 1995). From this point onwards it can be said that the crime victim was effectively excluded from his or her own conflict. Christie (1982) states that in this respect the victim can be seen as a double loser in today’s society – losing out both to the perpetrator and to the state, with the professional agents of the court stealing the conflict. The crime victim can no longer demand retribution. A criminal act is no longer just an attack on the victim personally and on the societal norms, which are expressed through laws – the act now also affects the relationship between the affected citizen and the state. The informal, civil or private control that existed in many western, post-industrial societies, in the past lost much of its importance during the period following the Sec- ond World War. A contributing factor to this development was the extensive urbanisa-

| 29 | tion, which reduced social control and increased anonymity. The crime rate increased concurrently with this development, as a result of an increased standard of living. In addition to the changes in standard of living, immigration altered the population struc- ture, norm systems changed and the roles of family and the church changed (c.f. Ds 1996:59). In conjunction with increased welfare and an increased material living standard, im- plying that there were more things to steal, the informal control mechanisms of the past were replaced by formal ones. This has led to a development in the western world of increasing crime rates and decreasing clear-up rates (Ds 1996:59, p. 7-9). The ultimate responsibility for the fight against crime lies with the state, and the state has a monopoly on sanctioning violence. Society’s responsibility to protect its citizens from crime implies that it also has some responsibility when citizens are hurt as a result of crime. This is especially true since the state, as earlier mentioned, has assumed the conflict from the involved parties (Christie, 1982; Joutsen, 1987).

The International Community In many societies there are fundamental values and norms that influence and govern human behaviour. Concepts of equality, justice, security and democracy can be listed among these values. Individuals want to feel that they are justly treated by society, that they are protected from the risk of violence and that they have the ability to influence political decisions. These concepts have their base in fundamental human rights and are shared by States, but not necessarily by societies. The international community has produced a number of documents over the past 50 years with the intent of increasing protection of these basic human rights. In recent years there has been increased attention to the situation of crime victims, largely thanks to pressure applied by groups working within the field of victim support. This pressure has led to bodies such as the United Nations (UN) and the European Union (EU) producing a series of conventions, resolutions, declarations and recom- mendations concerning victims of crime. The term “convention” refers to international agreements that are legally binding for those states that ratify or join them. This ratification is carried out in most countries by a sitting legislature. In conjunction with ratification, the convention’s rules should also be codified as law in the individual countries. Some domestic legislation, however, fore- see direct application of international law in the domestic law, regardless of whether harmonized legislation is adopted. This exists in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus for instance. This means that these countries often stay for years with non-compliant leg- islation, perfectly legally, and the state expects the judiciary and other state bodies to

| 30 | apply international law directly – which of course does not happen all the time, hence a plethora of problems, especially for victims. In contrast to conventions, resolutions and declarations are not legally binding – they are rather more like general statements. Recommendations are not legally binding either, but are largely followed by member states (c.f. Tarschys, 2001 for a thorough discussion of human rights). In addition to the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Victim Support Europe have produced documents, which aim to improve the situ- ation for crime victims. This chapter discusses some important documents in the field of human rights.

The United Nations The UN General Assembly adopted a resolution in 1948 with the intent of strength- ening protection of human rights (General Assembly res. 217 A [III]). The resolution contains, among other things, sections concerning the basic ideas of freedom, justice and peace. This resolution was followed in 1966 by two international conventions, one dealing with political and civil rights, and the other with economic, social and cul- tural rights. These documents constitute the basis of the international norm system concerning human rights. They contain a number of rules such as the prohibition of discrimination, the right to life and a ban on slavery. They also contain rules regarding law and order (e.g. equality under the law and the right to a fair and impartial trial) and the mechanisms of democracy (e.g. freedom of opinion, expression and assembly). The documents also include rules regarding the right to personal security and integrity (e.g. protection of privacy and protection of children). Beyond the fundamental conventions on human rights, the UN has produced a number of special conventions dealing with the rights of specific groups, such as wom- en and children, or dealing with specific rights, such as the prohibition of torture, rac- ism and genocide. Among these special conventions is the Convention on the Elimina- tion of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which was adopted by the General Assembly in 1979, and came into force in 1981 (General Assembly res. 34/180). The Women’s Convention is intended to clarify and strengthen women’s rights to equal- ity. Although violence against women is not expressly discussed, there are a number of articles, which deal with various forms of discrimination against women – with or without violent elements. Even the convention on children’s rights, adopted in 1989, belongs in this category. Among other issues, the Convention on the Rights of the Child discusses the governmen- tal responsibility of protecting children from violence and all types of sexual exploi- tation and abuse. The convention includes four primary principles: all children have the same rights, the child shall be of primary importance in all actions which concern | 31 | them, all children have the right to life and development and children have the right to be heard and express their opinions in all matters that concern them. Sweden ratified this convention in 1990, and it has influenced Swedish law through the inclusion of a child’s perspective in the Code on Parents and Children since 1998 and in the Social Services Act (SFS 2001:453). Another important document is the United Nations Convention against Transna- tional Organised Crime adopted in 2000. The convention is aimed at the promotion of effective international co-operation in the prevention and combating of transnational organised crime, and is currently supplemented by two protocols dealing with traffick- ing in human beings (Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children) and human smuggling (Protocol against Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air). Among the aims of the two protocols are: • the prevention and suppression of trafficking in human beings, especially women and children • the protection and support of victims, while fully respecting their human rights, and • the promotion of co-operation between members states to achieve these aims. In addition to the legally binding conventions, the UN has adopted a number of declarations in the field of crime victims. The UN approved the Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power in the mid 1980s (Gen- eral Assembly res. 40/34). This is the “Magna Charta” of crime victims, and contains four fundamental principles: – The right of access to trial proceedings and fair treatment. – The right to compensation by the perpetrator. – The right to compensation by the state. – The right to necessary material, medical, psychological and social assistance from volunteer and public institutions. The crime victim thus receives the right to respect and acknowledgement at all levels of the criminal justice system, the right to receive continual information about (and explanation of ) how the case is proceeding, the right to give information to those re- sponsible for decisions regarding the criminal, access to legal counsel, protection of personal integrity and physical security and the right to economic compensation. In addition, it states that an officer of the court shall be trained in ways to meet the needs of victims. The declaration ends with a challenge to member states to take all necessary measures to uphold its contents. It has been followed by a “guide” for decision-mak-

| 32 | ers with guidelines for continued work on the crime victim issue (UN, 1999a), and a handbook on methods to implement the declaration’s concepts (UN, 1999b). In 1993 the General Assembly adopted the Declaration against Violence against Women. The General Assembly pointed out that there is a vital need to apply human rights issues to women, in terms of equality, safety, freedom, integrity and dignity. The declaration contains suggestions for measures, which should be taken to abolish all forms of violence against women. It goes on to emphasise that states must work to ensure that women who are exposed to violence and their children receive competent support and assistance – not least from the health care and social services. It also points out the need for education of police officers and other authorities who are responsible for preventing, investigating and punishing violent crimes against women.

The Council of Europe Parallel to the work of the UN, the Council of Europe has also taken measures to strengthen human rights. The foundation for the Council’s work is the European Con- vention on Human Rights, with its beginnings in the 1950s, which deals with the pro- tection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. The convention governs, among other things, the right to life, personal liberty, freedom of speech, trial by law, and the right to not be convicted for a crime without a legal basis. Another convention, Number 116 (83) from 1983, on compensation to victims of violent crimes states that victims, and relatives of victims who were killed during a crime, have the right to compensation by the state if compensation from other sources cannot be obtained. This right to compensation applies even in cases where the perpe- trator cannot be charged or convicted. The convention goes on to say that the compen- sation should be paid by the state where the crime occurred. Since 1979, the Council of Europe has adopted 31 recommendations to its member states on crime victim issues. Among these is Recommendation No. R (85) 11 con- cerning the victims’ position in the criminal and juridical proceedings, which was ap- proved by the council of ministers in 1985. The recommendation contains guidelines for member states’ prosecution, sentencing and penal organisations. These guidelines include the responsibility of the authorities to provide help and support to crime vic- tims, including information, compensation and protection of personal integrity. Two years later the Council accepted Recommendation No. R (87) 21 on assistance to crime victims and the prevention of crime. Member states were encouraged to study the needs of crime victims and to chart the prevalence of crime in order to facilitate de- velopment of crime victim programs. In addition, the states were asked to increase the understanding of crime victims’ needs – both among the public in general and among governmental authorities.

| 33 |  In 1990 the council of ministers approved Recommendation No. R (90) 2, deal- ing with violence against women. The recommendation discusses general preventative measures, but it also provides specific measures involving information, detection and reporting of assault as well as help and therapy for the entire family. The main concept of this recommendation is the importance of multifaceted, co-ordinated intervention on behalf of the crime victim. Some recommendations in recent years concern matters such as threats against wit- nesses and mediation in criminal cases. Recommendation No. R (97) 13 from 1997 states that witnesses must be free to testify without feeling threatened. It goes on to state that threats intended to deter a witness from testifying should be punishable by law, and that these threats should be taken quite seriously. The recommendation also says that witnesses should be encouraged to report any relevant information. One way to assist the witness in testifying fully is to place the witness in a separate room, pro- tected from the accused. Here it should be noted that personnel working within the legal system should be educated in dealing with threats against witnesses. Recommendation No. R (99) 19 from 1999 consists of a number of principles which member states should bear in mind when dealing with mediation. One such principle is that mediation should only occur with the agreement of both parties, that the parties should have the possibility to stop mediation at any time, that the discussions during mediation are confidential and that the information gleaned through mediation may not be used at a later date without the consent of both parties. The principles also in- clude legal matters such as the inclusion of mediation in criminal cases in each nation’s legislation, with specific guidelines as to the use of mediation. The recommendation goes on to define how mediation is to be structured – it must be carried out in an im- partial manner based on facts, and according to the wishes of the parties.

The European Union Recent years have seen an increase in interest in the situation of crime victims by the European Union (EU). An example of this interest is the so-called Grotius pro- gramme, which has financed several crime victim studies. In 1998, a study was pre- sented which compared member states’ legislation and support for victims of rape and other sexual assault (Bacik, Maunsell & Grogan, 1998). In 1999 the Swedish Crime Victim Compensation and Support Authority, in co-operation with the Ministry of Justice, presented a project focussing on the availability of aid and support when an individual is subjected to crime in another country within the union (Wergens, 1999). In the same year, the European Commission (The EU’s executive body) presented the report Crime Victims in the European Union – Reflections on Standards and Action (KOM[99] 349 final) to the European Parliament. The report included presentations of preventive activities, support to crime victims, the victim’s position in the legal proc- | 34 | ess and compensation as well as information, language issues and education. The Com- mission concluded that victims should be treated with respect and dignity during the legal process, and that their privacy and security should be ensured. It was also noted that compensation should be paid to victims at the earliest possible date, for example through advance payments. These documents formed the basis for discussions between the Council of Europe and heads of government during the autumn 1999 in Tammerfors. The Tammerfors meeting led to a proposal to establish minimum support to crime victims – especially in terms of access to justice and the right to compensation. Based on these documents, the Council of the European Union approved a Frame- work Decision concerning the position of crime victims in the legal system (2001/220/ RIF). The Decision consists, among other things, of documents stressing the rights of victims to respect and recognition. In this context, it is stated that member states should work to ensure that the crime victim is treated in a manner, which respects human dignity and that the victim’s rights and legitimate interests in the legal proceed- ings are recognised. The Decision also includes documents on the right to informa- tion. Member states should, for example, ensure that victims gain access to relevant information during the initial contact with law enforcement officials, so that they can adequately look after their interests. Other areas dealt with in this Decision are the rights to protection and compensation within the framework of the judicial process. In addition, the Decision stresses the importance of special services and organisations to support the crime victim and provide training for those who are involved in the legal process or otherwise get in contact with victims. In 2010 The Stockholm Program was adopted during the Swedish presidency. In the program the European Council calls on the Commission and the Member States to: • examine how to improve legislation and practical support measures for the protection of victims and to improve the implementation of existing instruments; • offer better support to victims in other ways, possibly through existing European networks that provide practical help, and put forward propos- als to that end; • examine the opportunity of making one comprehensive legal instru- ment on the protection of victims, by joining together Council Di- rective 2004/80/EC of 29 April 2004 relating to compensation to crime victims and Council Framework Decision 2001/220/JHA of 15 March 2001 on the standing of victims in criminal proceedings, on the basis of an evaluation of these two instruments.

| 35 |  The increased use of the financing programs should be made in accordance with their respective legal frameworks. There is also a specific legal framework in the EU regarding victims of trafficking in human beings.

The Victim Support Europe The Victim Support Europe was established in 1987 as an association of crime victim organisations. The Victim Support Europe, which has a consultative status in the UN, aims to secure that crime victims receive the best possible assistance for as long as nec- essary to allow them to return to their previous, active lives – regardless of nationality and where in Europe the crime occurs. Within its framework, this association works to develop effective assistance to foreign crime victims within the European Union. The organisation adopted a programme, the Statement of Victims’ Rights in the Proc- ess of Criminal Justice, in 1996 which is largely based upon UN and Council of Europe documents (The Victim Support Europe, 1996). The programme presents fundamen- tal principles and specific rights of crime victims in the judicial process. The fundamental principles are: • The crime victims’ rights must receive the same priority as the rights of the accused. • The process of dealing with the offender must not increase the distress or add to the problems of the victims of crime (so-called secondary victimisation). The specific rights of the crime victim are: • To be met with respect and recognition in all stages of the criminal proc- ess. • To receive information on, and explanations of, the status of their case. • To be able to render information to those responsible for decisions con- cerning the accused. • To receive access to legal assistance, regardless of their means. • To receive protection of both their privacy and physical safety. • To receive economic compensation from the perpetrator, in the first instance, or the state in the second instance. The Victim Support Europe has also developed a document on the social rights of crime victims, The Social Rights of Victims of Crime (The Victim Support Europe,

| 36 | 1998). This includes, in addition to general social rights, more detailed rules for crime victims regarding their right to privacy and physical safety, recognition from health care and social services and security in the home and at the workplace. The Statement of Victims’ Rights to Standards of Service was published in 1999. This document presents minimum standards which should be fulfilled by organisations which offer help and support to crime victims (The Victim Support Europe, 1999). The crime victim’s fundamental rights are: • To receive free service from a crime victim organisation which is run by trained volunteers or professionals. • That the services which The Victim Support Europe provides: – are based on an understanding of those problems which crime vic- tims experience. – include information on victims’ rights. – include psychological, emotional and practical support throughout the police investigation and the judicial process. – include the possibility to mediate contact with specialist services if necessary. The specific rights of crime victims include: • Availability of victim support to all, regardless of age, sex or sexual orien- tation. • Support from selected and trained personnel. • Free assistance. • Confidential assistance. • Service on the crime victim’s own terms. • Independent assistance. In addition to the important work of Victim Support Europe, the OSCE has de- veloped a number of instruments on victims’ rights, more specifically on the rights of victims of trafficking in human beings.

Conclusions The adoption of international documents in recent decades gives a clear proof of the reinforcement of fundamental human rights protection mechanisms. One impor- | 37 | tant effect of these documents is that they have put more emphasis on crime victims. However, so far the international documents have been mostly dealing with regulating the rights of victims in the context of criminal justice system, while the majority of vic- tims, who actually do have many needs have been outside their scope. This may suggest that the interest in victim support and protection is linked to the interest of the state to punish offenders rather than better meet the needs of victims. Moreover, even the rights of victims within the criminal justice system contained in the most important UN and EU victim related documents are not implemented properly by many states. This is why the EU Council has recently adopted the Resolution on the roadmap for strengthening the rights and protection of victims, in particular in criminal proceed- ings, which has a legal basis in the Lisbon Treaty. This may be an important step toward stricter obligations in relation to implementation and a more comprehensive approach to dealing with victims’ problems in Europe.

| 38 |  Part III

The Victim in Focus

| 39 | | 40 |  Chapter 4

Developments in the Crime Victim Field During the 1700s, interest in crime was primarily focussed on the criminal act itself. This changed during the 1800s, and by the end of the century the criminal was becom- ing the centre of attention. The criminal was subjected to careful examination from a number of perspectives: biological, psychological and sociological. It was not until about 100 years later that the crime victim began to receive attention. This lack of at- tention applied to research, criminal policy and society in general. This increased interest in crime victims can partially be explained by the earlier, one- sided focus on the criminal. It can also be a reaction to a large increase in reported crime coupled with a decrease in clear-up rates. Another factor of importance is the forma- tion of grass-roots movements, particularly the women’s movement.

A New Perspective The position of the crime victim received the attention of criminal policy in the Unit- ed States during the 1960s. The reason for this was that conservative interest groups, worried by increasing crime rates, began to demand tougher treatment of criminals. There existed a discussion that this concern for the victim should be seen as an attempt to create support for a repressive criminal justice policy along “law and order” lines (Elias, 1984; Karmen, 1990; Kirchhoff, 1991). Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater took up the question of street crime in his 1964 campaign. The election was won by Democratic candidate Lyndon B. Johnson, who adopted Goldwater’s views and established a commission to study the situation of crime victims. The commission’s report was presented in 1967, and con- tained, among other things, the results from a victim survey. This survey, the first of its kind, asked a sample of the population if they had been subjected to crime during the previous year. One important result was that the survey showed that for various reasons many crimes were not reported to the police (Litzén, 1993). At the same time that these results were presented, other studies were underway which showed that many witnesses and crime victims did not want to participate in a crime investigation – even after the crime had been reported and the perpetrator | 41 | apprehended. The reason for this was the additional stress caused by the trial process. Victims often received no support or information about what would happen, and they were often forced to spend hours in boring waiting rooms, often together with the sus- pect (Maguire, 1991). Various authorities in the USA saw that measures were required to solve this prob- lem. It was thought that if the victim was treated better, then crime reporting frequency would rise, and victims would be more co-operative during the trial process, and more active as witnesses. One of the most important measures taken was to increase victim and witness participation in the trial process. To this end, a number of projects were begun, with one of the results being separate waiting areas for victims and witnesses. Brochures were also printed, with information on how the trial process would proceed (Davis & Henley, 1990). The early 1970s saw the beginnings of the so-called “rape debate” in the USA, when the women’s movement questioned the American society’s view and treatment of raped wom- en (Karmen, 1990; Roberts, 1990). As if the rape itself was not bad enough, women who reported the crime to the authorities were often questioned repeatedly, looked down upon and subjected to various prejudices. One of the pioneers in this area was Susan Brownmill- er, who wrote the book Against Our Will – Men, Women and Rape. Brownmiller (1976) stated that rape could be understood as a biological, cultural and social phenomenon, but that it is ultimately an expression of female oppression in the general society. Earlier, the women’s movement had fought for female suffrage and the right to edu- cation and employment. When these goals had been met, the movement turned its focus to sexual independence and bodily integrity. The silence which had surrounded abortion and rape (and later male violence against women, sexual harassment and in- cest) was broken, largely through victims openly speaking of their experiences (Kar- men, 1990). A similar development can be seen in the UK and, several years later, in Sweden and other Western European countries. The first half of the 1970s in the UK and the USA brought about various volunteer initiatives, which were based on the concept that society had a responsibility to provide for victims of crime. One such initiative was the establishment of rape centres where rape victims could turn 24 hours a day for legal counsel and emotional support. The victims could also have someone from the centre accompany them to the police sta- tion, the doctor, the attorney etc. Many centers also started group therapy sessions for raped women (Karmen, 1990; Roberts, 1990). These centres were largely influenced by feminist ideology and had a significant influence on the future development of victim assistance programs. The majority of these early efforts at victim assistance were spear- headed by individuals who had themselves been victims, and were disappointed by the aid available. From their inception, these groups chose to work independently from the established system and judicial authorities (Walklate, 1989). | 42 |  Also during this period, a number of newspaper articles, books and research reports showed the prevalence of rape in society, and the problems which these crimes caused for the victims. This caused the women’s movement to press their point. From the early pur- pose of aiding and supporting individual rape victims, they now began to act as a political pressure group. One example of these actions was the attempt to increase public aware- ness of how women were treated prejudicially by the courts or otherwise poorly treated. An attempt was made in the USA to toughen sentencing guidelines for rape in the vari- ous states. The activities also began to encompass other types of crisis counselling as well as information and education campaigns (Boëthius, 1976; Karmen, 1990). In connection with the rape debate, other forms of oppression of women were also brought to light, including assault. Like many rape victims, battered women often re- ported negative experiences of the legal system. Despite the judicial system’s responsi- bility to act, many women reported no follow-up of their reports to the police. It was not uncommon for assault against women to be seen as a family affair, rather than a matter for the police. The attitude that the women were a party to the event and were themselves partially to blame was also prevalent. There are many parallels between the rape debate and the women’s movement’s focus on male violence against women. Both debates were initiated by former victims, both are based in the belief that these crimes are more dependent on social and institutional problems than on personal problems or some expression of personal failure, and both worked to increase awareness of men’s violence against women within the judicial system, and thus improve the system’s treatment of battered and raped women (Karmen, 1990). The first crime victim support centres aimed at both men and women were started in Britain in the early 1970s (Maguire & Shapland, 1990). These were largely manned by independent, volunteer support persons, and financed through donations. The vol- unteers offered emotional and practical support to crime victims – primarily victims of burglary and assault (Maguire & Corbett, 1987). In 1979 The National Association of Victim Support Schemes (NAVSS) was formed as an umbrella organisation with the goal of establishing standardised methods and education for the centres (Maguire & Shapland, 1990).

The Crime Victim in a Serbian Perspective

The Debate Intensifies In Serbia the public interest for crime victims was initiated in l980s primarily by feminist advocacy for the rights of women and children. Violence against women was discussed at public panels organised in Belgrade by the feminist group Women and

| 43 | Society. Also, the members of this group were engaged in other awareness raising ac- tivities, such as media interviews, round tables, speeches in various institutions etc. In 1990 the book Women as Victims of Crime, written by Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic was publicly launched at one of the public panels organised by the group Women and So- ciety (Blagojevic, 1998). The book served as an important platform for advocacy for legal changes. Repre- sentatives of women’s groups, together with researchers, presented their proposals for changes of laws regarding domestic violence and marital rape to the former Yugoslav federal state authorities and gave a number of interviews to the media. After the dis- integration of Yugoslavia and beginning of ethnic conflicts, this advocacy campaign was slowed down and shifted toward advocacy for women as victims of war violence. However, the advocacy of women’s groups aimed at raising public awareness and bet- ter protection of domestic violence victims in general did not stop during war time. Women’s groups and feminist researchers contributed toward the visibility of the prob- lems of domestic violence victims, as well as those of victims of sexual violence and traf- ficking in human beings. Moreover, the first draft of the criminal offences of domestic violence and marital rape was submitted by the Group for Women’s Rights of the Eu- ropean Movement in Serbia1 in mid 1990s. Although not successful, this advocacy was very important in terms of raising awareness of state officials and the general public. Namely, the provision about the punishment for marital rape was included in the draft Criminal Code as an alternative to the traditional rape definition, and was, for the first time ever, discussed in the Parliament. During 1990s, women’s groups’ activists established SOS hotlines, shelters and coun- selling services for women and children. The first SOS hotlines were established in 1990 in two towns, Belgrade and Kraljevo, and in 1993 in Nis. The development of these victim services was particularly intensified after the social changes in 2000. In general, the development of victim services in 1990s and 2000s was under the strong influence of women’s movement but also under the influence of the development of civil society in general, and human rights organisations in particular. As in other coun- tries, human rights organisations were mostly interested in victim’s rights in connection to criminal procedure and punishment for the offender, while victim support organisa- tions mostly had a more flexible and empowering approach and had been supporting victims trying to meet their needs regardless of their involvement with criminal justice system. Thus, the first victim services in Serbia were specialised services for women and chil- dren victims of violence. Women’s groups put the issue of violence against women on the public agenda, emphasising that domestic violence was not a private matter but a social problem which requires serious discussion and solutions. Later on, other spe-

1 The Group was predecessor of the Victimology Society of Serbia. | 44 | cialised services were developed, such as services for torture and war victims. Until the end of 1990s, victim advocacy and support in Serbia was mostly limited to women and children victims of violence. However, since 2000, largely thanks to the advocacy of the Victimology Society of Serbia2, many positive changes were initiated, significant not only for women and children, but for other crime victims as well. The first and so far the only victim support service of general type, i.e. which offers support to victims of all crimes and of both sexes, was established in 2003 by the Victimology Society of Serbia. Largely based on VDS and other NGOs drafts and advocacy, new laws were passed with the provisions important for the victims. Also, since 2008, Serbian offi- cial statistics data contain basic information about victims. Regular marking of 25 No- vember – the International Day against Violence against Women started by women’s groups already in 1990s, while the Victimology Society has been regularly marking 22 February – The International Victim’s Day. Also the NGO I.A.N. initiated marking The International Day against Torture. As in other countries, the victim’s rights or- ganisations in Serbia used these days and other opportunities to organise many aware- ness raising events in order to draw attention of the public and the government to the victims’ problems. Moreover, many training events for various professionals, including police, social workers, judges, prosecutors and health workers, were organized by non- governmental victim organizations. After 2000, the first victim services were established within state institutions as well. They were mostly established within social welfare institutions. The changes of family laws related to domestic violence as well as an increase in available funds for financing partnerships between NGOs and the state institutions were especially beneficial for this development. In Belgrade, for example, the Agency for Coordination of Protection of Victims of Trafficking in Human Beings was established in 2004, as part of the Ministry of La- bour, Employment and Social Policy. Recently, a children’s SOS hotline has been set up in Belgrade, as well as the Shelter for Urgent Protection of Children. Also, several SOS hotlines in Serbia were established by NGOs in cooperation with social welfare centres. State services mostly followed a general trend in the development of NGO services in terms of their focus on women and children victims of violence. Since 2010, new trends have been noticed suggesting the suspension of some NGO victim services (SOS hotlines and shelters) which have been developed with a lot of enthusiasm and which generated precious experience for activists. These activities were partly taken over by state institutions which often have less knowledge and experience appropriate for meeting needs of victims than NGOs.

2 See more about the Victimology Society of Serbia in the parts on the Government and victims, victimological research in Serbia, and in the part on non-governmental organizations and victims. | 45 |  In sum, the development of both non-governmental and governmental victim serv- ices and programs in Serbia was not linear and systematic. Although very important, it mostly came about as a result of the efforts of enthusiastic groups, as well as that of the fragmented state efforts. Also, although a certain level of cooperation of different services is obvious, a national network of local victim services that exists in many other countries has not been established yet. One of the main characteristics of victim related developments in Serbia is that they contributed to increasing the social visibility and raising awareness of certain categories of victims, while other victims are largely invisible and unrecognized. The prevalence of specialised victim services and organisations contributed to the increased social vis- ibility of certain victims, such as female victims of domestic violence, children victims of sexual abuse, victims of trafficking in women and children, and recently victims of work related abuse. Other victims, such as victims of robbery, burglary, street violence, men as victims etc. are mostly left invisible and unrecognised. Although quite success- ful in initiating the changes in legislation related to domestic and sexual violence and trafficking in human beings, the advocacy of the Victimology Society for the increased social visibility of other crime victims and the comprehensive approach to victim issues did not gain broader support and, thus, had difficulty reaching wider public, profes- sionals and state officials. But of course, the greater visibility of certain victims and existence of more services for them does not mean that their needs are met properly. Many problems exist in this regard and they will be elaborated in appropriate chapters in this book.

Legal and policy changes A number of measures have been taken by the state to improve the position of crime victims in Serbia in recent years. New laws have been passed, and existing laws have been re-examined and modified. In addition, various policy documents, such as strate- gies, national action plans and protocols have been adopted. The most important legal and policy changes were initiated and advocated by Serbian non-governmental organi- sations, which also had the support of international organisations and donors. This is why this chapter will start with the description of the most important NGO initiatives for legal changes, and the achieved legal changes will be reviewed afterwards.

Civil society advocacy The first legal changes, which marked the beginning of new legislation for victims, occurred soon after political changes in 2000. Legal changes related to domestic and sexual violence, trafficking in human beings and protection of victims from secondary victimisation in criminal procedure were initiated and largely based on drafts written by the experts of Victimology Society of Serbia. The basis for these changes is the draft | 46 | legislation developed and for the first time submitted to the authorities in 1998 with the idea to be included in the draft of Criminal Code of Federal Republic of Yugosla- via.3 The draft consisted of the New Model of Legal Protection from Domestic Vio- lence, the draft of the chapter on sexual violence based on new conception of sexual violence offences and the draft of the criminal offence of trafficking in human beings. Later on, in 2002, a more systematic and comprehensive draft called New Model of Laws about Trafficking in Human Beings was made, together with the draft of changes of the Criminal Procedure Code regarding protection of victims from secondary vic- timisation (Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2002a). The New Model of Legal Protection from Domestic Violence, drafted in 1998 by the working group of the Victimology Society of Serbia consisting of five feminist lawyers4 (Nikolic-Ristanovic and Copic 2002: 23-26; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2002a) was the first systematic proposal of a new concept of legal protection from this form of crime. The New Model of Laws on Domestic Violence followed as a result of the two-year moni- toring of the trials of battered women who killed their abusers, and awareness raising campaigns organized by women’s NGOs. The first draft of the Model, which was later modified to reflect existing legislative trends, was based on the research findings and reports on trial monitoring, as well as on the research on international and domestic laws, while the Minnesota Domestic Abuse Act and the Duluth model were used as guidelines for drafting the Model (Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2002a). The New Model of Legal Protection from Domestic Violence proposed harmonized changes of five rel- evant codes: the Criminal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, the Family Code, the Civil Procedure Code and the Code on Weapons and Munitions. The proposals con- tained in the Model presented a combination of preventive, repressive and curative measures, primarily aiming at prevention of escalation of domestic violence. The most important proposals included protection orders, which should be pronounced in the civil suit; criminal offence of domestic violence; breach of the protection orders as a basis for criminal responsibility, prohibition of contact with the victim as a term for the suspended sentence; new security measures - prohibition of contact with the victim and compulsory counselling and treatment for offenders; and domestic violence as a basis for rejecting issuance of permits to purchase weapons. The advocacy regarding sexual violence was based on the draft of a completely new concept of the Criminal Code chapter on sexual violence, the main characteristics of which are: the change of the title of the chapter on sexual violence from Offences against the Dignity of Person and Moral to Offences against Sexual Freedoms, stricter

3 VDS did not manage in its advocacy at that time but also the draft of this Criminal Code was never passed. However, this draft was used as the basis for drafting of new Criminal Code of Serbia in 2000 (Stojanovic, 2009). 4 Slobodanka Konstantinovic-Vilic, Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Nevena Petrusic, Ivana Stevanovic and Brankica Grupkovic. | 47 | punishments for all sexual offences and, in particular, for sexual abuse of children and disabled persons, punishment for marital rape, new concept of rape and other sexual offences which enable the same legal protection for victims regardless of gender and sexual orientation, as well as for being coerced into not only the vaginal sexual act, but also other sexual acts, such as anal, oral etc. During 2002, an expert team5 of the Victimology Society of Serbia analyzed several laws related to trafficking in human beings, as well as the most important international documents and contemporary legislation. Upon the analysis, legal provisions related to criminal offense of trafficking in human beings were drafted. That activity was followed by round tables where the proposal was discussed with the representatives of the police and judiciary in order to get their comments on it. After that, the final version of the proposal was made. As a result of the joint advocacy of non-governmental and govern- mental organizations, and members of the Serbian team against trafficking in human beings, the criminal offense of trafficking in human beings was included in the Serbian Criminal Code in April 2003. The Victimology Society has also proposed changes of relevant legislation in terms of providing better protection of victims. These included the proposal for the Crimi- nal Procedure Code to include best practices in questioning vulnerable victims as wit- nesses, as well as the changes of the Law on Misdemeanors and the Law on Foreigners in terms of providing the possibility to delay deportation and issue the temporary resi- dence permit to victims of trafficking. 6 The drafts designed by VDS experts may be without exaggeration considered to have provided a basis for various legal changes that occurred since 2002. The legal changes relevant for victims started with partial changes of the Criminal Code in 2002 and 2003, which introduced new criminal offences such as domestic violence and punish- ment for marital rape, as well as the criminal offence of trafficking in human beings, respectively. The rest of the proposed changes were included in the Criminal and Fam- ily Code of Serbia in 2005, in the Criminal Procedure Code in 2006, the Law on Mis- demeanors (2009), and the Law on Foreigners in 2008. The first changes were achieved as a result of long and persistent advocacy of the Vic- timology Society, which in its final stage got broad support from the civil society and democratic political parties. The changes entered the Criminal Code as amendments

5 Expert team included professors Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Natasa Mrvic-Petrovic and Milan Skulic 6 Although the first version of these proposals was made in 2002 when the expert group of the Victimology Society made a proposal to define trafficking in human beings as the criminal offence, it was modified in 2004 within the project on advocacy for changes of legislation of misdemeanours and laws related to it. The project was implemented in cooperation with the Association of Magistrates and VDS had leading role in it. That was done by Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, Natasa Mrvic-Petrovic, and Sanja Copic in cooperation with two magistrate judges, Dragana Tireli and Zoran Pasalic, based on the new trends in this field as well as on the changes of the practice in Serbia in terms of granting temporary residence permits for the humanitarian reasons. | 48 | proposed by individual MPs who were sympathetic to them, while the Government did not show interest in them. In the years that followed, the interest of the Govern- ment in legal changes relevant for victims increased under the influence of both NGOs advocacy and international obligations. VDS experts continued to advocate for legal changes both within VDS and as members of other NGOs, and government working groups. Also, other experts and NGOs presented their own drafts of the laws relevant for victims. The most important drafts and advocacy initiatives are the following: the ad- vocacy of the Centre for Children’s Rights for the Law on Juvenile Criminal Offenders and Legal Protection of Underage Individuals (2006), the advocacy for the Antidis- crimination Law by 50 NGOs from the Coalition against Discrimination, as well as the advocacy of organizations that support victims of mobbing for the Law on the Pre- vention of Work Related Abuse (2010).

Improved Legislation New legislation for victims in Serbia includes legal changes related to domestic vio- lence, sexual crime, work related abuse and trafficking in human beings, as well as to a more active role of victims and their protection from re-victimisation and secondary victimization during criminal procedure. Some of best practices regarding protection of children and some other vulnerable victims as witnesses seem to have been incor- porated into Serbian legislation as well. Criminalization of marital rape, domestic vio- lence, trafficking and smuggling of persons, introduction of restorative justice meas- ures, as well as changes of civil and labour laws, together with the new laws on work related abuse, organised crime, war crimes, antidiscrimination and gender equality, contributed to the harmonisation of Serbian legislation with international standards to a great extent. In the text that follows a brief overview of Serbian legislation relevant for victims as it was at the moment of writing of this book will be given. Even before 2000, the victim (injured party) had most of the rights relevant for his/ her active role in the criminal procedure, such as: the right to propose evidence and to have insight into criminal files and evidence; the right to ask questions and make objections or give explanations about statements of other actors, as well as to give other statements and opinions, including the right to present closing arguments; the right to appear as a subsidiary or private prosecutor, and the right to have a free legal representa- tive if the subsidiary prosecutor is without appropriate financial recourses. The new regulations brought some novelty in terms of reinstating of the injured par- ty’s proposition as a condition for criminal prosecution if provided for some offenses, the expansion of the rights of an injured party to lodge a complaint that was earlier limited to the decision about expenses (the right to file a complaint against the decision of the prosecutor to grant the status of a protected witness if the crime is committed | 49 | against this person), removal of some limitations of the rights of a private prosecutor (Grubac, Beljanski, 2002), as well as inclusion of the possibility of victim-offender mediation. Moreover, the changes represented a good legal basis for offering suitable victim protection in criminal proceedings from both secondary and repeated victimi- zation. These changes are particularly relevant for minors as victims, and victims of organized and war crimes 7 Domestic violence is now a separate criminal offence prosecuted ex officio, including punishment for emotional and physical violence against a family member. In relation to this criminal offence, the family member is defined extensively, including partners, former partners, children and other relatives (including in-laws), as well as foster and adoptive parents. A range of protection orders can be issued in civil procedure, while their violation is punishable as the most lenient form of the criminal offence of domes- tic violence. The Serbian Family Code contains provisions on the following protection orders: injunction for moving out from the flat or a house regardless of the property or rental right to the real estate; injunction for moving into the flat or a house regardless of the property or rental right to the real estate; prohibition to come within a certain distance of the family member; prohibition to access the space around the family mem- ber’s place of residence or workplace; prohibition against further harassment of the family member. These protection orders could last up to one year, with the possibility to be extended. The new Serbian Law on Misdemeanors also contains a provision on protection orders: prohibition on access to the victim (injured party), object or a place where the misdemeanor was committed. This protection order is aimed at preventing the contact between the offender and the victim in the situation when the victim feels that he/she is endangered. The 2009 changes of the Criminal Code also introduced a new security measure of prohibition to approach to and communicate with victims, which is important for protection of victims after the trial. The Criminal Code also provides that rape is punishable regardless of the relation- ship between the offender and the victim (hence including spouses as well) and regard- less of the sex of the victim and the perpetrator. This means that now the provision relating to rape includes heterosexual and homosexual rape as well as coercion into vaginal as well as oral, anal and similar sexual act. The New Criminal Code also con- tains provisions that enable better legal protection of children and disabled persons. When rape or any other sexual crime results in the pregnancy of the victim, the more severe punishment is prescribed. Penalties for sexual crimes in general and especially for sexual abuse of children are increased and incrimination of sexual abuse against chil- dren is better defined than before. When it comes to children, it is especially important to stress the provision regarding sexual abuse of children by persons in whom they have confidence (e.g. parents, adoptive parents, guardians, teachers, nurses and the like).

7 See more about this in the chapter about Court and victims. | 50 |  The Serbian Criminal Code adopted the incrimination of trafficking in human be- ings in line with the definition of trafficking stipulated in the UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime and supplementary ‘‘Trafficking’’ Protocol8. More se- vere punishments are envisaged if the criminal act is committed against a minor, where the victim suffered a serious body injury, or when the offence is committed by an or- ganised group or a group of individuals belonging to a certain profession. The most severe punishment is envisaged when one or more persons were killed. If the victim is a minor, the perpetrator shall be punished with the sentence envisaged for this act also in the cases where he/she has not used force, threat or some other mentioned methods of execution. In general, the consent of the victim to the position of exploitation or slavery does not eliminate the existence of criminal offence. The 2005 Criminal Code also defines trafficking in children for adoption purposes as a specific crime and pro- vides special legal protection for children under 14 years of age (later changed into 16 years) against this form of trafficking in human beings. Bearing in mind not only the serious consequences for victims, but also the differences between trafficking in human beings and smuggling of persons, the 2005 Criminal Code defines for the first time the criminal offence of smuggling of persons. The criminalization of trafficking in human beings is merely one of the preconditions for a successful combat against this form of organized crime and protection of victims. It is, however, not enough; it is necessary to ensure adequate protection for the victims not only prior to, in the course of, and following the criminal proceedings, but also un- related to the procedure itself. On 5 July 2004, the Serbian Ministry of Interior passed the Instruction on the Conditions for Approving Temporary Residence to Foreign Nation- als Victims of Trafficking, which provides for temporary residence up to 3 months for foreign nationals, victims of trafficking in human beings, for humanitarian reasons, with the aim to provide them protection and assistance during the recovery period, and when returning to the country of origin or the country of previous residence (re- covery and reflection period). All foreign nationals identified by the Agency for the Coordination of Protection of Victims of Trafficking in Human Beings as victims of trafficking in human beings, who need to be given protection and care are entitled to a 3 month temporary residence permit. If the victim is willing to cooperate with the authorities, the temporary residence permit may be extended up to six months. If the victim actively takes part in the legal proceedings as a witness or the injured party, or if this is required for reasons of security, this permit may be extended up to a year. The temporary residence issue was later also included in the Law on Foreigners, although not exactly in the same way.

8 Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Human Beings, Especially Women and Children (2000) supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (2000) came into force in December 2003. Document: www.uncjin.orga/Documents/Conventions/dcatoc/final_docu- ments_2/convention_%20traff_eng.pdf. | 51 |  Legal protection from work related abuse has been defined by the criminal and la- bour laws, and since recently by the Law on Prevention of Work Related Abuse. The criminal law contains only one provision of that kind, and it is related to sexual harass- ment in the workplace. This is dealt with within a more general criminal offence called sexual act by abuse of position. In 2003, the advocacy of women’s groups resulted in a definition of an even more specific offence of that nature. The offence was named ‘sexual abuse’, but this was hardly ever applied in practice and was widely criticized because it was difficult to distinguish it from other offences. Also the prosecution upon civil/private suit made enforcement of criminal law protection highly inefficient ( Jovanovic and Simeunovic-Patic, 2006:24). The Criminal Code from 2005 excluded this provision, leaving the possibility of providing legal protection only for victims of sexual act by abuse of position. In the same year, the Serbian Labour Law for the first time paid proper attention to the discrimination in the workplace, stipulating that the violation of provisions about discrimination in the workplace is to be treated as har- assment. Harassment, thus, includes a wide range of work related abuses, such as psy- chological (mobbing), physical and sexual harassment. The victim has a right to claim compensation for damage from the perpetrator, which means that the sanction for the perpetrator is limited to civil liability. Although this provision is an important novelty in Serbian legislation, the victim is put in a very difficult position because of the im- balance of power and difficulties in proving the act ( Jovanovic and Simeunovic-Patic, 2006:24). This is why the Law on the Prevention of Abuse in the Workplace was passed in 2010. The Law prohibited abuse in the workplace, including sexual harassment, and established a number of reactive mechanisms (restorative, preventive, protective and repressive). It also defined the responsibility of employers for the protection of victims; prevention of abuse and compensation for the damage caused, and put the burden of proof that the act was not committed on perpetrator. Finally, the new Law on Social Protection from 2011 introduced certain novel- ties which are very important for the protection of victims. Both victims of domestic violence and victims of trafficking in human beings are recognized as users of social welfare services. Thus, the Law recognizes prevention of and protection from abuse, neglect and exploitation as goals of social protection. Also, counseling of and support to victims of violence, as well as SOS hotlines are for the first time recognized as social protection services. Moreover, the law provides that the non-governmental organiza- tions are recognized by the Government as victim support providers and granted its financial support. Legal changes introduced so far resulted in the high level of harmonization of Ser- bian legislation with the most important international documents, such as the UN Declaration on Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power, SE Recommendations 11 (1985) and 8 (2006), as well as the Convention on the Elimina- tion of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women CEDAW (including the Op- | 52 | tional Protocol to CEDAW and General Recommendation 19 of the CEDAW Com- mittee), Beijing Platform for Action and UN Declaration on Transnational Crime and Trafficking Protocol. However, in spite of these significant enhancements in legislation, the protection of victims is still unsatisfactory when it comes to the implementation of laws and other practical solutions. Apart from the lack of clear and comprehensive legal conception about protection of victims, the lack of mechanisms for the implementation of new provisions in practice remains a major obstacle. Monitoring of the implementation of new provisions either does not exist, or it is not comprehensive and systematic. Moreo- ver, apart from the changes of laws and their effective application, it is necessary to meet other conditions which would guarantee security and protection of victims from secondary victimization. This includes special rooms for witnesses in courts, victim support services available to victims/witnesses in most of courts or prosecutor offices, as well as appropriate education of police, judges, prosecutors and lawyers. Additionally, it is difficult to imagine that the effective change can be made without the appropriate state strategy, which also does not exist in Serbia. Closely connected with this issue is the need to establish a state body which would create a strategy and take care of the coordination of victim support activities. It is also necessary to establish the state fund for compensation – which is required by the Declaration on Basic Prin- ciples about Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power and the Guidelines for its implementation, as well as by the SE Recommendation (2006) 8. Finally, in order to have a comprehensive and effective system in place, it is necessary to create both na- tional and local mechanisms for coordination and cooperation of various, governmen- tal and non-governmental services for victims, and to develop protocols and measures to secure their implementation. In sum, it is necessary to establish state mechanisms for comprehensive, planned and long-term dealing with problems of all crime victims. Experiences of some Western countries, such as the USA (Roberts, 1990) and Canada (Wemmers, 2003), however, show that the Law on assistance to crime victims and es- tablishment of the state body and fund for victims are conditio sine qua non of the de- velopment of services suitable for meeting the needs of victims.

Research on Crime Victims The first scientific studies to focus directly on the crime victim came in the mid 20th century. In 1937, however, the Rumanian lawyer Benjamin Mendelsohn began to in- terview and collect information on victims of crime for his law practice. It was not until the 1940s that the issues regarding crime victims were treated in a scientific manner. The German criminologist Hans von Hentig published The Criminal and His Victim in 1948. The purpose of this book was to show that some victims actually contributed to the event through enticement, conspiracy or provocation. The following year, the term

| 53 | victimology (the study of victims) was coined by the American psychiatrist Frederic Wertham. The word is derived from the Latin victima meaning victim and the Greek logos meaning knowledge. Wertham felt that a “science of victimology” was necessary, since researchers generally focussed on the psychology of the criminal. This field of research would not become popular until the 1960s, however, and even then it was primarily inspired by the extensive American victim surveys. Today, victimology is an interdisciplinary research field including disciplines as di- verse as criminology, sociology, psychology, law and medicine. This interdisciplinary character has made it somewhat difficult to specify the focus of victimology. Basically, there are two perspectives within the field. The first perspective is promoted by re- searchers who see victimology as a method to analyse criminological problems from the victim’s point of view. This perspective was championed by von Hentig, who studied the interaction between the victim and the criminal at the scene of the crime. The second perspective is much broader. One representative of this view is Benjamin Mendelsohn, who saw victimology as an independent scientific discipline, which ranks various types of victimisation equally. This definition is more universal, and includes victims of natural disasters, war, environmental catastrophes and traffic accidents in ad- dition to victims of crime (for a discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of these alternative visions of what victimology is/should be, see Elias, 1986; Kirchhoff, 1995; Schneider, 1982; Viano, 1983). How, then, has victimological research developed since the 1960s? A survey of ar- ticles published in Sociological Abstracts between 1970 and 1994 shows that there were very few articles on the topic at the beginning of the period. The number be- gan to increase by the mid 1970s, with a noticeable increase at the end of the 1980s which continued into the 1990s (Åkerström, 1995). An examination of the articles’ topics shows a primary interest in victims of sex crimes. Many articles also concentrated on quantitative calculations of various types (Åkerström, 1995). This same picture is found in a survey of the research presented at the Ninth International Symposium on Victimology (World Society of Victimology, 1997). Many research projects presented at the symposium were so-called “victim studies,” examining the general public’s en- counters with crime. Interest in victimology today is not restricted to the “key countries” in the crime vic- tim field – North America, Europe, Israel and Japan. Much research has also originated in Central and South America, Asia (especially India) and Australia (Schneider, 2000). The World Society of Victimology (WSV) has been an important factor in this develop- ment. The WSV was established in Germany in 1979, and is an impartial organisation, which co-operates with international organisations such as the United Nations and the Council of Europe. Its members are scientists, clinical instructors, social workers, lawyers, doctors, students and government employees. The organisation’s fundamen- | 54 | tal purpose is to encourage and stimulate interdisciplinary research on crime victims. It actively promotes increased co-operation between international, regional and local crime victim programmes such as crisis centres, mediation projects and witness support programmes.

Serbian Research International research on crime victims has seen a dramatic increase in recent years. Although victim issues were sporadically dealt with before as early as in 1960s (Kon- stantinovic-Vilic at al, 2010), in Serbia more systematic research on crime victims start- ed in 1980s and was particularly intensified after 2000. Similarly as above-described victim related developments in general, the development of victimology in Serbia can be divided into three periods: the period since the beginning of 1980s until 1991, the period during the wars in the territory of the former Yugoslavia (1991-2000) and the period after 2000. In 1984 the first comprehensive book about crime victims was published in Serbia, based on the first MA thesis on crime victims defended at the Law School in Belgrade. This was the book The Influence of the Victim on the Phenomenon of Crime, written by Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 1984). The book was based on both desk study and empirical research on crime victims, on the characteristics which make them vulnerable, victim-offender relationship, legal position of victims, as well as on their contribution to crime and its prevention. Several years later, in 1989 the second research based book on victim issues was published by the same author (Nikolic-Ris- tanovic, 1989). The book Women as Crime Victims was the first book published in Serbia dealing with issues such as domestic violence, marital rape, inadequate legisla- tion about victims, the position of rape victim before the police, the prosecutor and the court, shelters and hotlines for battered women etc. During 1980s and at the beginning of 1990s a research on victims was conducted by the Institute for Criminological and Sociological Research in Belgrade, as well as by research- ers from other institutions. Apart from the researches whose findings were presented in the books mentioned above, this included other researches, such as researches on young people and children as victims (Radovanovic, 1989), on the victims of traffic accidents (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 1987), on the first contact of the victim with the police (Nikolic- Ristanovic, Mrvic, 1988), on the legal position of crime victims (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 1989a, Bejatovic, 1993), on the fear of crime (Nikolic-Ristanovic, Mrvic, 1990; Nikolic- Ristanovic, 1995), and on the spousal abuse (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 1994 and 1996). In ad- dition, in 1996 the Institute for Criminological and Sociological Research participated in the International Crime (Victim) Survey. The first and so far the only Serbian crime victimisation survey was conducted in Belgrade covering a sample of 1094 respondents (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 1998; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 1998a; Zvekić, 2001).

| 55 |  The establishment of Yugoslavian Victimology Society in 1988 was very important for the development of victimology in Serbia during 1980s. The Society was estab- lished after the very successful Symposium of World Society of Victimology organised in Zagreb in 1985 by Professor Zvonimir Separovic, at that time president of WSV. The Society had its headquarters in Zagreb (Croatia) but it gathered members from other parts of Yugoslavia, including very active members from Serbia. In 1990 the Yugosla- vian Society started publishing its journal Victimology and organising postgraduate victimology courses and victims’ rights conferences in Dubrovnik (Croatia) on yearly basis. However, the disintegration of Yugoslavia and ethnic conflicts that followed, led to the end of the Yugoslavian Victimology Society as well as to the temporary reloca- tion of postgraduate courses to Amsterdam. The Society was later transformed into the Croatian Victimology Society. During the ethnic conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, economic sanctions were im- posed on Serbia because of the role it played during the war. As a consequence, fund- ing for the researches carried out by state institutions was dramatically cut. At that time, some civil society initiatives were launched and the international funds became available to Serbia, which consequently influenced both research and practices related to victims. Most of the victimology researches during this period were carried out by non-governmental organisations, while part of researchers shifted their research inter- est toward war victims. As a result, several action researches on women’s war victimi- sation, which included both collection of data and support to victims, were carried out (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2000; Nikolic-Ristanovic et al, 1995a). During this period the empirical researches on the connection between domestic violence and women’s crime (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2000a) and the impact of the transition and war on vio- lence against women and society’s response to it (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 1996; Nikolic- Ristanovic, 2002; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2008) were conducted. Also, the first compre- hensive studies on child abuse (Banjanin-Djuricic, 1998) and incest (Mrsevic, 1997) were published. In 1997, a group of former members of the Yugoslavian Victimology Society from Serbia, together with some other researchers, activists and professionals, some of whom were involved in the activities of NGO the European Movement in Serbia9 during 1990s, founded the Victimology Society of Serbia (VDS). VDS was established as a membership NGO committed to working toward the development of victims’ rights and victimology as an academic discipline. After the establishment of VDS, the development of victimology research in Serbia was particularly intensified. In 1998, VDS started to publish a journal on victimisation, human rights and gender issues called Temida. Temida comes out as a quarterly, with

9 The founding members of VDS were particularly active in the Group for Women’s Rights of European Move- ment in Serbia, but they also participated in other activities. | 56 | every edition dealing with a specific victim issue, and has been published regularly since it was founded. Temida is recognised as an academic journal by the Serbian Ministry of Science and became a valuable source for students, professionals and everyone else in- terested in research into victim issues. VDS carried out many victimological researches such as victimisation surveys on partner and domestic violence. (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 1993; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2002a; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2010), research on victim serv- ices (Nikolic, 2007; Copic, 2007; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2007), trafficking in women, children and men (Nikolic-Ristanovic et al, 2004; Bjerkan, 2005; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2009) , victims and restorative justice (Copic, 2010), victims and reconciliation in post-conflict society (Nikolic-Ristanovic, Hanak, 2004; Nikolic-Ristanovic, Srna, 2008), legal position of victims (Nikolić-Ristanović, Ćopić, 2011) etc. VDS organised many national and international conferences dealing with various victim-related issues, such as war victimisation, domestic violence, truth and reconciliation, and alternative sanctions and victims. In 2001 VDS carried out the first national victimisation survey on domestic violence. In 2009, another survey of this type was conducted in the province of Vojvodina, while in 2003 VDS conducted the first comprehensive ethnographic survey on trafficking in human beings in Serbia. Since 2010, VDS has started to organise regular annual conferences. The conferences represent a great opportunity for various researchers and professionals dealing with victim issues to meet, exchange experiences and learn from both each other and guests from abroad. In addition, VDS introduced yearly awards for young talented researchers dealing with victimology issues as an encouragement and incentive for young people to engage in this kind of research. Apart from the Victimology Society, other NGOs (domestic and international), in- stitutions and individual researchers have recently conducted some relevant victimo- logical researches as well.10 They conducted surveys on domestic violence, trafficking in women and children, child abuse, elderly people as victims, homophobic violence, work related abuse, victim services, compensation for victims etc. For example, the NGO Autonomous Women’s Center-Center for Promotion of Women’s Health from Belgrade conducted a survey on domestic violence on a sample of 1456 women from Belgrade in 2002, as part of WHO Multi country study on vio- lence against women and women’s health (Otasevic, 2005; Garcia-Moreno et al, 2006). The Autonomous Women’s Center also conducted several surveys on court practices regarding domestic violence (Konstantinovic-Vilic, Petrusic, 2004 and 2007). In 2010, the NGO SECONS conducted a prevalence survey on domestic violence in Serbia, excluding the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (Babovic, Ginic, Vukovic, 2010). Also, during 2004 and 2009/10 surveys on abuse of the elderly were conducted as well

10 It is worth mentioning that a large part of this research was conducted by VDS members, who conducted researches either for their MA and PhD thesis or within other NGOs and institutions. | 57 | (Kostic, 2010; Stevkovic and Dimitrijevic, 2010). At the time our book was about to come out, a major survey on child abuse and neglect was being conducted by the Fac- ulty for Special Education and Rehabilitation, as part of a broader FP7 funded project called Balkan Epidemiological Study on Child Abuse and Neglect (BECAN). 11 Since 1998, Victimology has been taught as part of the Criminology Course at the Law Faculty, University of Nis. Lecturing was based on the criminology textbook writ- ten by professor Slobodanka Konstantinovic-Vilic and Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic who, for the first time ever in Serbia, introduced the topics such as crime victims, victimol- ogy, child abuse, domestic violence, marital rape, battered women movement, femi- nist methodology and feminist theory in a university textbook (Konstantinovic-Vilic, Nikolic-Ristanovic, 1998). This textbook was later updated and amended to include many other victimological topics such as trafficking in human beings, work related abuse, stalking, abuse of the elderly, etc. In the period between 2004 and 2008, the Fac- ulty for Special Education and Rehabilitation (FASPER) of the University of Belgrade put much more emphasis on spreading knowledge about victim related issues through its criminology course. For this purpose, a more extensive literature on victimology has been also introduced as the reading material for students. In 2007, victimology became a separate elective course at both Law Faculty (Nis) and FASPER, as well as at the Police Academy and the Faculty for Security in Belgrade. In addition, at FASPER, a special elective course on child abuse in the family was also introduced in 2007, while at the Law School in Nis an elective course on Gender and Law was also introduced. Since more and more students tend to choose the Victimol- ogy Course, it seems that the interest of students in this field has increased. Therefore, an idea has been put forward to make this course obligatory.

Conclusions In conclusion, we can state that the situation of crime victims has received increas- ing attention during recent decades, both by researchers and by society at large. This is true both internationally and domestically. A number of reforms and improvements have also been carried out to improve the availability of help and support for victims. Examples of these reforms are legal changes, raising awareness about certain categories of victims and development of non-governmental and governmental victim services in Serbia. One factor behind the increase in victim awareness is the work of the women’s move- ment to expose male violence against women. Parallel to this focus on male violence against women, the situation of children exposed to physical and sexual violence has

11 http://www.fasper.bg.ac.rs/projekti/becan.html | 58 | also been highlighted. During recent years other particularly vulnerable groups have also entered into the discussion, such as victims of homophobic crimes, organised crime, trafficking in human beings in particular, and war crimes. However, in Serbia, many crime victims, such as victims of robbery, burglary, traffic accidents and relatives of murdered people, are still largely invisible and not recognised as victims in need of assistance and protection. There is, however, a risk that this awareness will only lead to rhetoric and not to true action. The British victimologists Mawby and Walklate (1994, p. 169) state that “crime victims” have received a large symbolic value in the justice system and in the debate concerning penal policy. This does not, however, necessarily lead to an improvement of their situation. It can actually lead to frustration on the part of crime victims if their actual situation does not reflect the ambitions expressed by the society. This can erode their faith and trust in the society, since they do not receive the aid and support that they have heard so much about. Fattah (1986, p.2) sees that the society is still applying its attention and resources towards the capture, imprisonment and punishment of criminals, despite the increas- ing focus on crime victims. This leads to a situation where the victims often feel disap- pointed, ignored, neglected and mistreated.

| 59 |  Chapter 5

Exposed and Vulnerable Groups This chapter will examine some especially exposed groups in society. It deals with groups and individuals that face a larger than average risk of becoming crime victims due to where they live, who they associate with, their occupation etc. In this context we will also discuss the problems associated with repeat victimisation. In addition, this chapter will assess the situations of those groups for whom crime has a tendency to lead to serious consequences, because of factors such as violence or the victim’s age. Among the particularly vulnerable groups, we find children, women and victims of racial or homophobic crime. In many cases, the exposed and vulnerable groups overlap, meaning that individu- als and groups who are more likely to become crime victims are also more vulnerable because of this exposure.

Especially Exposed Groups Our knowledge about the prevalence of crime is largely based upon official crime statistics. Other sources consist of more in-depth studies such as victim surveys and hospital surveys. A relevant question in this context is how the risk of becoming a victim is distrib- uted. Do all members of society face an equal risk of being victimised, or are there individuals and groups who face heightened risks? Current research from a number of studies points to the latter – the risk of being affected by crime varies significantly between different individuals and groups in society. One explanation for this may be that the risk is associated with an individual’s situa- tion, lifestyle and occupation. Some important factors in identifying potential victims are what they do for a living, where they live and who they associate with (SCB, 1995).

Violence and Threat Häll (1997) has shown that the risk of exposure to violence and threats is greater for the young than the old, for men than for women and for singles rather than married | 60 | individuals. This risk is also greater in metropolitan areas and the more densely popu- lated regions. There exist clearly identifiable groups which are significantly more exposed to threats and violence than the general population. One group that is exposed to violence con- sists of individuals who live outside of the framework of the “normal” society. This includes marginalised groups such as prison inmates (Helgesson, 1995), the homeless (Löfvenberg & Melin, 1999), those who have been evicted from their homes (Flyghed & Stenberg, 1993), heavy drug and alcohol abusers and convicted criminals (Lenke, 1973; Nilsson & Tham, 1999; Häll, 1997). Another group that is more exposed to violence than the average includes young men participating in the local nightlife, who tend to become affected by violence in public places. Another group is single mothers of young children exposed to violence in the home, often by known perpetrators. Yet another group is exposed to violence through their occupations, such as police officers, watchmen and security guards, transit work- ers, restaurant employees and employees of health and penal institutions (Häll, 1997; SCB, 1995).

Theft and Damage Regarding theft and damage, the picture looks somewhat different. SCB’s surveys show that urban dwellers, single parents, foreign citizens, white collar employees and self-em- ployed persons face higher than average risk of exposure to these crimes (SCB, 1995). These visible differences are likely related to neighbourhood factors (areas populated by individuals with low socio-economic status are more exposed) and in the case of white collar employees and self-employed persons to the fact that they have relatively more at- tractive objects for theft than individuals from the working class (Wikström, 1991). As a complement to the national victim studies, a number of studies at the local level have been undertaken in recent years (c.f. Wikström et al, 1997a, 1997b, 1997c). One prime result of these studies is an emphasis on the importance of areas’ problems for the residents’ risk of exposure to crime. Although the traditional explanatory variables sex and age account for some of the variation in crime exposure, the problem level of a neighbourhood has the greatest explanatory power (Torstensson, 1997).

Repeated Victimisation It has long been known that a small group of criminals commit repeated offences, and thus account for a large share of the total crime rate (c.f. Persson, 1980). During recent decades, researchers have found that this situation is also true for crime victims (c.f. BRÅ 2001:3; Carlstedt, 1995; Gottfredsson, 1984; Forrester et al, 1988; Farrell & Pease, 1993). | 61 |  There appears to be a small group of individuals who suffer a disproportionately large share of all crimes. Even crimes such as burglary and certain other thefts display this pattern. Research on repeated victimisation has been carried out primarily in Britain and the USA, with the first studies made in the early 1970s ( Johnson et al, 1973; Ziegen- hagen, 1976). The results from these and other studies show that some individuals are overrepresented among criminal victims. An American hospital study of patients with knife and gunshot wounds found that repeat victims often came from lower so- cial groups and often had drug or alcohol problems ( Johnson et al, 1973). This group also displayed a higher probability of having previously been incarcerated than victims who were only treated one time. Similar results were found in a study by Ziegenhagen (1976). This study of victims of assault, robbery, rape and attempted manslaughter in New York found that; men, individuals with “low status” and ethnic minorities were overrepresented among repeat victims. This result points to lifestyle and social situation as two important reasons why a small group is disproportionately affected by (violent) crime. Other possible explana- tions are that crime is work-related, meaning that certain persons are exposed to the risk of crime in their daily routine (such as police officers, guards, health care personnel etc). There is also a large group of women who are repeatedly exposed to violence in the home by men with whom they are currently or have been in a relationship. In the case of crimes involving theft (such as burglary and simple theft), one cause of repeated victimisation may be found in the problem level of a neighbourhood and the lack of appropriate security measures (alarms, barred windows etc.). It may also be completely rational for a criminal to target the same victim repeatedly. In the case of burglary, criminals know that the victim often receives an insurance settlement sev- eral months after the crime. This means that the criminal has access to a known house or apartment with newly purchased furniture, radio, videocassette recorder etc. The choice of a previously targeted home may also involve lower risk, since the criminal is familiar with escape routes, neighbours and possible alarm systems. Researchers have described home burglaries in the following way:

“A burglar walking down a street where he has not previously committed crimes sees two sorts of homes – probably unsuitable and probably suit- able. He then successfully burgles a home, which was judged suitable. The next time he walks down the street he sees three types of homes – probably unsuitable, probably suitable and definitely suitable.” (Farrell, 1995) Studies have also examined how the risk for repeated crimes changes over time. The results point to the highest risk for a repeated crime in the period immediately follow- ing the previous crime (Farrell & Pease, 1993; Polvi et al, 1990, 1991). This seems to ap- ply to a great number of different crime categories, such as burglary, assault and racially

| 62 | motivated crimes. In the case of burglary, Polvi et al (1990, 1991) shows a twelve times greater risk of a new burglary within one month of the previous burglary. Half of all repeated burglaries occur within seven days of the initial break-in. This means that there exists a small group that is affected by a large share of all crime (BRÅ 2001:3; Carlstedt, 1995, 2001). According to Carlstedt (2001) about one-half per cent of those responding accounted for slightly more then 50 per cent of all violent events. For burglary and damage to property, about four per cent of the respondents reported that their households were struck by three or more crimes in the previous year. Put in the context of the total number of events, these four percent accounted for nearly 40 per cent of all reported crimes. A very small group, about one per cent, was found to have been affected by 17 per cent of all crimes reported in the survey. This pattern also holds true in terms of crimes reported to the police. A study shows that it is common for the same victim (whether a physical person or a juridical person such as a company) to have suffered repeated crimes (BRÅ 2001:3). For homes, the risk of burglary is twelve times higher during the first month. This risk gradually dimin- ishes. In terms of male violence against women, the risk of repeat is highest during the first week following the assault, and then the risk begins to decline. The study goes on to show that repeated crimes constitute a relatively large portion of all crimes reported to the police. Questions regarding previous experience of crime have been asked in the hospital surveys on street crime at the Sabbatsberg Hospital and Southern Hospital in Stock- holm. The results here show that 49 per cent of the respondents had been assaulted previously (Carlsson Sanz et al, 2010). The understanding that there is a relatively small group which accounts for a large share of all crimes is important from both a crime prevention and a victim support per- spective. By placing resources on those who have already been victimised, there is a pos- sibility to prevent a considerable share of all crime and also aid those who are possibly most in need. In this way, knowledge of repeated victimisation may serve as a catalyst for both crime prevention measures and victim support work.

Especially Vulnerable Groups This section will discuss groups that are exceptionally vulnerable to crimes and the consequences of these crimes. Several examples of groups, which are particularly vul- nerable, are women, children and targets of racially motivated or homophobic crimes. These are all groups that are currently receiving special attention from the government. Other vulnerable groups are the handicapped, the elderly, travellers, and the socially marginalised and convicted criminals.

| 63 |  The common denominator in all of these groups is that they are to a large extent exposed to crime based on what they “are”. They are victimised because of their sexual preferences or skin colour, because they cannot defend themselves or make themselves understood, because they cannot take advantage of their civil rights etc. These crimes thus do not only involve a crime against an individual, but often constitute a crime against the individual’s background, culture, heritage and identity (hate crimes).

Children Children can be hurt in many ways. They can be physically and psychologically abused, sexually assaulted, mistreated and neglected. A large share of the crimes against children is committed by adults in their immediate circles – sometimes even by their legal guardians. In some cases the threat is not aimed at the children, but the children are affected nonetheless. The situation of children raised in violent households has become increas- ingly noticed in recent years. Studies show that children who are raised in a home where the mother is abused are often witnesses to the event (Christensen, 1998; Hydén, 1994; Weinehall, 1997; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2002b; Nikolic-Ristanovic and Stevkovic, 2010) and are also often abused themselves (Christensen, 1998; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2002b; Nikolic-Ristanovic and Stevkovic, 2010). Many children who witness violent events describe a feeling of helplessness, and often experience post-traumatic stress ( Jansson & Almqvist, 2000). Many also experience feelings of neglect when they do not receive help despite having requested it (Weinehall, 1997). Crimes against children are especially serious, since they can have decisive effects on a child’s development and personality. Many children are left with a distrust of the outside world for a long period following the event. Children often lack the ability to effectively deal with the events by themselves. When crime affects a child “outside” the home, the child can usually discuss the events with parents and receive loving care and a feeling of security – factors that greatly increase the ability to deal with the events. Younger children have less developed verbal skills, and often have difficulties relaying their experiences to others. As a result, they are not always believed when they do tell of their stories. Children often also have difficulty expressing their anger and outrage with the adult, because they are in a dependent relationship and thus have problems questioning the adult’s authority (c.f. Hindberg, 1997; Nyman & Svensson, 1995).

Women On the surface it may seem misleading to identify half of the world’s population as a vulnerable group. Crimes against women, however, are often characterised by the system- atic repression of the woman as an individual. These crimes are often committed in the

| 64 | home, and are spread across a large number of crime categories. The crimes may be physi- cal or psychological violence, as well as burglary and damage to property. In terms of male violence against women, it is often not the individual act which defines a woman’s vulner- ability, but the fact that the act it is often one part of a systematic violation of the woman. Here we are primarily speaking of men subjecting women to crime, but it can also encompass homosexual couples, where one partner violates the other (c.f. Tiby, 2000). The foundation is the same: inappropriate use of power, and one individual’s control over another. Control of this sort may consist of individual acts which are not crimi- nal per se, but which serve to limit the victim’s freedom or personal integrity. The in- dividual acts could be manipulation, verbal abuse, limitation of freedom, restriction of contact with family and friends, opening of personal mail, monitoring telephone conversations, control and limitation of money or the utilisation of other individuals – both adults and children – to increase the victim’s compliance (Eliasson, 1997). Male violence against women has a tendency to escalate in both degree and extent, and it may take years before a victim seeks help. This crime occurs regardless of social class, income, education or ethnic background (Lundström et al, 2001).

Victims of Racially Motivated Crime Racially motivated crime (hate crimes) is an umbrella term, encompassing all types of crime committed because of the victim’s race, skin colour, ethnicity or national ori- gin. The crimes range from destruction of property and belongings to verbal and physi- cal abuse, threat, sexual assault, arson and murder. Racially motivated violence can be preceded by verbal and physical actions that are not necessarily criminal, but can lead to more serious racial persecution. Examples are hostile glances, insults, graffiti, leaving rubbish on a doorstep or desk, nuisance complaints, letter writing and telephone calls. These can occur to anyone – from small children through the elderly – and at any place – in the home or the workplace (c.f. Lodenius & Wikström, 1997). Racially motivated crimes can affect people from different backgrounds in any area. Violence is completely dependent upon the perpetrator’s prejudices regarding the tar- get’s skin colour, race, religion, nationality or ethnic origin. The perpetrator may be a man or a woman of any age, from childhood through the elderly. The crime may be or- ganised or more “spontaneous” and temporary in character, with the perpetrator acting individually. Although individuals in the perpetrator’s environment may not directly support the crime itself, they may be complicit through their failure to openly react against the crime – a non-act that is taken as approval of the crime. This holds true for certain crimes committed against women as well, such as sexual molestation. Regardless of who is responsible and where it occurs, racially motivated crime rep- resents a double violation, since the victim is not only a victim of crime, but also of

| 65 | hatred. It is not merely an attack on an individual, but also an attack on the individual’s background, culture and heritage. The effects of the crime may be exacerbated by the fact that it occurred because of who the victim is (Garofalo, 1997). Racially motivated crimes have a serious and long-term effect on the victim, and the cumulative effects of a number of small violations may be just as traumatic as one isolat- ed, larger crime. The crime can lead to sleep difficulties, nightmares, fear, nervousness and lack of concentration. The victim may feel demoralised, depressed and filled with despair. Often, the resultant psychological stress can lead to medical stress. It can affect the victim’s self-esteem, and lead to a decline in self-confidence. Some individuals are so traumatised that they become incapable of leading a normal life. In some cases, the victim may be afraid to go outside alone, especially during the evening and at night. This avoidance of social contact is especially serious, since the victims already feel isolated. This isolation is partially a product of the society they are living in, and partially because they may not be able to speak the language in their adopted country (Rantakeisu et.al., 1997).

Victims of Homophobic Crime The term “homophobia” refers to the feelings of a person or group of persons who bear a strong antipathy towards homosexuals and homosexuality (Ds 1998:35, p. 83). Homophobic crimes are a grouping of crime categories, with the common factor being that they include a violation of homosexual, bisexual or transsexual men and women. These crimes range from destruction of property, verbal or physical abuse, threats and harassment to sexual or physical assault, arson and murder. Homosexual men may also be victims of crimes with no homophobic foundation. In some cases the perpetrator may have the impression that homosexuals report both homophobic and non-homophobic crimes to a lesser degree than the general popula- tion. Reasons for not reporting the crimes may be a general distrust of the police or a fear of being blamed or not believed by the authorities. Other reasons may include a fear that the investigation and trial may force the victim to reveal aspects of his/her private life rather left secret, or at least out of the general public’s eye. A crime based upon sexual preference is not merely an attack upon an individual, but upon an entire lifestyle (Garofalo, 1997). Crimes of this type can leave the victim with a feeling of fear and hopelessness, and can also lead to reduced self-confidence. Homosexuals not directly touched by the crime are still affected, and may live in fear of a similar attack. Defence against this type of crime is extremely difficult, and the effects of the crime are exacerbated by the knowledge that it occurred simply because of who the victim is (c.f. Tiby, 2000 for a closer look at the consequences). | 66 |  Violence and threats also occur within homosexual relationships. This, however, is largely a hidden problem that never comes to the attention of the authorities. In these violent relationships, it is not uncommon that, in addition to standard forms of physi- cal, psychological and material violence, one partner threatens to “out” the other, or, in other words, to expose the individual’s homosexuality to friends, colleagues and family.

The Elderly One particularly vulnerable group consists of elderly victims of crime. Crimes against the elderly are often concealed from the authorities, and may occur in the home or in a nursing home or other institution. These crimes are often committed by relatives or personnel charged with caring for the victim. The crimes may be of a psychological, physical, economic or sexual nature (Steinmetz, 1988). While other victim categories, such as women and children, have received attention in recent years, crimes against the elderly have remained largely invisible in the public discourse (Hydle & Johns, 1993). One fundamental reason for this is that these crimes are often committed by individuals who are known to the victims and therefore rarely reported to the police or other authorities (c.f. SCB, 1995). The elderly are not only victimised by known perpetrators, however. Since the elderly spend a larger than usual amount of time in the home, they are especially susceptible to certain types of thefts and swindles – often termed “elderly crimes”. Examples of “elderly crimes” could be individuals who enter the person’s home under the pretext of wishing to borrow the telephone or a glass of water, and then proceed to either steal items or sell goods or services at exaggerated prices. Often, these types of crimes make up a wave of serial crime, where the criminal moves throughout the country, or large parts of it, committing the same or similar crimes. The elderly are also vulnerable to crimes on the streets and in marketplaces. Despite the fact that statistics show that the elderly run a lower risk of being victimised by crime in public places than other groups, it is the elderly who feel particularly nervous and ex- posed (c.f. SCB, 1995). This may seem paradoxical, but the fear could be well ground- ed, since the consequences of crime for the elderly are much greater than for younger victims (c.f. Jönsson, 2001 for a review of elderly crime victims). Regardless of the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator and where the crime occurs, crimes against the elderly often have severe somatic, psychological and social consequences (Hydle, 1994). Such a crime may result in the victim isolating himself, and not venturing outside the home to the same extent as before. Many elderly who are swindled out of money or valuables also experience strong feelings of guilt or shame. Physical injuries take longer to heal for the elderly, and psychological and emotional scars may remain for life. If someone known to the victim committed the

| 67 | crime, and on whom the victim is perhaps dependent, the feelings of helplessness and vulnerability may be strengthened. In addition to physical frailties, the elderly are also more isolated than other groups – they lack the social network of the workplace, they often live alone and have a dwindling number of friends. In addition, they are at a point in their lives when they go through many physical and mental changes (Hydle, 1994).

The Handicapped Yet another vulnerable group is the handicapped. The crimes that affect the physi- cally or mentally handicapped are largely of the same sort that affects the elderly. It can be anything from assault to fraud, and may be committed by both known and unknown perpetrators. As with crimes against the elderly, there has been little public discussion of crimes against the handicapped in Sweden. There are also no statistics within the health care or criminal justice systems that document the extent of these crimes. In recent years there has, however, been an increase in attention paid to crimes against handicapped women. According to Finndahl (2001) the most common perpetrators of such crimes are close relatives. The crimes often occur in the home, committed by relatives who appear to the outside world as charming, happy and pleasant. The report goes on to say that it is particularly easy to break a handicapped woman’s self-confidence, since she was likely to have been treated as a second-class citizen and have had feelings of inadequacy prior to the assault. For this reason, crimes against the handicapped have particularly harsh effects on the victim. Due to the handicap, some victims may not have been able to interpret the warning signs that signalled the other individual’s criminal intent. Visual or auditory handicaps may allow the criminal to approach the victim, or ambulatory handicaps may prevent the victim from leaving a potentially dangerous scene. Individuals with psychological handicaps may be particularly unprepared for, and shocked by, the broken trust that is the result of crime. This is especially the case if the crime is expressed through physical violence or sexual exploitation, and if the crime is committed by the personnel or another patient of an institution that is caring for the vic- tim. These victims often have difficulties telling what has occurred and discussing their ex- periences. In addition, they run the risk of being disbelieved – particularly in cases where the crime was committed by an individual in a position of trust, such as a doctor.

Travellers Travellers risk being exposed to additional problems as a result of crimes commit- ted while they are away from home. Post-war Europe has seen a dramatic increase in mobility. Individuals may find themselves in another country as tourists, students, for | 68 | medical reasons and/or on business. In recent years, this group has been expanded with large numbers of individuals who are temporarily residing in another country because of work – so-called “guest workers.” This increase in travel has led to an increase in crimes against individuals outside of their home countries. It is, however, quite difficult to get an understanding of the scope of these crimes. The official statistics in many countries contain no information regard- ing crimes against travellers. Neither the United Nations nor the European Union has paid attention to this particular type of crime. In terms of research, there are very few empirical studies of crimes against travellers (c.f. Lindgren, 1997c for a survey of Swed- ish crime victim research, and Wergens, 1999 for a survey of EU research). This group of victims has begun to receive some notice in recent years, however. Travellers are both more exposed and more vulnerable to crime than many other groups. They are easy to identify (especially tourists), often carry valuable items on their person and generally have a relatively large amount of cash on hand. The risk of being apprehended for crimes against a tourist (or other traveller) is also normally lower than the risk if the victim was a native. The prime reason for this reduced risk is that the crimes are generally of less serious nature and the process can often not be started be- fore the victim returns home or continues his journey. When the crime occurs abroad there are frequently additional problems for the victim. In some cases the victim may not understand the language or know where to turn for assistance. Travellers also may not have an understanding of their rights and obligations in the foreign land. Once the crime is filed, it can be difficult for the victim to obtain information regarding the case, especially if he or she is no longer in the country.

The Socially Marginalised and Convicted Criminals Persons living on the margins of society and those with criminal records also consti- tute a vulnerable group when they are exposed to crime. This is partially because they lack the protection that other groups may have since they rarely report the crime to the authorities, and partially because they often lack the strong social network which facilitates the recovery of victims in other groups.

Trafficking in Human Beings (THB) In countries with high unemployment rates a well-paid job as a maid, a waitress or a factory worker is a very attractive prospect for many people, especially women and chil- dren. From small villages in the Himalayas to the cities in Eastern Europe, human traf- fickers deceive their victims through fake advertisements, mail-order bride catalogues and casual acquaintances. Once the victims have arrived at their destination they are forced to live under conditions controlled by the traffickers and exploited in various

| 69 | ways to provide the traffickers with illicit revenues. Many victims are physically con- fined, their travel or identity documents are taken from them and they or their families are threatened if they do not co-operate. Women and girls forced to work as prostitutes are blackmailed by the threat that the traffickers will tell their families and children are dependent on the trafficker for food, shelter and other basic necessities. Traffickers also play on victims’ fears that the authorities in the foreign country will prosecute or deport them if they turn to them for help. Trafficking in human beings, which could be described as a modern form of slavery, has increased enormously in the past decade, both as regards the number of cases and the number of victims, and is becoming a very serious problem affecting the population and economy of many source, transit and des- tination countries. Trafficking is a domestic, transnational as well as transcontinental phenomenon. The buying and selling of women and children for sexual purposes is an extremely lucrative business. Unlike arms and drugs, women and children can be sold over and over again. The factors behind global trafficking in human beings are poverty, the subordinate position and powerlessness of women and children in many countries, a lack of re- spect and protection for human rights and a demand for people who can be used for various exploitation purposes. We also know that people are more vulnerable to traf- fickers when extreme events such as natural disasters or armed conflicts threaten their existence and disrupt social structures and logistic systems. This is particularly true of women and children, especially those who belong to socially marginalized groups. Needless to say, the trafficking in human beings may have devastating consequences for the physical and mental health and the legal, social and financial situation of vic- tims, both in the longer and the shorter term. The social consequences are often very serious, not least for young women and girls sold for sexual exploitation. Such women returning to their home countries will often be rejected by their family and risk becom- ing social outcasts in their communities. In addition to having severe consequences for the victims, trafficking also has nega- tive effects on the countries involved. An extensive illegal market may undermine the economy of a country, hamper economic development and weaken the rule of law. There is also reason to believe that the illicit gains of trafficking – in addition to being used to finance ever more organised and aggravated criminal activities – are also used to finance various subversive activities and terrorist movements.

Conclusions This chapter has pointed to the existence of especially exposed and vulnerable groups in society. Often, these groups are both more exposed to crime than average and more vulnerable to its effects. The common aspect of these groups – such as children, the eld- | 70 | erly and the handicapped – is that they are not victimised randomly. They are selected based upon their sexual orientation, skin colour, age, and inability to defend themselves or some other criterion. In these cases, the crime is not merely an isolated act against an individual, but an attack on an identity. The crime can lead to anxiety for repeated victimisation, which may result in in- creased isolation and a reluctance to return to the previous way of life or to report new crimes. This fear of repeated victimisation may have actual foundations, since the ef- fects of crime are often harder on these groups than on the average citizen. Members of these groups often feel disappointment and betrayal at the way society reacts to the crime, and this may lead to a lasting distrust of others and of society. In addition, the lack of a strong social network, which characterises many of these groups, can result in decreased self-confidence due to the lack of others with whom to discuss and digest the events. Given the situation presented in this chapter, there are strong incentives to provide special support and assistance to these groups – not least during the police investiga- tion and subsequent trial.

| 71 | | 72 |  Part IV

Consequences of Crime

| 73 | | 74 |  Chapter 6

Economic Damages This chapter deals with the consequences that can result from almost any type of crime. Crime may lead to a number of negative effects – economic damages, physical damages, and psychological reactions, social consequences and practical problems – which can be of a temporary or more lasting nature. Of all effects, the emotional reac- tions that may occur after a crime are often the ones most emphasised. This chapter will focus on consequences for the individual victim, and not for society as a whole. Crime often results in various forms of indirect and direct economic damages for the victim. There may be direct cash or property losses associated with the crime, costs related to property damages, medical fees or loss of income due to injury. The direct economic damages are naturally quite varied – some crimes may result in large direct economic damages, while others are associated with quite low nominal damages. The indirect economic damages may, in many cases, be quite large. They may involve costs for an abused woman to change her locks and telephone number or even to relo- cate to a new town to escape an abusive ex-husband or partner. They may encompass therapy costs for the psychological damage of rape or robbery, loss of future income for an assault victim etc. One common cost is associated with victims attempting to pro- tect themselves from future crimes through the installation of alarm systems, wrought- iron gates or security doors. Many crimes affect persons who are already in a precarious economic position. For these individuals, the costs associated with replacing stolen goods or repairing damaged property can often have serious consequences.

Possibilities for Economic Compensation The opportunities for compensation have varied over time. From early times when compensation was paid directly to the victim, the process evolved into the use of fines as payment for crimes committed. The state took a portion of these fines, and the rest was distributed to the victim. By the mid-1800s all forms of private fines were abol- ished.

| 75 |  Who Pays the Damages?

The Culprit – Liability for Damages The perpetrator of the crime is fundamentally responsible for paying compensation, and any claims should first be addressed to him/her. Claims for damages are generally processed in conjunction with the criminal trial. In those cases where compensation is awarded, the court sends a copy of the judgement directly to the enforcement service in the province where the convicted party lives. The enforcement service then contacts the crime victim and offers assistance in collecting the awarded damages. In Serbia, the possibilities of paying economic compensation to victims are very lim- ited. Since the state compensation does not exist, the victim can claim compensation only from the offender. The victim can do that either before the criminal or before the civil court. If the victim claims compensation in the criminal court, the court will deal with it only if it estimates that dealing with it will not prolong the trial too much. Oth- erwise, the court will refer the victim to the civil court. In reality, the chances for the victim to get compensation are very low, and if he/she gets it, it usually takes too much time, especially if it is dealt with in a civil procedure. The recent changes in the Ser- bian criminal legislation have introduced more possibilities for compensation through regulations of victim-offender mediation, and the possibility for the public prosecu- tor not to prosecute if the offender prevented the damage or compensated the victim. However, the real effect of this legislation on victim compensation is still not known, i.e. should be monitored and evaluated (Mrvic-Petrovic, 2006; Copic, 2010).

Insurance Companies – Insurance Claims Many crimes are never solved, and thus the perpetrator is unknown. In some cases where the perpetrator is known, he/she may lack the financial ability to pay compensa- tion. In cases where the perpetrator is unknown or the enforcement service comes to the conclusion that the perpetrator is unable to pay there is often an insurance policy, either public or private, which can compensate the damages. However, in some devel- oping countries, such as Serbia, not so many people actually can use it since insurance is not still widespread among population enough.

Conclusions Since there is no possibility for the state compensation, the compensation for victims in Serbia is still difficult to obtain and it mostly depends on the economic status of the offender. However, at the time this book was being written, there was an initiative for introduction of the state compensation in Serbia led by the OSCE Mission to Serbia (Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe). | 76 |  Chapter 7

Physical Damages Approximately 12 000 violent crimes are reported to the police in Serbia each year, which, of course, is only a small proportion of the total crime. This constitutes around 12% of overall crime reported. Physical injury may occur in a wide variety of crimes. If one looks at the entire spectrum of crimes committed in Serbia, however, it is quickly evident that physical injury in conjunction with crime is relatively uncommon. The risk of suffering physical injury varies according to the type of crime, and it can generally be said that minor injuries are more common than serious ones (Wladis et al, 1999).

Injuries from Violent or Sexual Crimes All discussions of injuries from crime must take account of the type of violence ex- erted. This section will deal briefly with some Swedish examples with various types of violent assaults from some years ago.

Violence without Weapons In cases of violence without weapons – primarily punching or kicking – we can say that the injuries are largely cuts, bruises, swelling of the face or head and facial fractures. Similar injuries may occur on the arms, legs and chest. Life-threatening injuries can arise through strangulation or severe head injuries (Sveriges läkarförbund, 1998). A study of 1 158 persons subjected to assault in central Stockholm showed that 82 per cent were victims of blunt violence (punches and kicks) to the face and head (Bos- tröm, 1997). Another study of assault victims admitted to Swedish hospitals between 1987 - 1994 shows that 70 per cent were admitted due to head injuries, most common- ly concussion, while only two per cent were victims of abdominal injuries (Danielsson et al, 2000).

Injuries from Pointed or Edged Weapons Injuries from pointed or edged weapons are often quite different. A study of knif- ing victims at the Serafimer Hospital in central Stockholm showed that the wounds | 77 | are largely confined to the arms and chest. Other wounds are fairly evenly distributed between the abdominal and head/throat regions (Blomqvist et al, 1980). Similar results were found in another study of knifing victims in Stockholm. The most common injuries were defensive wounds to the upper extremities, especially hands and wrists. After this, the most common area for wounds was the head/throat region. The majority of the victims were not severely wounded and suffered no lasting effects (Boström et al, 1994). A study of victims of stabbing treated at Swedish hospitals between 1987 and 1994 showed that the injuries were largely confined to the torso, head and neck. The ma- jority (80%) of the patients could leave the hospital within one week (Boström et al, 2000). In those cases where the injuries do not lead to serious physical damage, there is still the possibility of various cosmetic handicaps, such as scars, which can reduce the quality of life (Carlsson Sanz, 2000).

Injuries from Firearms A recent study found that serious injuries and death caused by firearms were still quite unusual in Sweden (Boström & Nilsson, 1999). There were a total of 1 559 pa- tients seeking care for gunshot wounds in Sweden between 1987 and 1994. Among these patients were those shot by accident (900), suicide attempts (257) and attempted murders (174). In a fairly large portion (138) of these cases, however, the circumstances surrounding the shooting remain unclear. The report shows that the share of shooting victims remained relatively constant during the period under investigation. Approximately 200 individuals per year sought medical care for wounds due to firearms. The typical patient was a young or middle- aged man (Boström & Nilsson, 1999). This study does not give a complete picture of the extent of injuries and deaths due to firearms in Sweden. Individuals receiving only outpatient care and those pronounced dead on the scene or prior to arrival at the hos- pital (approximately 200 per year) were not included in the data. The locations of the injuries reveal a dominance of wounds to the extremities (es- pecially arms and legs). One-fourth of the patients was injured in the head. Each year, between four and nine per cent of patients admitted to hospital with gunshots die of their wounds. Thirty per cent of those injured by firearms received hospital care lasting more than one week (Boström & Nilsson, 1999). An examination of individuals injured in Stockholm by firearms during a nine-year period (1985-1993) found that injuries to the extremities were most prevalent, but that head and torso injuries were not uncommon. The study, which also included suicide at- tempts and accidental shootings, found that only three persons died from their injuries (Botsröm et al, 1994). | 78 |  Injuries from Sexual Crimes Victims of sexual crimes such as rape often lack visible physical indications of the crime. A study of the type and location of injuries to women seeking care at the Wom- en’s Centre at the Uppsala University Hospital reports the most common injury as lower abdominal pain (Danielsson et al, 1998). A more in-depth study of injuries from rape and gang rape found that the most common genital injuries were pain in the uter- us and vagina. Extra-genital injury occurred in slightly more than 60 per cent of the cases, most commonly in the form of contusions (cuts and bruises) to the chest and thorax. For victims of gang rape, the share exhibiting extra-genital injuries rises to ap- proximately 80 per cent (Cederholm & Heimer, 1999).

Physical and Psychological Care In addition to the physical damage, health care workers also encounter victims with more diffuse symptoms, such as headaches, physical weakness, sleep disorders or feel- ings of paralysis. Psychological reactions to criminal assault may sometimes express themselves as physical symptoms. A number of different types of violations can hide behind these psychosomatic symptoms. Some of those seeking care for these symptoms are women suffering from physical or sexual assault, often from someone with whom they have or had a relationship. Despite the well-documented relationship between body and soul, these women often receive care for only half of their problem. Their physical survival is assured, but the psychological treatment is often neglected. This could be because of a lack of knowledge among health care personnel regarding ap- propriate treatment of patients suspected of suffering from violent crime. It may also be because these women are difficult to identify, as they often give other reasons for their injuries since they do not dare discuss the assault. It is of critical importance to be observant to indications that a patient has been a victim of crime, not least to prevent that the victim experiences the meeting with the health care system as a new violation. Health care personnel must also be aware of the possibilities for help and support available for victims from government agencies and voluntary organisations. This is especially important given the many sexual and violent crimes committed within the family, which never come to the attention of other authorities.

Conclusions This chapter has shown that every year many people are injured in criminal acts. It in- volves both violent and sexual crimes. Although some injuries such as physical damage as a result of the crime may be widespread, crimes rarely cause long term damage. For those who suffer physical injuries, however, the scars can be difficult enough to live with. | 79 |  Chapter 8

Psychological Reactions Although crime often leads to considerable economic and physical damages for the victim, the psychological experience is often the most critical and difficult to treat (Hagemann, 1992; Lindgren, 1999; Maguire, 1980, 1982; Resick, 1987). This psycho- logical reaction is also the least visible, and therefore the most difficult for others to understand. An arm in a sling or a bandage around the head is an outward and visible sign that a person is not totally well. Psychological pain generally lacks these signs, and is therefore not always comprehended by others. As mentioned earlier, the category “crime victim” is quite heterogeneous. The public debate, however, often sees victims as a homogenous group, characterised by similar reactions. The type and strength of the reactions are highly individual, however. Crime may entail no emotional reactions for some persons, while others experience it as an extremely traumatic event involving strong cognitive and emotional stress. The term “traumatic” will be used in the following chapter to refer to a psychologically stressful, emotionally overwhelming experience. Even small, apparently negligible crimes may involve considerable stress for the victim.

From Chaos to Cosmos Despite the obvious problems and risks associated with generalisations concerning the intensity and development of reactions, there are often (but not always) common features to crises and reactions to crises.

Initial Reactions People tend to react remarkably rationally during a crisis. The individual’s actions are focussed on survival, and panic is a rare reaction (Dyregrov, 1992). Immediately following the crisis, an individual’s psychic energy is focussed on attempting to han- dle the strong emotions caused by the crime – a period which sometimes leaves the victim incapable of rational action. The victim may suffer from repeated crying spells, panic and feelings of emptiness. Consciousness may be diffuse, since the victim often attempts to protect himself/herself from reality (Cullberg, 1989). The first reaction is | 80 | often a feeling of surrealness and amazement that “it happened to me” (c.f. Blomberg, 2000). Many also have feelings of fear and helplessness and experience physical reac- tions such as difficulty breathing or chest pressure. It is not uncommon for the victim to experience feelings of rage towards the perpetrator. This rage may even be focussed on other individuals, such as the police of an employer. Certain types of crimes, such as sexual assault or home burglary, also tend to leave the victim feeling dirty or violated.

Guilt and Blame Much of the victim’s energy immediately following the crime is expended on find- ing an explanation to why he/she was chosen. Studies have shown that people often have illusions of personal invulnerability. They have a picture of a good, predictable and safe world, where people around them can be trusted ( Janoff-Bulman & Hanson- Frieze, 1983). Being subjected to a crime causes this illusion to collapse, leaving victims distrustful of their surroundings and feeling that life is out of their control (Denkers & Winkel, 1998; Janoff-Bulman & Hanson-Frieze, 1983). People also have a strong need to place unexpected negative events into a cause-and-effect framework (Silver & Wortman, 1980). This fact, in combination with the need to regain control over life, often leads victims to partially or totally accept blame for the crime (c.f. Janoff-Bulman & Hanson-Frieze, 1979, 1988; Silver & Wortman, 1980). According to Miller & Porter (1983), these reactions fall into two primary types of guilt: behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. Behavioural self-blame is when a victim sees the crime as a result of his/her actions in a given situation, such as a rape victim reproaching herself for walking alone in a deserted area or an assault vic- tim accepting the blame because he was intoxicated. Through blaming himself/herself instead of the perpetrator, who is uncontrollable to the victim, the victim regains con- trol through the ability to alter future actions and avoid future victimisation. In cases of characterological self-blame, the victim tends to explain the event through permanent personal characteristics. The victim thus lacks the ability to avoid future crime through a change of behaviour and may experience feelings of helplessness or depression. Placing blame on the victim is not an action taken solely by the victim. Many victims, especially female victims of rape, describe how those around them reacted by attribut- ing blame to them rather than to the perpetrator – a phenomenon that is appropriately termed in the literature as “blaming the victim”. Victim blaming can be described as a process where the victim is awarded blame for the victimisation since there must be something wrong with persons subjected to crime. Victims are different from “non-vic- tims” in terms of attitudes or behaviour or both. These differences are the cause of the victimisation. There is also an opinion that the victim can avoid future crimes through a change in action or thought (Ryan, 1971).

| 81 |  This placement of blame is largely a protection from the fear of being subjected to crime that all people share. Listening to the terrible events, which occur to people in our immediate surroundings, is a reminder of our total vulnerability, helplessness and powerlessness, and thus shatters our illusion of a safe and just world. Placing blame on the victim allows a simple, practical and straightforward answer to the questions “Why did this happen?” and “Why him and not me?” If, on the other hand, nothing about the victim’s behaviour, looks or judgement occasioned the crime, then the crime could happen to anyone and must be perceived differently. The placement of blame on the victim thus comes, at least partially, from a belief in a just and fair world where people deserve what they get and get what they deserve. Bad things only happen to bad people, while the good are rewarded. If a person is subjected to crime, then that individual must have done something wrong to deserve that fate. The realisation that meaningless, brutal events can occur to anyone at any time raises many thoughts and feelings. The opinion that the crime victim did something wrong or provocative is comforting, since it dispels our feelings of helplessness and vulner- ability and confirms our feelings that crime does not affect good, upstanding people (Symonds, 1975). From the above we can say that it is important that all who meet crime victims in the course of their occupations should understand both that victims commonly blame themselves and why this occurs.

Central and Peripheral Information Police, health care workers and other professions which regularly come into contact with crime victims occasionally, experience difficulties communicating with those re- cently exposed to crime. Some victims have only vague memories of the event; while others have difficulty assimilating the information they are given. Research in recent decades has also focussed on the problem of people having difficulty communicating and receiving information immediately following emotional and shocking events. Mandler (1975) found that strong emotions occupy a large portion of an individual’s attention. This implies that emotionally charged situations allow for less potential to assimilate external information. In these situations, the individual seems to be focussed on the central details of the event, such as a weapon pointed at the body, and it is thus difficult to recall information peripheral to the event (Christianson, 1992). Much of the attention immediately following the event revolves around the experience itself and the strong emotions which arose (Christianson, 1996). After some time has passed, and the individual returns to a state of psychological balance and security, it is often possible to remember events which were previously unavailable due to the emotional stress (Christianson, 1996).

| 82 |  Based on knowledge of basic memory functions, it is not unusual that crime victims have difficulty giving the police a detailed description of the crime immediately follow- ing the event, especially concerning the timeline and descriptions of the perpetrators. Given this, it should not be surprising that a victim says one thing during the police investigation and something completely different during the main hearing.

After some Time As time passes and the victim grasps the reality of the situation and its consequences, there is often a less chaotic period filled with more complex emotions. The experience may bring cognitive reactions such as concentration difficulties, anxiety, increased vigi- lance or disturbing visual impressions or memories from the event. Anxiety, accompa- nied by sleep disorders and eating difficulties, is a quite common effect. This anxiety may have somatic expressions, such as muscle tension, shaking, sweating, headaches, heart palpitation, nausea and stomach disorders (c.f. Culberg, 1989; Lagerbäck, 1996). Several defence mechanisms are used to cope with anxiety, such as denial and in- tellectualisation. The most common defence mechanism is repression. Victims obtain relief through repressing certain feelings (or both the event and the feelings) connected to a traumatic event from their consciousness. This method of controlling sadness, pain and anger takes its toll through less energy being devoted to daily activities and rou- tines (Lindgren & Lagerbäck, 1996). Defence mechanisms are normal and necessary, and are important for psychological survival since they compartmentalise the anxiety related to conflicts within the indi- vidual or between the individual and his surroundings into smaller portions, enabling the personality to maintain equilibrium (Cullberg, 1989, p. 76). These psychological defence mechanisms may develop incorrectly, however, and become a detriment to ad- aptation. Thus, they are a necessary part of the adjustment from trauma to reality but they may also become an obstacle to this same adjustment.

Table 1 Examples of behavioural changes and physical reactions noticeable in crime victims. • Feelings of abandonment • Anger and irritation • Difficulty concentrating • Feelings of surrealness • Reduced self-confidence

| 83 |  • Increased suspiciousness • Need for caring and personal contact • Physical weakness • Feelings of paralysis • Chest pressure • Breathing difficulty • Heart palpitations

Long-term Consequences This chapter has presented some examples of reactions to crime. These are natural symptoms of unnatural events. The process of dealing with the events, either alone or with the help of family, friends or a professional, often causes these reactions to gradu- ally fade to the point that the victim can return to a normal, active life. In some cases these reactions persist for a considerable time – months or even years – following the crime (Goethals & Peters, 1991; Kilpatrick & Veronen, 1983; Sales, Rich & Reich, 1984; Shapland, 1984; Walklate, 1989). Even though the victim does not think about the crime every day, life can never be the same as it was before the event, and the crime is hardly forgotten. Many victims who have dealt with their trauma find that two changes have occurred: their funda- mental sense of security has weakened and they have developed a distrust of others (c.f. Carlsson & Frost, 1980). One female rape victim described her thoughts in the following manner:

“I had always been fearless. I often ran alone in the woods. I would ride my bicycle home alone at night without a second thought. When other women spoke of their fears I thought they were silly. I thought ‘Why should I be afraid because I am a woman? I also have the right to go where I please!’ But no longer. That feeling of security is forever lost to me. I will never run alone again. I could possibly harden myself, but the cost would be too great. I have accepted that this is a battle I will never win.” (DN 2/2 1992) This erosion of security and increased suspicion is often expressed as fear. Fear is quite serious, because it limits the victim’s actions and makes daily life unpleasant. Fear af- fects how the victim thinks, feels and reacts, where he/she chooses to live, work and study, the road to work or school, the times when he/she can leave the home, where he/ she shops, and the types of sports and leisure activities pursued. Those who have been burglarised may feel uneasy about staying at home, since this place which was once | 84 | secure is now seen as the site of violation. This fear can last a long time, can be quite destructive, and affects not only the victim but also those in the immediate surround- ings (Lindgren & Litzén, 1998).

Post Traumatic Stress Disorder A failure to effectively deal with the trauma can lead to reactions escalating in a con- dition known as Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). The American diagnostic manual DSM-IV (American Psychiatric Association, 1994) specifies the reactions and symptoms that develop in an individual following a traumatic experience. For the reac- tions to be classified as PTSD, they must include:

A. An event which is outside of normal human experience: • Serious risk to life or personal integrity • Serious danger for, or injury to, children, spouse or other close relative or friend • Sudden devastation of home or community • Seeing others seriously hurt or killed through an accident or violence

B. Repeated visions/memories of the event in at least one of the following manners: • Flashbacks • Anxiety-producing dreams • Feeling that the event is recurring • Strong feelings of anxiety associated with events that symbolise or re- mind of the trauma (such as birthdays or anniversaries)

C. General emotional coolness or continual avoidance of events or things that symbolise or remind of the trauma. At least three of the following: • Avoidance of thoughts and feelings associated with the event • Avoidance of activities or situations reminiscent of the trauma • Vague memories of portions of the event • Noticeably reduced interest in important activities • Feeling of distance to others

| 85 |  • Limited emotional depth (such as a reduced capacity to feel love) • Feeling that the future is limited

D. Continual state of alert where the body is in a “flight or fight” mode. At least two of the following: • Sleep disorder (problems either falling asleep or waking up) • Irritability or fits of rage • Difficulty concentrating • Extreme alertness • Being easily frightened • Physiological reactions to events which remind of the trauma

E. Symptoms in B, C, and D should have lasted at least one month. Relatively few victims develop PTSD, but many exhibit some of the symptoms, such as reliving the event in dreams. PTSD can occur in immediate connection with the traumatic event, but it can also develop years after the experience (c.f. Flannery, 1992 for a closer look at PTSD and crime victims).

Factors Influencing the Extent of Reaction It is impossible to predict how an individual will react to a trauma, or how long the recovery phase will take. There are, however, several factors that do generally affect the extent of the reaction. In addition to recovery time, variations in the extent of the reaction are influenced by the type of event, the victim’s personal characteristics and situation, the victim’s social network and the consequences of the crime (see figure 1).

The Character of the Event Our knowledge of crime victim’s reactions and needs is largely based upon studies of women who were subjected to sexual assault. The results of these studies have been generalised to apply to victims of other types of crimes as well – despite the fact that research has shown that reactions vary between different types of crimes. Victims of sexual crimes tend to have more serious reactions than victims of other violent crimes, and these victims, in turn, have more serious reactions than victims of crimes against property (Goethals & Peters, 1991; Lurigio & Resick, 1990; Norris & Kaniasty, 1991, 1994; Resick, 1987; Skogan, 1987; Wirtz & Harrell, 1987a, 1987b).

| 86 |  Psychological studies show that crimes involving violence or the threat of violence lead to a worse psychological state for the victim than non-violent crimes (Bard & San- grey, 1986; Everstine & Everstine, 1986; Harrell, Smith & Cook, 1985; Lurigio, 1987; Lurigio & Davis, 1989; Sales et al, 1984). Another factor, which may be of importance for the reaction to traumatic events, is the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator. The American psychologists Diana and Louis Everstine (1986, p. 178) state that, contrary to popular understand- ing, a crime committed by someone known to (and possibly trusted by) the victim leads to more complicated and serious psychological problems than an attack by a stranger. One group especially affected by this is women who are battered by a known assailant. Another vulnerable group is children who are abused by someone in whom they have sought love and care. Another factor that can exacerbate the event is the existence of an individual who did not intervene to stop the crime despite the opportunity to do so (Dysting et al, 1991). Karmen (1990, p. 1) presents a case in the USA where a student, working a summer job as an ice cream peddler, was subjected to a brutal robbery. Without saying a word, two robbers shot him, took the money from the till and ran from the scene. The stu- dent collapsed in a pool of blood near his car. Soon a large group of over one hundred children and teenagers had gathered around the site. Rather than help the injured man, these bystanders took the opportunity to steal all the ice cream. The young man was left bleeding on the street for nearly an hour before the police arrived. Events such as this can understandably shake a victim’s faith in his fellow man.

The Individual’s Personal Characteristics and Situation Studies show that apparently trivial crimes can also lead to serious reactions (Dahl- bäck, 1989; Davis & Friedman, 1985: Kilpatrick & Veronen, 1983). This is due to the fact that the ability to handle traumatic situations is affected by the victim’s personal characteristics. A number of reports have found that young victims are generally less af- fected by emotions associated with crime than the elderly (Atkeon et al, 1982; Carlsson & Frost, 1980; Dahlbäck, 1988; Goethals & Peters, 1991; Sales et al, 1984). This does not hold true for children, however. Here the research points to children facing greater risks of lasting problems than teenagers or adults (Katz & Mazur, 1979; Peters, 1974). The sex of the victim is also an important factor in determining the extent of the reac- tion. Studies show that women tend to be more affected than men (van den Bogaard & Wiegman, 1992; Carlsson & Frost, 1980; Goethals & Peters, 1991; Lindgren, 1999; Lurigio & Davis, 1989; Walklate, 1989). Another factor affecting the extent of reaction to crime is previous experience with crime and other traumatic events. The results on this topic are not unambiguous, how-

| 87 | ever, and the literature presents two opposing perspectives. From a vulnerability per- spective, people who had previously been exposed to crime react more strongly than those who had never been victims (Carlsson & Frost, 1980; Goethals & Peters, 1991). The main reason for this is that the previous event makes the victim more vulnerable to future exposure to strong stress. The other perspective – the recovery perspective – asserts that persons with previous experience of crime and trauma can meet the new experience with increased vigour. A Finnish study shows that a portion of all crime victims actually gain increased self-confidence as a result of the event (Aromaa, 1991). A similar result was found in a Swedish study of bank employees who had experienced a robbery. A fourth of those surveyed reported an increase in self-confidence following the robbery (Leymann, 1984). The extent of the reaction is also influenced by the personal situation of the victim. Studies show that crime is experienced as more difficult by those who already have a difficult personal life, such as family troubles, unemployment and/or health problems (Eriksson et al, 1984). There are also indications that an individual with poor self-es- teem will have more difficulty recovering from a traumatic event (Lurigio & Resick, 1990). Singer & Salovey (1988) have shown that events and situations, which corre- spond with one’s current frame of mind, are easier to comprehend and recall. This is usually referred to as a congruence effect. Persons with a negative self-image thus inter- pret events – especially self-related events – in a distorted manner. Research has found that depressed individuals attribute success to luck and failure to a lack of personal ability, while non-depressed individuals make the opposite assessment (Bower, 1992).

The Individual’s Social Network The ability to successfully deal with a traumatic event is thus largely dependent on the type of crime and the personal resources that an individual has at his/her disposal. Traumatic situations can be handled through discussions with other individuals as well. This discussion of the details of the crime serves to place the trauma under the victim’s cognitive control (Harber & Pennebaker, 1992; Pennebaker & O’Heeron, 1984; Pen- nebaker et al, 1988). It is extremely important for an individual to have someone to talk to following a crisis. Research indicates that social support following a crime is positively correlated with physical and psychological health (Cohen & Willis, 1985). An American study of persons subjected to robbery, assault and burglary found that crime victims who receive support from people in their surroundings following the event have a greater probability of recovering from the trauma than those without support (Friedman et al, 1982). Friends, colleagues and especially family are important social resources in times of crisis. They can also assist in the practical matters associated with the crime. Occa- sionally, however, additional support is necessary. This may be found through volun-

| 88 | teer organisations such as victim support centres, which form an excellent complement to the social network of friends and relatives.

The After-Effect of Crime Another factor that affects the consequences a crime has on the individual is the after-effects of the crime. The actual event itself may not be the largest threat to an individual’s mental health. Of equal importance is the treatment (or lack of treatment) that the individual receives following the crime (Bard & Sangrey, 1986; Leymann, 1989). Individuals in a period of crisis must be treated in a manner that reduces the risk of “secondary victimisation”. Secondary victimisation is a term referring to the stress, which develops when institutions or individuals respond in a manner which the vic- tim sees as negative (Lindgren & Lagerbäck, 1996). This secondary trauma may arise through contact with the police, health care personnel or insurance agents who lack understanding and training in the vulnerability of a victim following an emotionally charged event. Family and friends may also find it difficult to understand the reactions and changed behaviour of a victim. The victim must also be sheltered from additional stress caused by unprofessional journalists or a curious public. While the existence of criminal activity is difficult to control, secondary victimisa- tion may be successfully reduced through increased knowledge of the situation facing victims. One prerequisite for reducing this victimisation is that all professionals who routinely come in contact with crime victims are aware of the specific reactions and needs which can exist following a crime.

Conclusions As shown in this chapter, the psychological reactions are often the most common consequence of crime. At the same time the psychological reaction is the least visible, and therefore the most difficult for others to understand. It is therefore important that people who encounter victims have knowledge and understanding of victims’ re- actions. Examples of such knowledge is why victims sometimes blame themselves for what happened and why victims sometimes change their story between the first hear- ing and the trial.

| 89 |  Chapter 9

Social and Practical Consequences

Social Consequences All three results of crime – economic loss, physical injury and psychological reac- tions – may involve negative social consequences for the victim. Some individuals find that the crime completely alters their lives. They may be forced to completely change their situation, such as changing occupations because of a fear of working at night or changing residences due to a feeling of insecurity (c.f. Blomberg, 2000). The latter ex- ample is especially relevant for the thousands of women and children who live with the threat of violence every day. In these cases it is almost always the battered woman who has to move to escape the violent man, a move that involves large social, practical and economic problems. Another social consequence, which may arise as a result of crime, is that the victim often pulls away from contact with other individuals. This could be because the victim does not wish to discuss the event because of feelings of shame or painful memories or because the victim no longer trusts others. In some situations the case is reverse – other people feel such a strong uneasiness that they withdraw when the victim desires to dis- cuss the feelings and emotions associated with the crime, because the thought reminds them of their own vulnerability. Rather than discuss their grief and pain, victims may then internalise their problems (Lindgren & Lagerbäck, 1996). Persons in the victim’s immediate surroundings may also have difficulty understand- ing how to react to the victim. This, added to the other pressures, may reinforce the victim’s feeling that no one understands his/her situation, which may in turn lead to social isolation. Exposure to crime can damage an individual’s fundamental sense of security. Studies of crime victims’ thoughts and feelings about the future have found that many have seri- ous worries about becoming victims again (c.f. Dahlbäck, 1988). This can be explained through decreased faith in the outside world as a result of the crime. This feeling of insecurity does not affect only those who were personally victims of crime, however. Local studies of security and victim surveys show that many people worry about being | 90 | victimised by crime, and feel unsafe strolling about their own neighbourhoods after dark. Even though the number of people worried about crime far exceeds the number actually victimised, this worry can often have a larger impact on a person’s life than the actual crime. Information regarding the actual extent of crime in combination with relevant crime prevention information is something that can reduce a victim’s anxiety and fear of being victimised yet again. Another social consequence of crime is the stigmatisation, which may accompany the event. Leymann (1989, p. 142) states that the victim’s social fate is almost predeter- mined from the instant the crime occurs. Of primary importance is peace and quiet to recuperate, with a patient person to listen and take care of the practical measures neces- sary while the victim rides out the storm. Instead, attention is focussed on the victim, his/her rights may be violated, and he/she may be looked down upon or overprotected. The focus on the victim tends to take attention away from another large group that is affected by crime – friends and relatives of the victim. Becoming a crime victim places the individual at the epicentre of an earthquake. Just as with earthquakes, crime sends shockwaves out from the centre as well. These shockwaves, or effects of the crime, are more powerful for those individuals who are emotionally and physically closer to the victim (Lindgren & Lagerbäck, 1996). This area is not well researched, but results from existing studies indicate that the families of crime victims often exhibit psychological symptoms similar to those of the victim – they report feelings of worry and anxiety, feel depressed and have reduced self-confidence (Amick et al, 1989). Providing these individuals with information concerning the “normal” recovery process and an under- standing of what is going on within the victim could both aid them through reducing their own anxiety and also help the victim through their increased insight into his/her situation.

Practical Problems Crime almost always leads to practical problems for the victim. Examples of these problems could be the need to come into contact with the authorities, which may itself involve the need for childcare and transportation to the police station etc. The victim may have to contact his/her insurance company to file a claim, or arrange for a glazier or carpenter to come and repair a broken window or damaged door. In some cases the crime involves physical injury, which requires medical attention. The crime may result in costs, which necessitate financial assistance. Practical problems may also arise through the time-consuming process of recovering or replacing stolen objects. International studies have found that crime victims often require assistance with practical matters such as contacting the authorities, calling a locksmith, arranging temporary lodgings or financial assistance (Friedman et al, 1982; Maguire & Corbett, 1987; Skogan et al, 1990). A study of volunteer organisations in the USA found that | 91 | improved security and financial assistance were the least common services provided. Of 184 organisations in the study, only 24 offered aid with security matters, while 44 offered financial assistance (Roberts, 1987, 1990). A Swedish study of burglary and assault victims showed that the victim’s prime need was a person to talk to about the event. Many victims also mentioned the need for pre- ventative measures, primarily protection against burglary. Other less pressing needs in- cluded assistance repairing doors and windows or other destroyed property (Lindgren & Litzén, 1998). This study went on to state that aid came largely from friends and family. There exists a small group with a weak social network who reported receiving no assistance whatsoever.

Conclusions In addition to different psychological reactions, the social and practical consequenc- es of crime are a major problem for many victims. Some individuals find that the crime completely alters their lives. They may be forced to completely change their situation, such as changing occupations because of a fear of working at night or changing resi- dences due to a feeling of insecurity.

| 92 |  Part V

The Central Stakeholders

| 93 | | 94 |  Chapter 10

Police and the Crime Victim Two of the most important duties of the police service are to investigate and prevent crime. The crime victim plays an important role in this work. Without information from the victim, many crimes would never come the attention of the police, and with- out victim assistance, many perpetrators would get away with their crimes. Despite the victim key position in police work, however, the police service has generally not regarded the victim as an important factor. This chapter will describe the work of police with crime victims, their role relative to the victim and the importance of the encounter between police and victims. The chap- ter will also present Serbian and international research concerning victims’ attitudes towards the police.

Police Work with Crime Victims

The Role of the Police The police are available 24 hours per day, seven days per week, and 52 weeks per year. They are often the first and only representatives of society that crime victims meet. Ini- tial contact is usually by telephone – occasionally from a distance through call centres – or through a personal visit to the police station. In more serious cases (such as assault or burglary), the first contact is usually with an officer at the crime scene. In these cases the officer begins the investigation, if possible, through interviews with the victim and any available witnesses. If the nature of the crime requires so, a careful crime scene in- vestigation also occurs. If the available leads and possible tips are not sufficient to continue the investigation, the case is not pursued. Many victims experience this as offensive, since they are not informed that the police will continue to follow the case in other ways, often through checks of stolen property recovered or in some other manner. The police have found it a difficult task to explain to the victim that the case may be reopened if new evidence emerges.

| 95 |  In the case where the investigation is pursued, the victim often comes in contact with the investigating officer. This contact can be in reference to complementary informa- tion or a thorough interview. If the case goes further, and the preliminary investigation is concluded, a report of the investigation is presented to the prosecutor.

The Encounter between Police and Victim The police play a fundamental role in all victim support activity. As discussed above, police are often the first and only representatives of society that a crime victim comes in contact with. The actual encounter between the police and the victim is thus important in several ways, since it affects the victim’s recovery process, the police investigation of the crime, the victim’s continued co-operation in the investigation, and the general public’s attitudes towards the police.

The Victim Recovery Process For many people, being the victim of a crime is their first “real” contact with the police. They may have previously met police officers in traffic education in school or were stopped in a traffic control, but these were merely fleeting meetings. This first real encounter with the police can be seen as a test of the victim’s opinion of the police. Many people have high expectations and demands on the police service when they are subjected to crimes. They want the police to arrive quickly at the scene of the crime, carry out an efficient and effective crime scene investigation, solve the crime, arrest the perpetrator and retrieve all stolen goods. They also expect the police to accept their ac- count of the events and behave according to their preconceptions. Unfortunately, the encounter with the police is not always what the victim had ex- pected. The victim may be not only shocked and confused, but also highly sensitive to what he/she feels are the attitudes of those present at the scene. The meeting with the police can thus be a very critical factor in the victim’s future handling of the situation. Studies show that negative opinions of the police can exacerbate the victim’s situation (Dahl, 1992; Kilpatrick et al, 1985; Lurigio & Resick, 1990; Renck & Svensson, 1997; Resick, 1987; Shapland et al, 1985; Symonds, 1980). Events, which seem routine to the police often occur only once in the lifetime of the victim, and therefore give rise to strong emotions. For this reason it is important that police officers are aware of and have understanding for the vulnerability experienced by victims following an emotionally charged situation.

Police Investigation of the Crime The contact between the victim and the police is not only important for the vic- tim’s emotional well being – it is also important for the ensuing police investigation. As | 96 | mentioned previously, crime is an emotional and shocking event for the victim (Bard & Sangrey, 1986; Davis & Friedman, 1985). Victims may not be particularly receptive to information or able to relay details during the period immediately following the event. In order to solve the crime and arrest the perpetrator, the police require a detailed ac- count of the event, including times and a description of the criminal. Research has shown, however, that this information can be difficult to obtain immediately following the crime (Christianson, 1992). After some time has passed and the victim has regained a semblance of emotional balance, details which were previously blocked by the emo- tional stress often become available (Christianson, 1996). Waller (1990, p. 141) states that the police have generally not understood the impor- tance of the information a victim can provide or the ways in which this information can be improved. According to Waller, the police require a better understanding of how to support the victim, which questions could lead to the relevant information, and when and how to ask these questions. This understanding would increase both the speed and the quality of the information obtained from the victim. It is often both necessary and appropriate to follow up the initial contact with the victim through additional support and assistance at a later stage of the investigation. This second contact is beneficial to the victim, and may also assist the investigation by allowing the victim to provide additional information regarding the crime.

Victim Participation in the Legal Process The victim’s encounter with the police is important from a judicial aspect as well. Without information from the victim and witnesses, many crimes would never come to the attention of the police, and without their assistance in the investigation the per- petrators would often walk free. Shapland et al. (1985) feel that the police fail to see the victim as a vital part in the criminal justice system, despite the obvious dependence upon victim testimony. The central problem is the attitude of the police when meeting victims – they are seen as peripheral to the justice process, and thus lacks status in the eyes of the officers. The German criminologist Hans Joachim Schneider sees the role of the victim as analogous to that of gatekeeper of the justice system, with the duty to report crime to the police and appear as a witness in any resulting trial (Schneider, 1991). According to Joutsen (1991), the victim is often ignored after the necessary information has been obtained or if the victim is deemed a “bad” witness. While the victim is often deemed “peripheral” by the police, the victim can have high expectations of the police. For obvious reasons, the police cannot always live up to these expectations, and the resulting discrepancy can affect the victim’s faith in the police and propensity to report future crimes (Glaser, 1974; Lindgren, 1997a, 1997b;

| 97 | Shapland et al, 1985; Tontodonato & Kratcoski, 1995). In relation to that it is worth mentioning that Serbian Police Code explicitly mentions protection of crime victims as one of police duties, which may contribute toward overcoming this discrepancy. The same Code particularly stresses the protection of victim who gave or may give infor- mation important for criminal procedure. This as well can contribute toward raising awareness of the police on both victims’ needs and the importance of victim’s role for the establishment of truth as well as how it may be connected.

Public Attitude towards the Police The contact between the police and the victim can also affect the public attitude to- wards the police. As mentioned above, the public can have a positive impression of the police, and places a great amount of faith in their work. This impression is largely based upon individual experience and the mass media’s portrayal of police work. Another influence on this attitude is discussion with others. There are few government agencies, which are discussed with as much interest as the police and this interest in the police are likely to be expressed more often by those with negative personal experiences. Crime victims constitute a large share of all individuals who come in contact with the police. This implies that the victims play a large role in influencing public opinion re- garding the police. Victims with negative experiences relay these experiences to others, who in turn spread the stories to a wider audience. If the general public feels that the police disregard certain crimes or find them trivial then there is a serious risk that faith in the justice system declines or even disappears. This situation makes if more difficult for the police and prosecutors to solve even relatively “simple” cases.

Colleagues The meeting between victims and the police is also important for the health and wellbeing of the police officers and the police organisation. This is especially true in the case of serious crimes such as murder. Police work can sometimes be extremely stressful, compared with other occupations (c.f. e.g. Miller, 1995). Police can be thought of as the antennae of society – always first to sense new trends in violence and drugs, among other things. Unlike most other peo- ple, the police are constantly confronted with the dark side of society. They are often faced with pain and suffering, such as crimes and accidents where the victim may be seriously injured or dying. Occasionally they are confronted with threats or violence, which can be particularly difficult to handle. Studies of individuals’ psychological reactions to serious events show that emergency workers relatively often exhibit psychological symptoms resulting from the stress they have experienced (c.f. e.g. Holen, 1990; Holm, 1995; Karlsson & Cristiansson, 1999; | 98 | Lindström & Lundin, 1982). Flashbacks, recurring thoughts, anxiety and insecurity are common reactions (Karlsson & Christiansson, 1999; Reiser & Geijer, 1984). Repeated exposure to extreme emotional stress can leave individuals feeling burnt out. This fact can lead to police avoiding emotional involvement with a victim’s situ- ation in an attempt at self-preservation. Difficult situations such as this require that management at all levels establish policies, which ensure that their colleagues have ac- cess to guidance and support. One aspect of this support could be the routine collec- tion of suggestions and positive reactions from crime victims concerning the investiga- tion process.

Police Obligations towards the Victim

International Policies In many European countries the police have extensive responsibilities concerning the provision of information to crime victims (Wergens, 1999). One such example is the Netherlands, which has specific guidelines concerning police contact with crime victims (Wemmers, 1996). These state that the police must inform the victim of the availability of support and assistance at the time the crime is reported and, when appro- priate, mediate contact with a victim support centre. The police must also inform the victim about the general procedures following a crime report, ask if the victim would like to be informed of the progress of the case and ask if the victim has any requests for compensation from the perpetrator. This presentation of information must be carefully documented, and the prosecutor must ensure that the victim receives the appropriate information in the event of missing documentation. The United States also has specific state and federal guidelines concerning the treat- ment of victims by the police and other authorities. These guidelines include the re- sponsibility to provide information and support to crime victims. Some states stipulate that information must be provided within 24 hours of the initial police report (Kar- men, 1990; Waller, 1990). The National Organisation for Victim Assistance (NOVA) in the United States has developed a special training programme for the police on interaction with crime vic- tims. An increasing number of police academies in the US are including victim mate- rial in their courses (Waller, 1990), and a similar development is noticeable in Canada (Karmen, 1990) and in many EU countries (Wergens, 1999). Many police departments throughout the world now have specially trained units with the dual purpose of improving aid to victims and more efficiently investigating the crimes. Examples of this development are seen in the establishment of “senior citizen | 99 | task forces” which aid elderly victims of robbery and fraud, and “sex crime investigation units” which are trained to investigate rape and molestation without making the victim feel guilty (Karmen, 1990; Wergens, 1999). In addition to national guidelines, the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the Victim Support Europe and the International Association of Chiefs of Police have de- veloped documents concerning the relationship between the police and crime victims.

The United Nations As mentioned above, the United Nations adopted a Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power in 1985 (General Assembly res. 40/34). This Declaration discusses how authorities such as the police can support and protect crime victims. Victims shall, according to the Declaration, be treated with com- passion and respect and be advised of possibilities for health care, social services and other relevant assistance.

The Council of Europe The importance of the police to crime victims is also understood by the Council of Europe. Recommendation No. R (85) 11 from 1985 states that the police should be trained in treating victims in a humane, flexible and reassuring manner and that they should provide victims with all appropriate information. The Recommendation goes on to say that the police should provide the prosecutor with a complete account of the losses and damages incurred by the victim and that legal action should include the issue of compensation for the victim. The victim should also be provided with information concerning the charges being brought against the suspect and allowed the opportunity to appeal in a case where criminal charges are dropped or to have the case heard in a civil trial. Interviews with the victim should take account of the individual’s personal situation and, if the case allows, be carried out in the presence of someone who can provide personal support. The court should be given the opportunity to charge the perpetrator with compensatory damages. The hearing should be allowed to be held behind closed doors in order to protect the victim from publicity which could interfere with the person’s privacy, and the victim and his/her family should be provided with protection from harassment and reprisal.

The Victim Support Europe The Victim Support Europe prepared a document concerning the legal rights of vic- tims during the criminal trial. This states that the victim should be provided with the opportunity to request information about the criminal case at the time that the crime is reported. Victims who request continuous information regarding the case should be | 100 | provided with this information at the earliest possible moment, in as complete a form as possible with clear explanations of any decisions and a presentation of the basis on which the decisions were made (Victim Support Europe, 1996).

IACP The International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) has developed a pro- gramme concerning the role of the police in local crime victim support work. The pro- gramme stresses the importance of written information at the time of initial contact and the establishment of guidelines and procedures, which facilitate the work of police and civilian employees with victim support duties.

Serbian Policies Police obligations toward victims in Serbia are provided in laws and other documents that regulate police duties and responsibilities. The Police Code has the general re- quirement that the police act without any prejudice, offering equal protection to eve- ryone without any kind of discrimination. The police have an obligation to act at any time in order to protect lives and personal security of people and property. Police offic- ers are to deal with all persons humanely, and with respect for the dignity, honour, and other fundamental human rights of all citizens. Also, as already mentioned, protection of victims as witnesses is provided as one of police responsibilities listed in the Police Code. More explicit obligations regarding police conduct in direct contact with vic- tims are prescribed in the Code of Police Ethics. The Code of Police Ethics prescribes that police shall, without any discrimination, provide necessary support, assistance and information to crime victims. It also provides that the police shall take care of the needs of witnesses, and implement witness protection rules and measures. Moreover, if the victim is a juvenile, young adult or a minor, then only those police officers who have undergone appropriate special training in children’s rights, juvenile crime and criminal protection of minors may deal with them. Police obligations toward victims are regulated in more detail only in the Special Protocol for Police Action in the Protection of Minors from Abuse and Neglect. This document also requires that only those police officers who have undergone appropriate special training in children’s rights, juvenile crime and criminal protection of minors may act in cases when minors are victims of abuse and neglect. It also requires that the statement in connection with the reported abuse may be taken directly from the minor in the police station only in the presence of the parent or guardian, or a representative from social services or another legally responsible person. The police have an obligation to inform the parent, guardian or representative of social welfare services (but not the minor victim!) about various (governmental and non-governmental) victim support services which assist children/minors. However, when the abuse is reported indirectly, | 101 | over the telephone, there is no provision that prescribes the obligation on the part of the police to provide such information. Additionally, this Protocol does not provide for the possibility that a minor may report the crime by telephone and, thus, it fails to regulate the appropriate procedure if that be the case. Actually, the Protocol deals with procedures rather than with what the action of the police should be toward the victim. There is no rule that would obligate and instruct the police how to talk or communicate in another manner with the minor victim who reports abuse, either directly or through the telephone. Moreover, the Pro- tocol does not regulate the appropriate procedure of action or the obligations of police officers toward the minor victim when it comes to investigation on the scene, while it regulates in detail the procedure of action with the suspected offender. Similarly, the Instruction on Police Action toward Juveniles and Young Adults regulates in detail police obligations toward and handling of minor offenders, while only sporadically in- structing on the obligations toward victims, without even mentioning how the police should handle a juvenile victim.

Previous Research The position of the crime victim in relation to the work of the police has received increasing attention in recent decades. One result of this attention is the increase in surveys focussing on the attitudes of victims towards the police.

International Experiences Victimological research has found that victims have a generally positive attitude to- wards the police in the initial stages. This seems to be the case regardless of the type of crime or the country in which the survey was conducted (c.f. van den Bogaard & Wieg- man, 1992; BRÅ 1999:3; Shapland et al, 1985; Wemmers, 1996). In cases where the victim is displeased with the police, the primary reasons are a feel- ing that the police have not done enough (BRÅ 1999:3), the treatment of the victim by the police (Shapland et al, 1985), a lack of interest from the police (BRÅ 1999:3; Maguire, 1982) and a lack of information concerning the case (Chambers & Millar, 1983; Maguire, 1982; Newburn & Merry, 1990; Shapland et al, 1985). A Canadian study (Hagan, 1983) found that 89 percent of those interviewed felt that the police did a (very) good job, while only 56 percent had the same feeling concerning the prosecutor. The study interviewed victims at two points – first when charges were brought in the case, and then again after the case was concluded. In a comparison of the attitudes at those two points it was found that, even though the victims still had a greater degree of faith in the police, their confidence in the police had declined during | 102 | the course of the trial while their confidence in the prosecutor had increased (Hagan, 1983). Shapland et al (1985) found a similar result in a UK study of victims of violent crime. More than 75 percent of the victims were initially satisfied with the work of the po- lice. The majority felt that it was more important that the police had a compassionate attitude and took them seriously than that they obtained concrete results from the investigation. As with the Canadian study, this satisfaction decreased over time. This dissatisfaction was explained partially by the police treatment of the victims, but prima- rily by the lack of information provided concerning the case. Other studies have also concluded that a lack of information is a strong contribu- tory factor in the gradual decline in victim approval of the police (Shapland & Cohen, 1987; Newburn & Merry, 1990). There have been approximately 20 studies of the experiences of Swedish crime victims with the work of the police since the 1970s. The results of these studies are unanimous – victims, regardless of the crime, have generally positive attitudes towards the police (c.f. Dahlbäck, 1988; Hedlund, 1979; Lindgren, 1996, 1997a, 1997b, 1999; Lindgren & Christianson, 1994; Persson, 1990). The majority of the victims also report positive treatment from those officers investigating the crime (c.f. Tiby, 1999). These officers are commonly described as helpful and sympathetic (Dahlbäck, 1988; Jonsson, 1995; Lindgren, 1996, 1997a, 1997b, 1999; Lindgren & Christianson, 1994). In those cases where the victims are dissatisfied with the police, the cause usually seems to be lack of information (Lindgren, 1996, 1997a, 1997b, 1999; Lindgren & Christianson, 1994). This lack of information is a contributing factor in the decline in victim approval of the police which is also evident in Sweden (Lindgren, 1996). Since lack of information is an important factor in victim satisfaction, it is important to know what information victim’s desire. The studies discussed above find that victims are largely interested in information that has a direct bearing on their own cases. Many also want information concerning the possibility for compensation and reimbursement of costs arising from the crime. These findings are in accordance with results from inter- national studies (c.f. Maguire, 1985; Newburn & Merry, 1990; Shapland et al, 1985). A study of crime victims in Stockholm cites one middle-aged burglary victim’s com- ments on information from the police:

“I did not receive any information regarding my rights. As a first-time victim I did not have any understanding of the procedure, and I must admit that I am not much wiser now.” (Lindgren & Christianson, 1994, p. 38).

| 103 |  Another reason for victim dissatisfaction is that the police appear uninterested. A fe- male burglary victim from Gothenburg expressed her feelings in the following manner:

“The crime that I experienced was probably quite insignificant in the eyes of the police. I was never in physical danger and there was nothing of value for the burglars to steal. I am pleased with the police treatment of me and my case. They adapted (support, comfort etc.) themselves to the situation. Unfortunately it is obvious that the police and I live in separate worlds. In my daily routine I live according to the laws that ex- ist, as do those around me. The daily routine for the police is filled with crime – a fact which was obvious when they were at my home (routine – almost resigned) and when I called to report the crime the response was basically: It is a terrible shame that you were burglarised. We will send a car as soon as we can, but it is Friday, and you know how that is. My answer was: No, I do not know, crime is not something common for me. But I can try to understand.” (Lindgren, 1997a). Police themselves often share the opinion that too little is done from their side for the crime victims (Ahlberg & Knutsson, 1996; Lindgren & Christianson, 1994). In addition to the needs discussed above, many individuals appear to require advice concerning security measures and information regarding crime prevention to avoid a recurrence of the crime (c.f. Lindgren, 1999).

Serbian Studies In Serbia, there are not many studies which deal with victims’ experiences with the police. While the first researches dealing with experiences of crime victims with the police were conducted already in 1980s and 1990s, at present that information is ob- tained predominantly from studies on domestic violence and trafficking in human be- ings, as well as from reports of non-governmental victim services. The first contact between the police and the victim was observed and then analyzed in 1980s within the research project on the position of crime victims in the criminal justice system, carried out by the Institute for Criminological and Sociological Re- search. This research concluded that the first contact of the victim with the police was continuation of victimization rather than provision of assistance, support and protec- tion. This was the consequence of both inappropriate attitude of the police and inad- equate conditions in which the victims were interviewed - in the police station and on the spot (Nikolic-Ristanovic, Mrvic, 1988). Also, the findings of the International (Crime) Victim Survey (ICVS) carried out in 1996 in Belgrade (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 1998) offered very important insights into

| 104 | the willingness of victims to report the crime and their satisfaction with the work of the police. Out of 1094 respondents, 72.1% said that they had been victims of some of the surveyed conventional crimes, while only 33.3% of them reported the crime to the police. Victims reported most often car theft, burglary and theft from the car. On the other hand, the least frequently reported were sexual crimes, while robbery, with the reporting rate of 38.3% falls between crimes with the lowest and highest reporting rate. The most often mentioned reasons for not reporting the crime were the following police related reasons: “the police could not do anything about it”, “the police usually do not want to become involved in such cases”, and “the victim was afraid of, or disliked the police.” For some crimes, such as theft from the car and sexual crimes, these reasons were mentioned in more than 60%. The reason which suggests the lack of effectiveness of the police (“could do nothing”) is the most frequent among the victims of offences with very low clearance rate, such as theft from the car, burglary, robbery and sexual violence. The reason indicating the lack of confidence in the police (“won’t do anything”) was most frequent among victims of theft from the car and sexual crimes. It is most probably the consequence of low expectations connected with the victims’ own or other people’s experiences, as well as with a widespread image of the police as not willing to become involved in such cases. Fear and dislike of the police as the reason for not reporting the crime most frequently given by victims of sexual crimes, may be explained in a similar way. Most of the victims of all crimes reported to the police said that they were dissatisfied by the way the police reacted. Their dissatisfaction, similarly as in other (transition) countries, was connected to police inefficiency in finding and arresting the offender and recovering their property rather than with the way victims are treated by the po- lice. These data reflect the situation that existed in the country in 1990s; that is, a high level of inefficiency of the police in dealing with increasing crime, on the one hand, and widespread violations of human rights of citizens by the police, on the other hand. The data suggested clearly an urgent need for radical reform in the organization, control, training and education of police officers toward the respect of human rights in general, and, especially, victims’ rights, which should impact positively the confidence of the public in the police. After the political changes in 2000, a lot of efforts were made to change the nega- tive perception of citizens about the police, and to recover citizens’ trust in the police service. Since ICVS was not conducted again in Serbia, we cannot draw any compari- sons between the earlier and present situations in relation to wider group of victims. However, we will present data about victims’ satisfaction with the work of the police received in various recent surveys or obtained from the victim support organizations’ databases and reports.

| 105 |  Domestic violence victimization survey findings suggest that victims still are often dissatisfied with the work of the police. Only 23.2% of victims of domestic violence in 2009 Vojvodina victimization survey reported the crime to the police, which is ac- tually more than the percentage shown in the findings from 2001 domestic violence victimization survey for the entire Serbia, which was 16.8 %. Unlike in 1996 ICVS, in the Vojvodina survey the police-related reasons for not reporting the crime were mentioned much less often (27.1%) than other, more personal, reasons, which is not much different in comparison to the 2001 Serbian survey when 34.6% respondents mentioned police-related reasons. Most of those who reported domestic violence were not satisfied with the reaction and/or attitudes of the police. In the 2001 Serbia survey as many as 59.5% of the victims who reported violence to the police were not satisfied. As reasons for dissatisfaction they mentioned the lack of interest and passivity of the police, inefficiency and tendency not to get involved which they justified with the lack of powers, the police approach to domestic violence as a private matter, the fact that po- lice protected the abuser rather than the victim, as well as that the victim was offended by the police based on gender related stereotypes. For example, one victim of sexual violence said that the police officer told her that “she needed to give her husband (sex) immediately, not to wait to be beaten.” Another victim said the following:

“I am disappointed in the police, because when I once called them to intervene because I was beaten; they came and said that they could not do anything before something concrete happened. On another occa- sion, one policeman said to my husband: ‘Well, don’t do that again, the next time we will arrest you.’ And it all ended with that. They never came again.” (Copic, 2002) Since in 2001 there were no laws in Serbia that would explicitly forbid domestic violence, it is interesting to compare these findings with the findings from the 2009 Vo- jvodina survey. These findings suggest that a lot of old problems with police attitudes toward victims of domestic violence still exist. Most of the victims (56.8%) still are not satisfied with the work of the police. As the reason for their dissatisfaction they most often mentioned that police did not do anything, or did not do enough to help and protect them. Besides, one of the reasons for dissatisfaction is also seen in the discour- teous attitude of police officers towards female respondents, which includes yelling, persiflage and blaming. For example, one female respondent was told by the police officer that she perhaps was not a good wife. Those female respondents who were not satisfied with what the police had done and the way they had been treated, were asked to tell what, in their opinion, the police should have done in a certain case. Most of them (15 or 60%) expected the police to arrest the perpetrator and detain him, i.e. to remove him somehow from home and physically separate him from the victim and protect the victim in that way: | 106 |  “Each time they would come and talk to my step-father, but after the police were gone, he was sometimes even worse.”

“I expected them to take him away; it is his house, but where am I sup- posed to go until the court decides, shall I go and live on the street? There is no safe house; what shall I do?” (Copic et al, 2010) Few female respondents said that the police should have had the perpetrator sent for a treatment or enrolled in some rehabilitation program. Female respondents also stated that the police should have provided concrete information about available forms of assistance, as well as that the police have to react more efficiently, and not only several months after the case was reported. Female respondents who were satisfied with what the police had done in a certain case stated the following reasons of their satisfaction: the overall attitude of police of- ficers towards her, provision of support and assistance, and protection from the perpe- trator and, consequently, prevention of new violence from occurring. This is illustrated by what some of the female respondents said:

“They protected me; they followed him and warned him to leave me alone.”

“They stopped him; they succeeded in stopping him from abusing me anymore; violence did not occur again and I believe that the police de- serve credit for that.”

“There was a woman working in the police. She helped me a great deal by just talking to me and listening to what I had suffered through.”

“I was satisfied with their efficiency and effectiveness, with the way they treated my children – they treated my children as a father should have, and also with the authoritative way they treated the perpetrator.”

“They took him away and told me what I should do and where I should go; they were nice.” (Copic et al, 2010) Findings of another domestic violence survey carried out in Central Serbia in 2010 confirmed the above-mentioned findings: 46% of domestic violence victims said that they were not at all satisfied with police reaction, 32% said that the police helped them but not enough, while only 22% stated that the police helped them very much (Babovic, Ginic, Vukovic, 2010). A Survey on Sex Trafficking Victims in Serbia carried out by VDS, Fafo AIS and Sør- Trøndelag University College (Norway) also provides examples of both good and bad | 107 | practices in police attitude toward victims (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2005). Bad practices include either direct involvement of the police in trafficking or their inappropriate, i.e. stereotypical, humiliating and stigmatizing questioning and otherwise bad treatment of victims. On the other hand, good practices include establishing a friendly relation- ship, being supportive and giving the victim time to relax, asking questions in an appro- priate way and at the appropriate place, female police officer interviewing the victim, providing information and offering assistance, etc.

“While Draga12 was forced to prostitution in the same town, local police were regular customers. Draga worked both in a bar and on the streets here. Police raids of the bar were carried out by the same police officers who were their customers. They were beating the girls. Draga said that they tortured her a lot. Draga also confirmed that the police knew she was forced to stay in the bar. Apparently, the police were bribed by being allowed to have free sex, so they let the bar owners alone.”

“Sofia said that soon after she came home from the hospital, she real- ized that information she had given to the police a few months before ‘leaked”. She started to receive (phone) threats and “offers’’ to receive money for “silence’’, and to revoke the statement she gave to the police. She was frightened, but she decided to inform the police anyway. Subse- quently, two perpetrators were arrested. After that, Sofia had a 24 hour police protection.” Once women escape traffickers, police officers are often the first persons they have contact with. Since the traffickers often terrify them with stories about the police, it is very important that during this very first contact women feel protected and gain confidence. Some victims had bad experience with police questioning, especially when the inter- viewers were men. Immediately after Tanja landed at Belgrade airport, an older policeman took her to a separate room and told her: ‘’Shame on you.... Where did you try to go? I know very well what all of you want to do.!’’. He called her a prostitute. Tanja asked him where her mother was and whether they informed her mother about the time of her arrival. He answered: ‘’Forget about your mother for now, you are going to the police first’’. At that very moment, Tanja saw two police officers with machine guns and she thought that they were coming for her: ‘’I froze in panic and started to shake like a leaf ’’. The policeman took her into an office, where there was another police officer “who was very nice’’. He talked to her briefly, and called the first policeman again and told him to take

12 The names used are not the real names of victims. | 108 | her ‘’downstairs’’. The first policeman took her by the upper arm and then started to nag again. He also told her mother that Tanja was a ‘whore’. When researchers spoke with a high-ranking police officer in Belgrade, he told them that the policeman who treated Tanja badly was punished. Also, after that incident, police officers were assigned to wait for the victims. Her first conversation in the police in Belgrade was very unpleasant experience for another victim of trafficking as well. Although she mentioned that the same day she talked to many police officers and that some of them were women, Anita was ques- tioned by male inspectors. She found it especially embarrassing when she talked about being raped since remembering it and talking about that experience was very hard for her, but she nevertheless said everything:

“Instead of asking whether something had happened to me, if I was ok, they asked me if I had taken any drugs, because they noticed the bags un- der my eyes and the rags I was dressed in, which I got in the dormitory in Italy... I think they didn’t treat me with respect. I had bags under my eyes because I had not had a good sleep for days. Nevertheless, I answered all their questions, but I was impolite”. There were also several cases of foreign and domestic victims, who got in touch with both the police in Serbia and the International Police Forces in Bosnia, which demon- strate how supportive approach by the police can make women feel secure. Police of- ficers treated victims with respect, gave them advice and information about the shelter and other NGOs that can assist them; they also provided information leaflets, arranged meetings with NGO representatives in the police station, took care of them and pro- vided protection, etc.

“After five days of abuse, Tatjana went out to the balcony and jumped from the 3rd floor. She was brought to the hospital, went through sur- gery and was then taken to the shelter. This accident happened after she had been in Serbia for a month. Shelter counselor told us that Tatjana experienced the hospital as a safe place. When she started to walk, the police prevented her from approaching the window, in order not to be seen. They found a police offcer who spoke Romanian, and also estab- lished contact with IOM. She informed the police about what had hap- pened to her. Upon arriving at the place of the accident the police could see the sheets hanging from the window, and this made it easy to identify the place where she had been kept. The police treated her well, and she felt very grateful to them. At the hospital she was guarded by the police day and night”

| 109 |  Findings of a more recent VDS survey on male victims of trafficking in Serbia (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2009a) suggest that the activity of the police related to the victims of trafficking in human beings is mostly limited to referral and urgent accommodation of victims. The Survey also showed that the police themselves do not offer to the vic- tims, or, potential victims (for example, victims of smuggling in human beings, or street children), any other form of direct assistance (for example, provision of information, or distribution of information leaflets on the rights and possible forms of assistance); nor do they refer the victims to a broader range of institutions and services which could be of assistance in case they should need it – like general services for victims of crime, Roma organizations, or services intended for handicapped persons or persons with spe- cial needs. Actually, only in cases when the victim whom they have recognized as such refuses contact with the Agency for the Coordination of Protection of Victims of Traf- ficking in Human Beings or the NGO, the victim is told about the existing programs of assistance and informed who they can turn to for assistance in case they later need it ( Jovanović and Savić, 2008). It is obvious that the limitations of such a practice have es- pecially negative consequences on the support and assistance provided to male victims, considering that by referring them to organizations of a more general type, it would be possible to avoid their, otherwise emphasized, refusal of self-identification as victims in general, especially as victims of trafficking in human beings. This also includes the child victims of internal trafficking, as for them the cooperation of the police and the centers for welfare services and the broader circle of NGOs is of great importance. The same survey also showed that the practice of filing reports against male victims for mis- demeanors still exists, although it has long since been abandoned when female victims are concerned. 13 Finally, experiences of victim support services in Serbia also suggest high level of dissatisfaction of victims with the police (Brankovic, 2009; Nikolic-Ristanovic, Ko- vacevic, Copic, 2006; Kovacevic, 2007; Kovacevic-Lepojevic, Radakovic, 2008).

Information – Aid in Handling the Event This chapter has shown that the crime victim has a generally positive view of the police. It has also shown that this positive attitude tends to decline over time, and an important factor in this declining approval is lack of information. The British researchers Newburn & Merry (1990) have identified two fundamental types of information which victims expect from the police. The first is information con- cerning the actual case itself, such as the arrest of suspects, which charges are brought

13 It is important to note that the Instruction of the MOI of Serbia on the conditions for granting a temporary residence permit to foreign citizens also prescribes that victims of trafficking be not penalized for illegal entry and stay in the country. | 110 | and the possible sentence for these charges. The other type of information deals with possibilities for support and assistance such as reimbursement of costs incurred as a result of the crime and the availability of support from voluntary organisations. Being the target of a crime is a traumatic experience for most individuals, which in- volves a loss of trust and a loss of control over one’s life. Information concerning the investigation of the crime is something that can help the victim regain control and deal with the situation (Lurigio & Resick, 1990; Rosenbaum, 1987). People also need to know why they react in the way they do, the extent to which these reactions are “normal” and how long specific stress symptoms usually persist. Research shows that information on “normal” reactions (such as flashbacks and difficulties with sleep or concentration) reduces psychological stress by allowing victims to understand that their reactions are completely normal (Kilpatrick, 1986; Lurigio & Resick, 1990). In this context it is also important to understand that candid and detailed information always causes less anxiety than vague, uncertain information or attempts to reshape reality into something less traumatic (Lundin, 1992). This information is not important only for the victim’s psychological recovery and attitude towards the police. It is also a prerequisite for the victim to gain access to other types of help. Research shows that victims are often unaware of their rights. They may not know of the existence of support centres or that it is possible to receive compensa- tion from the state for expenses resulting from the crime (Cozijn, 1988; Dahlbäck, 1988; Lindgren & Christianson, 1994; Maguire, 1985). As mentioned earlier, the police in many European countries have extensive obliga- tions towards the victim in terms of provision of information. To what extent do the victims actually receive this information from the police? A study of victims of crimes the investigations of which led to charges being pressed against perpetrators and finally convictions, found that less than half (46%) of the victims were informed of their right to information concerning decisions related to the case. Even fewer (44%) reported receiving information about the possibility for compensation through the Criminal Injuries Act (Lindgren, 1999). Some of the information desired by victims (which the police are often mandated to provide) is available in various brochures which describe the legal procedure. They also give valuable information such as addresses and telephone numbers of various other agencies and volunteer organisations. These brochures are intended to be available at all police stations and presented to crime victims. However, studies show that this is not always the case (Lindgren 1997a, 1997b, 1999). One survey of police and crime victims in Stockholm found that the vast majority of victims never received printed information from the police, and the majority of the police officers testified that they rarely if ever distributed brochures to victims. Some of the officers were unaware of the existence of such brochures (Lindgren & Christianson, 1994). | 111 |  Providing victims with information, such as the brochures mentioned above, bol- sters the individuals’ ability to deal with the situation, and can also positively affect the police. Studies show that victims who received the information brochures tended to have a more positive view of the police (Lindgren 1997a, 1997b, 1999). This is not necessarily only because of the receipt of information. It is probable that the officers who took the time to distribute the brochures had a different manner in dealing with victims and a different understanding of the victims’ situation than those who did not distribute the information. Studies also show that the recipients of written information had less need for further information than those who did not get the brochures (Lind- gren 1997a, 1997b). This is an indication that the brochures fulfil the victims’ need for information. It is important to note that no brochure, regardless of its quality, can replace friendly, knowledgeable and supportive treatment by the police.

Conclusions Over the past decade, a lot of efforts were made to change the negative perception of citizens about the police in Serbia, and to restore citizens’ trust in the police service. In addition, significant efforts have been made to raise awareness of the police about victims, with these efforts being mostly limited to certain categories of victims such as victims of domestic violence and trafficking in human beings, and child victims. However, all the efforts taken so far have not been effective enough, and the available research suggests that most of the victims are still dissatisfied with the police work and approach to them. Moreover, it is obvious from all documents which regulate police obligations that the police lack comprehensive, consistent and precise instructions in relation to victims’ rights in general and in particular, those concerning adequate po- lice attitude toward all victims, well informed victim referrals and direct support and information that the police themselves can provide. In addition, although there is some follow-up education of police officers about how to act in cases of crimes committed against certain categories of victims, such as minors and victims of trafficking in human beings, what is lacking is general mandatory training about the needs and rights of victims, about available victim support services, as well as on how police can make the victims’ situation less difficult. It is good that so far some of victim related procedures have been regulated, and that the victims and the police obligations toward them are mentioned more explicitly in police regulations. The next important step may be more precise determination of police obligations toward victims in general, and toward spe- cially vulnerable victims (e.g. victims of domestic violence, stalking, sexual violence, trafficking in human beings, children, elderly etc.) in particular, as well as development of related, theoretical and practical, trainings.

| 112 |  Chapter 11

The Prosecutor and the Victim As with the police, the prosecutor plays an important role for the victim in the judi- cial process. The decision to undertake an investigation is made by either the police or the prosecutor. Once the investigation is underway it is taken over by the prosecutor as soon as someone is reasonably suspected of the crime, except in extremely minor cases. Even if the case is minor, the prosecutor must take over the investigation in the event that a suspect must be taken into custody or in the event that a court must make a deci- sion during the investigation. The prosecutor may be required to take over the investi- gation in other cases as well, such as when the case is particularly difficult. Regardless of who leads the investigation, the actual work is carried out by the police.

The Prosecutor’s Role The primary duty of the prosecutor is to determine the existence of a crime and to as- sess whether the evidence is sufficient to convict the suspected perpetrator. If the pros- ecutor feels that this is the case, then there is an obligation to press criminal charges. In Serbia there exists no regulation or memo which explicitly deals with the prosecu- tor’s obligations toward a victim. The prosecutor cooperates with the police in relation to collection of evidence, receives reports about crimes from them and decides about prosecution or rejection of the report, requires investigation and/or requests trial. The prosecutor also can receive the report directly from the victim. If the prosecutor decides to reject the report or not to prosecute ex officio criminal offence, he/she needs to inform the victim within a certain deadline so that the victim can undertake prosecution and appear as a subsidiary prosecutor. However, the Serbian Criminal Procedure Code does not prescribe any sanction for the prosecutor who fails to inform the victim, although the victim will loose this right if they do not file the complaint within the deadline.

Previous Research International research has found that crime victims are generally less pleased with the pros- ecutor than with the police (Cozijn, 1988; Hagen, 1983; Shapland et al, 1985; Smith 1988).

| 113 |  Contacts between the victim and the prosecutor have been the topic of very few stud- ies in Sweden. One such study dealing with obstacles to efficient resource utilisation in the courts system was carried out by the Swedish National Audit Office (Riksrevision- sverket, RRV 1997:48). The report found numerous occasions when the prosecutor sat quite near the victim without ever making contact. A similar story is found in a study of victims’ experiences of the trial process (Fredriksson & Malm, 1995). Many individuals interviewed in this study responded that they had a need to meet with the prosecutor prior to the trial, but were not given the opportunity. Other victims felt that the pros- ecutor was condescending or uttered negative comments during the trial. The prosecu- tor was also criticised for abandoning the victim during recesses and during the wait for the verdict. Some of these problems have been portrayed in the media. A female assault victim described her meeting with the prosecutor in the following manner:

“I entered the courtroom at the appointed time and saw a female magis- trate and four or five lay judges as well as the perpetrator’s attorney. The prosecutor entered shortly after me – he is the one who will represent me. He walked in, pulled out a chair and sat down – he did not shake my hand or introduce himself (which I thought was a part of common manners); he did not even look at me. I am simply air! Angry and upset, I also sat down.” (DN Debatt 3/3 1997) The criticism directed at the prosecutor is largely centred on the time of the first meet- ing and the prosecutor’s assistance with the presentation of the plaintiff ’s demands. In Serbia, as well as in other countries, there is lack of sufficient information on the victims’ contacts and experiences with prosecutors. One can get some insight mostly from the victim support organisations and some research which, in one way or another, deals with the victim’s position and satisfaction in criminal procedure. This information suggests examples of both good and bad practices. Victimisation survey on domestic violence carried out in Vojvodina (Serbia), for example, showed that most of 17 victims who had participated in a trial were satisfied with the treatment they received from the prosecutor. As reasons for their satisfaction they mentioned overall good attitude toward them and professional behaviour. Those who were not sat- isfied mostly said that they were not treated in an appropriate way Copic et al, 2010). Research on prosecutors’ and courts’ practice in domestic violence cases showed that after receiving a crime report prosecutors usually do not talk with victims at all, and, thus, miss the opportunity to provide them with important information (Konstanti- novic-Vilic, Petrusic, 2007). In those cases where prosecutors received the report di- rectly from the victim, it has been noticed that they tend to ask the victim to think again whether she really wants prosecution. Prosecutors usually ask the victim whether she supports prosecution, although there is no legal base to ask that question. If the vic-

| 114 | tim, mostly because of fear from the abuser’s retaliation, does not give her approval to prosecute, the prosecutors often decide not to prosecute on the ground of insufficient evidence, although other evidence was available (Petrusic, Konstantinovic-Vilic, 2004 and 2007). The survey on victims of sex trafficking in women came across the case from the Spe- cial Court trial, where both the presiding judge and the prosecutor intervened to every single attempt of defense lawyers to discredit or insult the victim (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2005). On the other hand, however, victim support service of Victimology Society of Serbia heard about the following example of negative experiences of a victim with prosecutors: Some time ago, a victim who was previously abused at the work place, was also physi- cally attacked. Her arm was hurt and she had five ribs broken. She reported the case to the police, but the perpetrators had not been found. The victim was re-victimized by the public prosecutor who took a statement from her over and over again five times.

Initial Contacts with the Prosecutor In many countries there are no formal requirements for the prosecutor to meet with the victim prior to the trial. Generally, the prosecutor only meets with victims if there is some reason to question their reliability. Some prosecutors prefer to meet with victims of particularly offensive crimes, while other prosecutors feel that it violates the princi- ple of objectivity if they become too involved with the victim. In certain cases contact between the two arises through the victim’s initiative. When do victims and prosecutors generally meet for the first time? A study of crime victims’ experiences in Sweden (Lindgren, 1999) shows that the majority (68%) of those surveyed reported first meeting the prosecutor on the day of the trial, either im- mediately before the trial began or in the courtroom itself. The majority of the victims were dissatisfied with the timing of this first meeting. The optimal time for such a meet- ing in the mind of the victim ranged from several days to several weeks before the trial. The purpose of this meeting, according to the victims, should have been the presen- tation of information concerning the trial procedures and an opportunity to discuss claims for damages and compensation. It is not uncommon that one prosecutor handles a case during the preliminary stages while another takes over the trial stage of the case. This implies that victims with ques- tions may not have a specific individual in the prosecutor’s office to turn to. Another problem is that prosecutors often move from one case directly to the next, which means that the victim does not have a chance to meet with the prosecutor until after actually entering the courtroom. | 115 |  The Prosecutor’s Assistance with Claims for Damages Both public debate and research have presented opinions regarding the prosecutors’ handling of plaintiffs’ claims. The majority of the views presented regard the lack of assistance from the prosecutor in preparation of the claims (c.f. DN Debatt 3/3 1997; Fredriksson & Malm, 1995). As mentioned earlier, the prosecutor has extensive responsibilities to prepare and present a victim’s claims. In practice, the prosecutors have widely differing ways to deal with these responsibilities. A survey of prosecutors was undertaken in conjunction with the Governmental Commission on Victims of Crime (SOU 1998:40). Prosecu- tors were asked about the extent to which they assisted victims in formulating their claims for damages. The responses indicate that the majority of the prosecutors aid victims when they are requested. The report also shows that many prosecutors are quite restrictive in suggesting the amount, which the victim should request, preferring rather to describe which categories the damages could cover. Other prosecutors refer the vic- tim to figures suggested by the Crime Victim Compensation and Support Authority, the insurance companies and precedent trials. Some prosecutors do assist in arriving at a reasonable amount, which implies providing advice concerning the size of damages that the plaintiff should request. Still other prosecutors responded that they avoided assisting victims in their claims since that would violate their impartiality, which is also an important requirement to the job. This impartiality does not, however, preclude aid in determining claims for damages. A study of victims’ experiences (Lindgren, 1999) found that roughly 40 percent felt that they received too little assistance from the prosecutor. The main reason was that they were not informed of the possibility of compensation or that the prosecutor could present these claims on their behalf. Another source of dissatisfaction was that victims were often not instructed on how to receive awarded damages. Another cause of criticism, which was also noticeable in the survey of prosecutors themselves, was the fact that many prosecutors lack sufficient understanding of tort law. A further cause of dissatisfaction is that many victims incorrectly see the prosecu- tor as their representative in court, much the same as the defence attorney represents the accused. All prosecutors in Sweden have recently received supplementary training in tort law and victim relations through a co-operative programme by the Prosecutor-General’s office and the Crime Victim Compensation and Support Authority. Future guidelines and memos regarding prosecutorial ethics will give special consideration to the contact between the prosecutor and the victim, and there is much reason to feel that Swedish prosecutors will become much more proficient in understanding and presenting claims from the victim.

| 116 |  Conclusions It is obvious that in Serbia there is the need that prosecutors’ obligations toward the victims are regulated in some way. It is worth mentioning that indirectly such need was recognised in the Special Protocol on dealing of judiciary in protection of minor persons from abuse and neglect, where it is recommended that the prosecutor’s role as protector of interests of a minor victim is to be developed first in practice and then formalised and made mandatory.

| 117 |  Chapter 12

The Court and the Victim In those cases where the police succeed in apprehending a suspect and the prosecu- tor decides to press charges, the victim is placed in a situation where he/she must meet the perpetrator again – in a court of law. As the plaintiff (or witness), an individual is required to be present during the trial unless such presence is deemed unnecessary.

The Court’s Role The duty of the court is to weigh all available evidence in a case and determine guilt or innocence. It is vital that the plaintiff (or witness) does not feel anxiety about ap- pearing before the court. One way to alleviate anxiety is to ensure that the individual or his/her friends or relatives are not threatened before, during and after the trial. Also, it is important to ensure that they are not re-traumatised by inadequate attitudes of judges themselves, as well as of prosecutors, defence lawyers, expert witnesses and other trail participants. This can be assured through the legal regulation about the protection of witnesses, as well as through appropriate education of judges and other criminal justice agencies which take part in trial. This education needs to include stereotypes and prejudices related to gender based violence in general, and to sexual violence and domestic violence in particular. All criminal justice personnel need to have appropriate understanding of the consequences of crime on the victim and his/her needs, as well as how their own inappropriate attitudes can re-traumatise victim and how to reduce possibility for secondary victimisation during the trial. Moreover, the victim may feel anxious and threatened if the court room is small and he/she needs to be very close to the perpetrator and his/her family, or if he/she needs to wait for the trial to start in the same room where the perpetrator and/or his family wait. It is thus very important that the court take care of various practical matters, such as: the way how victims are invited to give testimony, selection of court rooms, different entrances for victims and offenders, and their families and other close persons, that leaf- lets with necessary information about the court and criminal procedure are available as well as appropriate victim/witness services.

| 118 |  The Court and the Victims in Serbia In recent years there have been some important developments in Serbia relevant for better protection of victims before the court. The most important development is re- lated to legal changes, but there were some efforts toward education of professionals, inter-sector cooperation and some practical improvements as well.

Legislation Relevant for the Protection of Victims during the Trial Regulations introduced by the Serbian Criminal Procedure Code from 2001 are sup- posed, if consistently applied in practice, to protect victims and witnesses from offen- sive behavior and intimidation before the court. Thus, it is foreseen that the court shall protect a witness, an injured party and any other trial participant from any insult, threat or other type of attack, and shall reprimand or fine the offender. In case of violence or a serious threat, the court has to notify the state prosecutor in order to initiate criminal prosecution. Also, at the suggestion of the judge or council president, the president of the court or the state prosecutor may request from the police to take necessary precau- tions to protect a witness or an injured party (Nikolic-Ristanovic and Copic, 2006). Another measure that may prevent further victimization, intimidation and influence on an injured party in respect to his/her testimony is the restraining order. Originally, this measure is applied together with the measure of forbidding the suspect to leave his/ her apartment or place of residence, which aims at ensuring the suspect’s presence during the trial, and regular conduct of the criminal procedure. However, the legislators have re- cently provided for a broader use of this measure by envisaging that the restraining order can be applied as a separate measure as well, if that is necessary for the protection of an injured party. As with all other measures foreseen in article 136 of the CPC, implementa- tion of the restraining order can be monitored through electronic surveillance. Privacy of an injured party is protected during the entire course of the trial. From the moment the session opens until the end of the main trial, the council may at any time, in accordance with the legal obligation or at the suggestion of the parties but always after their hearing, exclude the public for the entire duration of the trial, or for a part of it. This is done if it is necessary to protect moral values, public order, national security, underage persons, or private life of the participants in the criminal proceedings, or if that is necessary to protect the interests of justice that might be violated by the presence of the public at a hearing. It is also worth to mention a regulation in line with which the reason for adhering to a pledge of secrecy with respect to confidential information obtained during the implementation of investigative measures has been expanded to the protection of private life of the injured party (Grubac, Beljanski, 2002). Additional | 119 | protection of privacy is foreseen by the Law on the Organization and Jurisdiction of State Agencies in Suppressing Organized Crime, Corruption and Particularly Serious Crimes. On the justified suggestion of an interested party the court may decide upon the protection of personal data of the witness or an injured party. However, this can be applied only in cases of organized crime. Criminal Procedure Code from 2009 contains provisions on the protected witness. Ac- cording to the Code, an individual may be awarded the status of a protected witness if there are circumstances which clearly indicate that the life, health, physical integrity, free- dom or any substantial assets of the witness and those close to him/her would be endan- gered due to his/her testimony. Although the use of these provisions is not limited in terms of criminal offences, or prescribed penalties for them, the legislator specifically emphases their implementation in cases of organized crime, corruption and other particularly seri- ous crimes. The status of a protected witness implies the use of special rules in questioning these individuals in order to protect their identity, and the use of measures of physical protection. Special rules applying to questioning include the exclusion of public during the hearing of a protected witness, hiding the witness’ appearance during questioning, and testifying from different premises via video-link. On the other hand, the Criminal Proce- dure Code does not specify the measures for physical protection of a protected witness. The Criminal Procedure Code, as well as the Law on Juvenile Offenders and the Criminal Protection of Minor Victims, foresees the measures for the protection of underage persons. The Criminal Procedure Code requires that, when questioning an underage person, the interviewer should act carefully so that the questioning does not affect the psychological state of the underage person. If necessary, the hearing of a ju- venile may be conducted with the assistance of a pedagogue or another specialist. The same Code also provides for the possibility of conducting a hearing in a witness’ apart- ment, if he/she, due to his/her age, illness or severe bodily disfigurations, is not able to come to the court. The Law on Juvenile Offenders and the Criminal Protection of Minor Victims is of special importance for the protection of minor victims from sec- ondary victimization. The Law requires that all trial participants, including the legal representative of the victim, have special knowledge about children’s rights and protec- tion of minors. Also, it requires from the court and from the public prosecutor to take special care not to cause any harm to the minor victim during the trial, as well as that the questioning is done with the assistance of a psychologist, pedagogue or another professional. The Law prohibits that the vulnerable minor victim be confronted with the offender, sets an obligation to provide a legal representative to the underage injured party starting from the offender’s first hearing, and provides for special procedure and techniques for questioning of underage victims. The Law provides the possibility to use video recordings of an earlier hearing at the trial, instead of repeated hearing of the child. The Law limits the number of hearings the child may undergo to two, and provides that the child’s hearing may be conducted in his/her home, or in a special- | 120 | ised institution, with the use of technical means for video and audio transmittance, i.e. via video link. In addition, the Special Protocol on Procedures of the Judiciary in the Protection of Minors from Abuse and Neglect contains a recommendation the minor victim be treated with sensitivity and consideration by the judge and his/her assistants. The Law on the Protection of Criminal Procedure Participants (2006) introduced witness protection programs for the first time in Serbia. It provides the possibility that the witness protection program be used when the physical wellbeing, freedom or prop- erty of all criminal procedure participants, including the victims, is endangered. The protection is given before, during and after the criminal procedure, in the cases of po- litical crimes, war crimes and crimes against humanity, as well as organized crime cases. The protection may include the following measures: physical protection of a person and property, change of residence, including relocation to another country, concealing the person’s identity and data on ownership, and creating a new identity for the person, including change of physical appearance. However, it is important to mention that a number of good provisions about the pro- tection of especially vulnerable victims from secondary victimization, introduced by the 2006 Criminal Procedure Code and relevant for a much wider group of vulnerable victims, were never applied, and were abolished by the 2009 Code. For example, there was a provision on the possibility to conduct a hearing outside the court building, if it was necessary to do so in order to protect the health and emotional state of the victim; to appoint a legal representative to the victim during the hearing; indirect questioning; questioning with the assistance of a psychologist, social worker or another expert; and the possibility of conducting the questioning using audio and video equipment. There was also a provision that prohibited confrontation of the victim with the perpetrator, while it was possible to conduct the process of the identification of the perpetrator by the victim in such a way that the perpetrator could not see or hear the victim. Moreo- ver, a ban was introduced on questioning the injured party or a witness regarding his/ her sexual orientation, political and ideological affiliation, racial, national or ethnic origins, moral principles, and other personal and family circumstances, unless the an- swers to such questions were in direct and obvious connection with the need to clarify important parts of a criminal act which is the subject matter of the proceedings. The provisions related to the protection of vulnerable witnesses were again included in the 2011 Criminal Procedure Code. The Victimology Society of Serbia suggested during the public discussion to include a ban on questioning in new CPC too but the result of this advocacy was not successful.

Victim experiences and witness support in Serbia Although new legal regulations brought important preconditions for better protec- tion of victims before the courts in Serbia, recent research suggests that in practice the

| 121 | victim is still not properly protected (Copic, 2011). The problem lies in that the aware- ness about crime victims and their needs is low among many judges, as well as in the fact that there is a widespread belief that only certain categories of victims, such as vic- tims of trafficking and war crimes, need protection and support in relation to the trial. But even bigger problems are inadequate court rooms, where victims feel unsafe due to the very fact that they must be in such close proximity to the offender, and facing not the only offender, but also his relatives and other people close to him, and often be ex- posed to hostile comments and insults. Most often the victims feel threatened already while waiting in corridors together with the offender and/or his relatives. Moreover, research findings suggest there is a problem with the so called leaking of information, especially information related to the identity of the victim, which additionally endan- gers the victim and negatively influences their readiness to testify (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2005; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2009). The only court which was built in a way that makes possible appropriate separation of the victim from the offender and his family is the so called Special Court in Belgrade. This court has larger court rooms, high security and overall equipment necessary for the protection of victims. That is of great importance for war crime victims and victims of organised crime, since only trials for this type of crimes are held in this court. How- ever, in recent years trafficking in human beings was only rarely treated as organised crime (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2011), which means that such vulnerable victims as victims of trafficking also often had to testify in quite inappropriate conditions of “ordinary” courts in Serbia. The following example shows how difficult this experience may be for the victim:

“The defendant said to the victim, in front of the judge, that ‘he was go- ing to fuck her mother’ and that he was going to kill her. The defendant’s lawyer yelled at the victims’ lawyer. At the end of the hearing, the threats and shouts continued. The female defendant screamed ‘Let me go to face the whore!’, ‘You whore!’, ‘Shoot me now but I’m not going out’ and so on. The court security intervened and threw them out. Both witnesses were obviously scared. On his way out, the defendant shouted to the victim: “Just keep laughing, you whore!”(Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2005) However, it is important to mention how some courts made efforts to cope with in- appropriate space and laws for the benefit of victims. As findings of research on victims in human trafficking suggest, it was agreed in some courts that during the main hearing the victims be interrogated in the defendants’ absence, as well as that the verdict is to be based on the defendant’s and the victim’s separate statements. Also, in some cases the judges allowed victims to stay in their offices in order not to wait in the corridor and meet the defendant’s family and friends.

| 122 |  Victims of other crimes also experience various problems when appearing before the court. Surveys on domestic violence in Serbia, as well as experiences of various victim support services suggest the following reasons for crime victims’ dissatisfaction with the court: long duration of the trial and general inefficiency of courts; inappropriate application of laws; ineffective sanctions; blaming and otherwise inappropriate atti- tude toward the victim on the part of the judge; the lack of sensibility for the needs of victims in general, and in particular for the needs of victims of gender-based violence; discrimination of victims from ethnic minorities; and misogyny (Copic, 2002; Brank- ovic, 2009; Copic et al, 2010; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2011; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2011a; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2011b).

“The (female) judge shouted at me and asked me why I still lived with my abuser, why I did not leave him”

“I was abused by my husband, but in court I was treated as the offender rather than as the victim” (Copic, 2010).

“My child gave a statement in a criminal procedure. I was surprised with the court’s bad practices, since neither a psychologist nor a pedagogue spoke with him. (Radakovic, Kovacevic-Lepojevic, 2008) Inappropriate application of laws in the cases of gender-based violence is the con- sequence of the lack of knowledge of judges about this type of violence and its conse- quences on victims. Recent monitoring of the application of the Domestic Violence Law against both women and men in Serbia has shown that victims are not properly protected, as well as that it sometimes happens that the law is applied against victims too. These are the cases where both the abuser and the victim are punished, and where the court does not recognise the difference between the primary victim who reacted in defence, and the secondary victim, i.e. the abuser (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2011b). On the other hand, victims of domestic violence who were satisfied with the way they were treated before the court mostly said that the judge was supportive and that the decision was appropriate (Copic et al, 2010). The appearance of victims before the court may thus be a less stressful and even empowering experience for them. Apart from a proper attitude and appropriate application of law, the victim needs support from persons close to her, and/or from non-governmental and state services for victims (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2005; Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2009a). In Serbia, some women’s NGOs as well as VDS, support victims before the court, or provide them with legal representation free of charge, ad hoc or on regular basis. How- ever, in the absence of legal regulation about the position of support persons before the court, this kind of witness support is mostly limited to providing victims with informa-

| 123 | tion and monitoring the trial. Support persons are not allowed to be beside the victim when he/she testifies and to speak before the court. The following example of the case monitored by the Victimology Society of Serbia may be a good illustration for the importance of this kind of support, particularly in inappropriate courtroom space:

“The courtroom was fairly small – at the back, there were about 15 chairs in three rows. I. and I sat in the last row. The two accused sat in the front row. Bilja entered and initially took a seat in the second row, (intend- ing to sit as far as possible from the accused). When the trial began, she recognized me (not instantly) and asked me “May I sit next to you?” I made space between us and she sat there. As the trial already started we did not have a chance to speak to each other; I could feel her tension and I noticed that she was very pale (she held her hands in her lap, her hands were withdrawn into the sleeves of her jacket). When the owner of the flower shop, where Bilja used to work, started to testify, Bilja started to cry. While listening to her speaking about the threats by one of the de- fendants, Bilja’s entire body started to shake. I asked her whether she could bear that, or she would like to go out. She first told me that she did not know, but then said that she preferred to stay in the courtroom. The representative of the Agency and I held her hands, hugged and encour- aged her, but she kept crying throughout the hearing. (Quote of VDS volunteer who monitored trial according to Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2005) Research findings suggest that the victim’s overall experience of appearing at trial and testifying depends very much on how much support she receives and how she is treated by judges and prosecutors. Even in extremely terrifying circumstances and without proper protection of identity, the victim may come out of the trial very strong and empowered, provided that she had a supportive person with her during the trial, and that the judge and prosecutor treated her well. Moreover, in these circumstances some victims find an additional interest in the truth to be established and that suffer- ing of other women is prevented. Some victims tell that they agreed to testify because they expected to feel better afterwards, as well as because they were aware that it may help rescue other victims. The following example of a victim of trafficking may serve as a good illustration for this:

“In spite of breaking the rule on her identity protection, Anita did not feel bad about her decision to testify. Moreover, she was very eager that the truth be established by the court. Anita defended her interests ac- tively at this stage. She was not inert; she monitored the trial with at- tention and said she was not afraid of the presence of the accused, or of

| 124 |  facing them. She was even eager to face them so that everyone “sees, as soon as possible, who’s lying”. (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2005) Witness support services are still rare in Serbia. In spite of several initiatives and the introduction of recent court regulations (Rules on Court Procedures, 2009) which re- quire the establishment of witness services in all courts, the only witness support serv- ice established in Serbia so far is the service for support of war crime victims, located in the Special Court. In this court there are two waiting rooms for witnesses, so that the victims do not meet offenders and their families. Summons to the trial are done in such a way that great care is taken that victims are not put in danger, as well as that they get all necessary information before they appear before the court. (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2011c). However, recently, some other courts also started providing separate waiting rooms for victims and witnesses as part of overall preparatory activities for the estab- lishment of witness support services.

Conclusions In Serbia, recent legal changes created a good basis for the improvement of the posi- tion of victims before the court. However, these improvements are mostly relevant for several most vulnerable categories of victims, such as victims of organised crime and war crimes, as well as for underage victims. In addition, practical conditions, such as technical equipment and adequate rooms, for the existing measures to be implemented in practice are still lacking or are insufficient or inadequate. Although recently efforts have been made for their development, witness support services are still mostly una- vailable in courts, so that victims feel insecure and are likely to undergo secondary vic- timisation from the very beginning they are summoned to court. The lack of education about victims at most of law schools and at the judicial academy is also a serious prob- lem. Similarly as the police, judges and prosecutors did receive some training about certain categories of victims, but they still lack proper understanding of victimisation, consequences of crime and general needs of victims. Thus, there is obvious need to develop a more comprehensive approach to crime victims when they appear before the court. This approach requires further improvement of relevant legal provisions, devel- opment of appropriate training for judges and prosecutors, as well as practical measures and conditions to allow proper implementation of laws. The latter particularly needs to include development of witness support, not only by the state but by NGO services as well. All this should guarantee that secondary victimisation at the court is reduced as much as possible, and that all victims are treated without discrimination.

| 125 |  Chapter 13

The Health Care System and the Victim Events occur every day, which require medical attention. Some people have traffic ac- cidents while others may fall down a flight of stairs, but some have to go to the hospital because they has become a victim to a violent crime. In general, there is no difference in treatment between accident victims and crime victims. Crime victims are different from many other patients, which the health care system comes in contact with, however. One important difference is that they are sometimes reluctant to tell the cause of their injuries. Despite the well-documented interplay between physical and mental well being, the crime victim generally receives only half of the help he/she requires. Physical survival is generally ensured at the hospital, but the victim is often left to deal with the psycho- logical injuries alone. It is vital that health care personnel understand the reactions and needs of crime victims in order to avoid a worsening of an already precarious situation. Victims tend to seek care for their physical injuries. It is important for a future police investigation that the victim receives a detailed medical examination following certain crimes such as rape and assault. This examination is voluntary, but tends to be of great value to a continued investigation of the crime.

The Role of the Health Care System The right to health care in Serbia is regulated by the Law on Health Protection. However, this Law does not regulate at all the obligations of health care professionals toward crime victims. It mentions victims only in the provision about foreign citizens where it prescribes that foreign citizens as victims of trafficking in human beings can be beneficiaries of free health care. On the other hand, however, the obligations of health care professionals are established in two protocols, namely: the Special Protocol for the Protection of Children from Abuse and Neglect, and the Special Protocol of the Serbian Ministry of Health for the Protection and Procedures with Women Exposed to Violence.

| 126 |  According to the Special Protocol for the Protection of Children from Abuse and Neglect, it is the duty of every health care professional to take care of an abused child and to report suspected abuse or neglect. Because of the complexity of this type of victimization, special advisory and coordinating role is given to the newly established professional teams for the protection of children from abuse. It is mandatory that all health care institutions establish these teams. The Special Protocol regulates in detail the procedures which specify how to recognize, document and report the abuse, or abuse risk. However, Special Protocol for he Protection of Children from Abuse and Neglect does not deal at all with how health care professionals should approach an abused child, although it recognises in general terms the possible role a health care professional may play in psychological recovery of the child. On the other hand, the Special Protocol of the Serbian Ministry of Health for the Protection and Procedures with Women Exposed to Violence gives priority to detailed instructions to health care professionals on supportive approach, communication with, provision of information to, and protection of victims, as well as how to document violence, although the procedures are described as well. This Protocol also contains the form for documenting violence which health care professionals should use.

Previous Research According to a domestic violence survey using WHO methodology which was car- ried out in Belgrade by the Autonomous Women’s Center-Center for the Promotion of Women’s Health, women’s seeking help in relation to DV ranks second, immediately after seeking help from the police. However, the survey also showed that the percentage of women who approached health care institutions was rather low. The obtained data showed that 9.6% of abused women had contacts with health care institutions due to the violence they had suffered. (Djikanovic et al, 2011). This is lower then what was discovered by VDS domestic violence victimisation surveys in Serbia in 2002 14,8%) and in Vojvodina in 2010 (30%) (Copic et al, 2002; Copic, 2010). These data may be interpreted as the trend of increasing readiness of DV victims in Serbia to approach health services, but it may also suggest that the consequences are getting more serious so that more victims need to contact health care institutions. According to the Autonomous Women’s Center’s Survey, out of the total number of women who approached health care services, almost three fourths were satisfied (Djikanovic et al, 2011), which is similar to the findings of VDS survey in Vojvo- dina, where 87% of women were satisfied. In this survey, 44,7% of the women who were satisfied said that they were satisfied with the overall supportive attitude of health care institution staff toward them. Medical staff was, according to them, kind, patient and demonstrated full understanding for their difficulties. Other respondents said that

| 127 | they were satisfied with the medical treatment they received, as well as with obtaining a report on sustained injures from a medical doctor. On the other hand, women who were not satisfied said that the reasons were the lack of interest from medical staff about the causes of injuries, the lack of support, as well as improper behaviour of the doctor who made inappropriate jokes about the event (Copic et al, 2010). One of the extreme negative examples of inappropriate treatment of a DV victim by a medical doctor was identified in VDS domestic violence survey in Serbia in 2002. The victim was told that something like that happens to women who have a “long tongue“ (i.e. who talk too much) (Copic, 2002). The majority of respondents from Autonomous Women’s Center survey (82%) an- swered that they expected to get help from health care workers, whereby women who had experienced violence (94%) expected help more frequently than those who did not confirm having had such an experience during the interview (80%). Women who were dissatisfied with the health care service answered more frequently that they did not ex- pect the health care workers to help in the case of violence (17% in comparison to 7%). In the respondents’ opinion, the expected help can be rendered in different forms. The most frequently mentioned form of help was provision of information and counsel- ling; this was followed by offering support and expressing understanding; contacting other institutions and services that provide assistance; conducting medical examina- tion; and contacting the police. Only a very small number of women were aware of the importance of documenting the violence and stated that as one of their expectations. Women who thought that health care workers cannot help in cases of violence against women (18% of women) stated the following reasons for such a situation: that is beyond their professional duties, or doctors simply cannot help, while a significantly lower number of women considered violence against women as a private problem and, due to that fact, that it should not be considered by doctors. The results of this survey suggest that women expect the doctors to offer them support and assistance in cases when they are victims of violence, and that the most important factors for that are (in) competence and (un)readiness of medical doctors, rather than personal attitudes, the tension felt by these women, or prejudices inhibiting them to talk about the violence they experienced. Also, the data obtained on the opinions of health care workers within another survey conducted by Autonomous Women’s Center (Djikanovic et al, 2011) show that the majority of them think that in general health care professionals demonstrate support- ing attitude towards a woman that was recognized as a victim of violence. They empha- sized the importance of providing support to a woman in terms of understanding her situation, encouraging and supporting her, as well as pointing out to her possibilities of getting additional assistance. Health care professionals have noticed their role as hope in the chain of support. They feel insufficiently qualified to respond successfully to the

| 128 | problem of violence against women. Most participants were of the opinion that health care workers lack clear guidelines that would steer them in providing adequate assist- ance to women victims of violence. Insufficiently developed network of support to women in the community and the lack of systemic solutions have been recognized as significant obstacles for the efficient response to the recognized violence:

“(…) We should move the wheel, but the system that would roll the wheel further needs to be developed, because otherwise we will just be trying to stop the fire for nothing…but it will not be extinguished.“ Health care workers indicated that the current practices and existing networks of support are insufficient and un-coordinated. They expressed concern that a woman vic- tim of violence can be easily lost in ineffective administrative procedures, which only complicate the woman’s situation in respect to violence and additionally discourage her in searching for solutions. The lack of education and officially distributed information that would help them to be more effective in their job, were frequently identified by health care workers as obstacles for providing support to women victims of violence. Due to that fact it is par- ticularly important to emphasize that the results of the mentioned surveys generated the framework and provided guidelines for creating the Special Protocol for the Pro- tection and Treatment of Women Exposed to Violence, which together with adequate instruction on the implementation of the Protocol, may present the essential support to health care workers in their contacts with victims (Djikanovic at al, 2011). In addition, it is worth mentioning that recent research on the ways health care pro- fessionals act toward abused children, carried out in Belgrade, suggests the lack of prop- er education as an obstacle to reporting and proper approach to victims. This research also showed that there are still health care professionals who are not aware of their legal obligation to report suspected child abuse, or to whom they are to report it. The re- search revealed positive correlation between education and awareness of professionals about this obligation. This research also showed that the majority (two thirds) of ex- amined health care professionals were not aware that they had teams for the protection of abused children in their institutions, and that only one fifth had cooperated with this team. The majority of health professionals mentioned the following as their main problems: lack of education, shortcomings of laws and non-existence of a standardised protocol for reporting the cases of abused children (Misic, 2011). The latter obviously suggests that they are not informed about the Special Protocol for the Protection of Children from Abuse and Neglect, and that more effective and comprehensive train- ing, as well as further development of this Protocol, are necessary.

| 129 |  Conclusions Although there has been obvious advancement in the development of awareness of health care professionals in Serbia about the victims, it is obvious that, as with other stakeholders mentioned above, this awareness is still limited to certain categories of victims. Health care professionals as well lack basic victimological knowledge which is obviously the obstacle for them to deal adequately even with women and children as victims of violence – two categories they seem so far to have become aware of as victims in need of support and protection. Thus, it is obvious that there is need for both more general victimological education of health care professionals and for provision of in- structions to them how to assist victim in an appropriate way. The Special Protocol for the Protection and Treatment of Women Exposed to Violence may be a good model to follow in the development of a more comprehensive or general protocol for the treat- ment of victims. Also, the partnership between NGOs and health care professionals which lead to the development of this protocol may be used in the development of a general protocol as well.

| 130 |  Chapter 14

Non Governmental Organisations and the Victim Being victimised by crime is a very powerful experience for most people. This experi- ence is often accompanied by a number of negative consequences such as economic loss, physical injury, psychological reactions, social consequences and practical prob- lems. During the last years changing family structures have increased the risk that indi- viduals do not receive the help and assistance they require. Given this problem, non governmental organisations such as victim support centres and women’s shelters have become an invaluable complement to the official government programmes and the so- cial network of friends and family. This chapter will discuss the non-governmental organisations in Serbia, which work with victims of crime.

The shelters The shelters offer women aid in the form of a safe place to stay, counselling, support- ive discussions, emotional support, information and social fellowship. They also offer legal counsel and support women during their contacts with the judicial system and other authorities. If the need exists, the shelters will see that women receive appropri- ate medical care. Shelters may have support groups for women who were subjected to sexual abuse during childhood. Most shelters have one or several female employees and volunteers. Some of them are paid by the shelters, while in certain countries some of them receive salary through government programmes. In some countries shelters also have a crisis telephone, which is open during certain hours. When the crisis telephone is not staffed, there is an an- swering machine where women can leave messages. The shelters also usually have the obligation to provide a “contact woman” to women seeking aid. The contact woman supports women moving into the shelter in various ways, such as accompanying them during their dealings with the authorities. | 131 |  The shelters are dependent upon a functioning co-operation with the police and the social services if they are to provide appropriate assistance to women in need. Shelters often report that the co-operation is not always as good as it should be, and it is a gen- eral observation that co-operation with the police works better than co-operation with the social services. The first Serbian shelter14 for battered women (and children) was established in Bel- grade in 1994. Apart from battered women, the shelter also accommodated women victims of war (raped women, refugees etc.), who made even 22.38% of women who spent some time in the shelter between 1994 and 1999 (Cetkovic, 1998). Later on, shelters for battered women were established in other parts of Serbia. Also, after 2000 the shelters for women victims of trafficking in human beings were also opened. Since the beginning the number of shelters and their capacities have been small and far from being able to meet the needs of victims. Also, the shelters run by NGOs have been struggling with financial difficulties so that some of them had to terminate their work or to leave it to be run by social welfare institutions. At the same time, state run shelters for battered women and children were opened as well. According to available data, at the time of writing this book (autumn 2011), there were four shelters and one transition house run by NGOs in Serbia: three shelters for battered women, one shelter for foreign (female) victims of trafficking and one transi- tion house for women, domestic victims of trafficking. NGO statistics show that dur- ing 2010 the NGOs run shelters and transition houses came in contact with approxi- mately 220 women and 200 children.

The Victimology Society of Serbia: VDS info and support to crime victims As already mentioned, VDS Info and Victim Support Service is the first Serbian victim support service for crime victims in general. It was established in 2003 and func- tions as the special unit of the Victimology Society of Serbia. VDS Info and Victim Support offer assistance to victims of all crimes and their families – both women and men. The Service is primarily intended for persons over 14 years of age, while assistance to children under the age of 14 is provided through their parents. The latter includes raising awareness of parents about child victims, in general, and in particular about the child victim’s specific reactions and recovery process. The Service also provides assistance and support to battered women who have killed their abusers and are now in prison. Victims are offered emotional support; information; referrals to other serv- ices; legal and psychological assistance; support in contacts with institutions, including witness support; and urgent material aid. With regard to the target group (i.e. wom-

14 It is also worth mentioning that, in order to avoid women’s association with war shelter, in Serbia the term »safe house« is used more often than the term »shelter«. | 132 | en, men and battered women in prison) the VDS Info and Victim Support Service is unique both in Serbia and in the region. In its work, the Service applies European and international principles and standards prescribed by the international documents, including, particularly, the documents of the Victim Support Europe, whose member it has been since 2004. The standards that are applied include specifically: free service, trust, respect of victims, their rights, needs, feelings and autonomy, as well as confiden- tiality of information. Every year, a new group of volunteers is trained and included in victim support work, where they are offered regular supervision. The trainings are based on both theory and practical experiences – those of the VDS Info and Victim Support service staff, and the experiences of victim support organizations, such as UK, Dutch and Belgian VS, from whom VDS staff themselves received training. Since 2005, VDS info and victim support helped 1181 victims. In 2010, 302 victims were assisted, out of which 70% were women and 30% were men. Victims who ap- proached VDS Info and Victim Support come from various parts of Serbia. In 2010 most of the victims asked support in relation to work related abuse (64%) and domestic violence (18%), while the rest were victims of various crimes such as: assault and bat- tery, school violence, threats, fraud, harassment, burglary, stalking, child kidnapping, war related victimization, as well as battered women who killed their abusers.

Specialized SOS hotlines and counseling services The first SOS hotlines in Serbia were SOS hotlines for women and children – vic- tims of domestic violence were established in Belgrade and Kraljevo in 1990, and after- wards, in 1993, in Niš. This was followed by the establishment of other SOS hotlines and counseling centers for providing assistance to women and children victims of do- mestic violence, but also to victims of sexual violence, trafficking in human beings, as well as to victims of torture and work place violence. Apart from the SOS hotlines and counseling services for victims of different crimes, there are also specialized SOS hotlines for certain vulnerable groups, such as those for Roma women and children, disabled women, and lesbians. According to the data available from previous research (Brankovic, 2009) and recent information about termination of some of services, it is possible to estimate that in autumn of 2011 the number of active specialized SOS hotlines and counseling serv- ices in Serbia was around 20. The most developed organizations of this type are: Au- tonomous Women’s Center, Counseling Service against Domestic Violence, I.A.N., From the Circle, Roma Children’s Centre and ASTRA – all from Belgrade, Fenomena (Kraljevo) and DamaD (Novi Pazar). Most of these specialized SOS hotlines and counseling services offer emotional sup- port, information and referrals. Some of them also offer assistance in situation of crisis,

| 133 | legal and psychological aid, financial support, and practical aid, assistance in contacts with institutions and/or witness support, as well as support in social reintegration. In addition to supporting victims, specialised services for women carry out informa- tion and education campaigns to inform people about the power structures in society, which work to oppress women, and their connection to violence. These organisations also initiated regular marking of 25 November, International day of Combating Vio- lence against Women, as well as 16 days of activism against violence against women. They are also involved in education of people who meet victimised women profession- ally, as well as in various other activities aimed o raise awareness and improve social response to male violence against women.

Previous Research In September and October 2010, the Victimology Society of Serbia carried out an exploratory survey on the activities of NGOs that provide assistance to crime and war victims (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2011a). During 2009, the number of crime victims who received some form of assistance from the NGOs encompassed by the sample differs a lot and it ranges from 17 to 1696. Most victims received assistance from services for victims of domestic violence and other forms of violence against women and children; while the least received assistance was from services that assist street children and vic- tims of trafficking in human beings. The obtained data indicate a wide range of different forms of assistance offered to victims by the examined organizations. Organizations intended for crime victims are offering the following forms of assistance and support: emotional support, information and referrals to other services; professional assistance (legal, psychological, medical), different forms of practical assistance (e.g. enrollment of children in the kindergarten or school, transport, financial support in urgent situations), humanitarian aid, family counseling and mediation, accommodation (shelter, day care center), witness support and support in contact with other institutions; self-help groups, raising awareness on violence and possible ways of protection against violence, as well as assistance in the process of reintegration and social inclusion (the latest refers to trafficking victims and street children). The obtained data show that the number of paid staff in organizations providing support to crime victims ranges from 0 to 34, while there are still organizations that do not have paid staff at all. The data indicates the existence of considerable differences be- tween organizations in engaging paid personnel, and points out the fact that there are organizations whose financial situation does not allow them to engage paid personnel. On the other hand, all victim support organizations have volunteers.

| 134 |  The data also suggest that the personnel of most organizations underwent a number of trainings for working with victims. When asked to specify those forms of education, persons working with victims mostly stated different forms of education for working with victims, i.e. traumatized persons. Several organizations also indicated programs of education on how to open, i.e. start a victim support service, on documenting the cases, managing self-help groups, preventing and overcoming the burnout syndrome, work- ing with multi-problem clients etc. The obtained data show that victim support organizations in Serbia still rely on for- eign donations, while the financial support by the state is mainly symbolic. Regarding the relationship of the state towards victim support organizations a number of prob- lems have been indicated, while the following have been particularly emphasized: the lack of systematic and regular financial support, inadequate financial status of NGOs due to which they have to pay taxes in spite of the not-for-profit nature of their activi- ties, the problem of sustainability of projects after the end of financial support by do- nors, the lack of financial sources for the current sustainability of organization, the lack of funds for renting adequate premises, the lack of funds for the improvement of the existing and launching of new programmes, but also the delay in payments by the local governments. Due to the lack of social support, in the period of just six months dur- ing 2010 four SOS hotlines terminated their activities (The Network Women against Violence, 2011). Domestic violence victimization surveys are a unique source of information about the awareness of citizens as potential or actual victims about NGOs victim support services. For example, VDS 2010 Vojvodina survey suggests that a considerable per- cent of women know about the existence of victims services run by NGOs (65.7%) which is similar to the situation in the entire Serbia in 2002 (66.9%). However, both VDS surveys as well as Autonomous Women’s Center survey suggest that only a small percent of abused women actually use these services (4.4%, 2, 4% and 2.1% respec- tively). The Vojvodina survey showed that only one woman who approached NGO support service was not satisfied. The other women were satisfied with the approach as well as with the support received:

“I was happy with the way I was accepted.

“I felt empowered and more secure.”

“I was happy with the complete and very detailed information that I re- ceived.”

| 135 |  The analyses of VDS info and victim support service also suggest that victims appre- ciate emotional support and the effort made by NGOs to help them:

“Thank you very much for listening to me. Now I can see some things much clearer.”

“I know that you have a lot of people to help, and you do so much for me. Thank you for thinking about me. Talking with you means so much to me.”(Nikolic-Ristanovic, Copic and Kovacevic 2006)

Conclusions Development of NGO victim services in Serbia in the beginning mostly followed the trend that existed worldwide. Specialised services were first established by women’s NGOs, and only much later the first and only victim support service of a more general type was established. However, the overall number of victim services is symbolic, and able to serve only a very small portion of victims. Decrease of international funding has not been followed with systematic and comprehensive state support to NGO serv- ices. The consequence is that well established victim services are struggling to survive and unfortunately more and more of them are either stopping supporting victims or shifting to other activities. On the other hand, state services that are established lack knowledge and experience, as well as the enthusiasm and flexibility of NGOs. It seems clear that the state needs to look at victim support in a holistic way, and to develop a clear vision how it intends to use all existing resources in the best interest of all victims. The new Law on Social Protection may be an important legal basis for further steps in that direction.

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| 166 | | 167 | ISBN 978-86-85207-75-4

Magnus Lindgren — Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović

ŽRTVE KRIMINALITETA MEĐUNARODNI KONTEKST I SITUACIJA U SRBIJI ŽRTVE KRIMINALITETA MEUNARODNI KONTEKST I SITUACIJA U SRBIJI Ime autora i naslov Magnus Lindgren i Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović, Žrtve kriminaliteta: međunarodni kontekst i situacija u Srbiji (Crime Victims: International and Serbian Perspective) Izdanje prvo Izdavai Orgnizacija za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju, Misija u Srbiji, Odeljenje za sprovođenje zakona Prevod Sanja Ćopić

Dizajn i prelom comma | communications design Štamparija Original Tiraž 500 ISBN 978-86-85207-74-7 Mesto i godina izdavanja Beograd 2011

Sva prava zadržana. Sadržaj ove publikacije se može slobodno koristiti i kopirati u edukativne i druge nekomercijalne svrhe, pod uslovom da svako takvo reprodukovanje mora da bude praćeno na- značavanjem izvora. Svi stavovi izneti u ovoj knjizi su samo stavovi autora i onih koji su dali doprinos njenom nastanku i ne moraju neophodno predstavljati zvaničan stav Misije OEBS u Srbiji. Pisanje ove publikacije je podržala Organizacija za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju, Misija u Srbiji, Odeljenje za sprovođenje zakona, Čakorska br. 1, 11000 Beograd.  O autorima: Magnus Lindgren trenutno radi kao generalni sekretar švedske neprofitne nevladine organizacije Sigurna Švedska. Magnus je kriminolog i bivši policijski službenik. Zvanje doktora nauka iz oblasti psihologije stekao je na Univerzitetu u Stokholmu. Bio je di- rektor švedske službe za žrtve i predsednik Nacionalne organizacije za rođake ubijenih žrtava. Tokom godina, Magnus je napisao brojne izveštaje, knjige i članke, koji su u svom fokusu imali reakcije žrtava i njihove kontakte sa pravosudnim sistemom. Kao predavač, on redovno učestvuje na različitim edukativnim skupovima, uključujući tre- ninge za policijske službenike, advokate, socijalne radnike, tužioce i sudije.

Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović trenutno radi kao profesorka na Fakultetu za specijalnu edukaciju i rehabilitaciju Univerziteta u Beogradu, gde predaje kriminologiju, vikti- mologiju, nasilje nad decom i maloletničku delinkvenciju. Posebno se bavi sledećim temama: nasilje nad ženama, trgovina ljudima, viktimizacija ratom (posebno silovanje u ratu), zaštita žrtava, ljudskih i ženskih prava, i primena restorativne pravde u bav- ljenju prošlošću u postkonfliktnim društvima. Ona je osnivačica, prva predsednica i, trenutno, direktorka Viktimološkog društva Srbije. Trenutno je i izabrana predsednica Evropskog udruženja za kriminologiju i članica izvršnog odbora Svetskog viktimološ- kog društva. Beograd, novembar 2011. godine

| 3 |  Predgovor Povećana pažnja za žrtve kriminaliteta je tokom proteklih godina motivisala mno- ge zemlje da preispitaju mehanizme koje primenjuju u različitim segmentima društva zaduženim za pružanje pomoći i zaštitu žrtava kriminaliteta. Ova publikacija je pisana sa namerom da ukaže na situaciju kada je reč o žrtvama kriminaliteta u Srbiji, koristeći pri tome saznanja i iskustva na međunarodnom planu, prvenstveno saznanja o razvoju i istraživanjima u Švedskoj. Uvid u saznanja o razvoju i istraživanjima u Švedskoj, kao i o istraživanjima na me- đunarodnom planu pružila je švedska neprofitna nevladina organizacija pod nazivom Fondacija za bezbednu Švedsku/Tryggare Sverige, koju vodi bivši policijski komesar Karl-Åke Pettersson. Uz to, korišćena su i iskustva u radu policije sa žrtvama krimi- naliteta, koja je pružio glavni policijski inspektor Bo Hägglund-a, član Nacionalnog policijskog saveta Švedske, i iskustva Magnus Lindgren-a iz oblasti kriminologije i rada policije sa žrtvama. Predstavljanje situacije u Srbiji je zasnovano na istraživanjima u oblasti viktimologije i prava žrtava, koje je realizovala Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović, kao i na istraživanjima i saznanjima Viktimološkog društva Srbije–VDS o potrebama žrtava kriminaliteta. Cilj ove publikacije je da pruži sveobuhvatan pregled situacije u vezi sa žrtvama kri- minaliteta iz međunarodne i pesrpektive Srbije, obuhvatajući pri tome teorijska vikti- mološka pitanja i situacije koje se javljaju u praksi u raznim segmentima/institucijama društva, posmatrano iz ugla istorijskog razvoja.

| 5 |  Autori ove publikacije se nadaju da će ova publikacija pružiti stručnjacima i počet- nicima, koji svakodnevno imaju kontakte i rade sa žrtvama, poput policije, socijalnih radnika, profesionalnih udruženja za pomoć žrtvama i celokupnom pravosudnom si- stemu, priliku da sagledaju trenutnu situaciju i razgovaraju o narednim koracima koji- ma bi se usluge i sistemi brige o žrtvama kriminaliteta unapredili. Upravo iz ovog razlo- ga su autori ove publikacije pokušali da obuhvate sve bitne segmente i aktere kojima je pitanje rada sa žrtvama od posebne važnosti. Žrtve imaju velika očekivanja od različitih službi, prvenstveno od policije, ali policija sama ne može da pruži svu pomoć koja je potrebna.

| 6 | Sadržaj

Predgovor 1. Uvod ......................................................................................................................13

Deo I – Žrtva 2. Šta je žrtva kriminaliteta?...................................................................................19 Politički interes u definisanju pojma žrtva ..................................................20 „Idealna“ žrtva ...................................................................................................21 Žrtva saučesnik ..............................................................................................22 Pasivna žrtva ...................................................................................................23 Žrtva koja pruža otpor .................................................................................23 Teorije o podložnosti kriminalitetu..............................................................24 Interakcija između žrtve i učinioca ............................................................24 Teorija životnog stila.....................................................................................25 Teorija rutinskih aktivnosti .........................................................................25 Zaključci .............................................................................................................25 Deo II – Temelji 3. Ljudska prava ........................................................................................................29 Međunarodna zajednica ..................................................................................30 Ujedinjene nacije ...........................................................................................31 Savet Evrope ...................................................................................................33 Evropska unije ................................................................................................34 Evropska pomoć žrtvama ............................................................................36 Zaključci .............................................................................................................37

Deo III – Žrtve u fokusu 4. Dostignuća u vezi sa žrtvama kriminaliteta ...................................................41 Nova perspektiva ..............................................................................................41 Žrtva kriminaliteta u srpskoj perspektivi.....................................................44 Intenziviranje rasprava .................................................................................44 | 7 |  Promene zakonodavstva i prakse ...............................................................46 Zalaganje civilnog društva............................................................................46 Poboljšano zakonodavstvo ..........................................................................49 Istraživanja o žrtvama kriminaliteta .............................................................53 Istraživanja u Srbiji .......................................................................................55 Zaključci .............................................................................................................58 5. Predisponirane i ranjive grupe ..........................................................................60 Posebno predisponirane žrtve........................................................................60 Nasilje i pretnja ..............................................................................................61 Krađa i oštećenje tuđih stvari .....................................................................61 Ponovljena viktimizacija .................................................................................62 Posebno ranjive grupe......................................................................................64 Deca .................................................................................................................64 Žene .................................................................................................................65 Žrtve rasistički motivisanog kriminaliteta ...............................................65 Žrtve zločina iz mržnje.................................................................................66 Stari ..................................................................................................................67 Osobe sa invaliditetom ................................................................................68 Putnici .............................................................................................................69 Društveno marginalizovane osobe i osuđena lica ...................................70 Trgovina ljudima ...........................................................................................70 Zaključci .............................................................................................................71

Deo IV – Posledice kriminaliteta 6. Materijalna šteta ...................................................................................................75 Mogućnosti za naknadu štete.........................................................................75 Ko plaća za štetu?..............................................................................................76 Okrivljeni – odgovornost za štetu .............................................................76 Osiguravajuća društva – naplata iz osiguranja ........................................76 Zaključci .............................................................................................................77 | 8 | 7. Fizičke povrede.....................................................................................................78 Povrede nastale usled nasilnih i seksualnih delikata..................................78 Nasilje bez upotrebe oružja .........................................................................78 Povrede nanete oštrim ili hladnim oružjem.............................................78 Povrede nanete vatrenim oružjem .............................................................79 Povrede nastale usled seksualnih delikata ................................................80 Fizička i psihološka nega .................................................................................80 Zaključci .............................................................................................................81 8. Psihološke reakcije ...............................................................................................82 Od haosa do kosmosa ......................................................................................82 Početne reakcije .............................................................................................82 Krivica i okrivljavanje ........................................................................... 83 Važne i nevažne informacije .................................................................. 84 Nakon nekog vremena..................................................................................85 Dugotrajne posledice ...................................................................................86 Posttraumatski stresni poremećaj ........................................................... 87 Faktori koji utiču na obim reakcije ...............................................................88 Karakteristike događaja ................................................................................88 Lične osobine i situacija pojedinca ............................................................89 Socijalna mreža pojedinca ...........................................................................90 Odloženi efekti krivičnog dela....................................................................91 Zaključci .............................................................................................................91 9. Socijalne i praktične posledice ..........................................................................92 Socijalne posledice ...........................................................................................92 Praktični problemi ...........................................................................................93 Zaključci .............................................................................................................94

Deo V – Ključni akteri 10. Policija i žrtva kriminaliteta...............................................................................97

| 9 |  Rad policije sa žrtvama kriminaliteta ...........................................................97 Uloga policije ....................................................................................................97 Susret policije i žrtve ........................................................................................98 Proces oporavka žrtve ...................................................................................98 Rad policije na rasvetljavanju krivičnog dela ...........................................98 Učešće žrtve u sudskom postupku .............................................................99 Stavovi javnosti o policiji .............................................................................100 Kolege ..............................................................................................................100 Obaveze policije prema žrtvama....................................................................101 Međunarodna situacija .................................................................................101 Ujedinjene nacije ................................................................................... 102 Savet Evrope .......................................................................................... 102 Evropska pomoć žrtvama....................................................................... 102 Međunarodna asocijacija šefova policija ............................................... 103 Situacija u Srbiji .............................................................................................103 Dosadašnja istraživanja ................................................................................104 Međunarodna iskustva .................................................................................104 Istraživanja u Srbiji ........................................................................................106 Informacije – pomoć u nošenju s događajem ..........................................112 Zaključci .............................................................................................................114 11. Javni tužilac i žrtva...............................................................................................115 Uloga tužioca ....................................................................................................115 Dosadašnja istraživanja ...................................................................................115 Prvi kontakt sa tužiocem .............................................................................117 Pomoć tužioca u podnošenju zahteva za naknadu štete........................117 Zaključci .............................................................................................................118 12. Sud i žrtva ..............................................................................................................120 Uloga suda .........................................................................................................120 Sud i žrtve u Srbiji ............................................................................................121 | 10 |  Zakonodavstvo relevantno za zaštitu žrtve tokom suđenja ..................121 Iskustvo žrtava i službe za svedoke u Srbiji ..............................................123 Zaključci .............................................................................................................127 13. Sistem zdravstvene zaštite i žrtva ......................................................................128 Uloga sistema zdravstvene zaštite .................................................................128 Dosadašnja istraživanja ...................................................................................129 Zaključci .............................................................................................................131 14. Nevladine organizacije i žrtva ...........................................................................133 Skloništa .............................................................................................................133 Viktimološko društvo Srbije: VDS info i podrška žrtvama...........................................................................134 Specijalizovani SOS telefoni i savetovališta ................................................135 Dosadašnja istraživanja ...................................................................................136 Zaključci .............................................................................................................138

Literatura ...........................................................................................................................139

| 11 | | 12 |  Poglavlje 1

Uvod Pre nekoliko godina, dok se vraćala kući s fakulteta, u blizini železničke stanice u Pan- čevu u Srbiji, jednu studentkinju je napao nepoznat muškarac. Pojavio se iz mraka i odjed- nom ju je oborio na zemlju i stavio svoje ruke među njene butine. Ona je pokušavala da se odbrani i, u jednom trenutku, upotrebivši svu svoju snagu, okrenula se prema njemu i udarila ga u nos. On ju je za momenat pustio i pokrio svoje lice. Ona je iskoristila taj tre- nutak da pobegne, ali ju je on ponovo ščepao i udario pesnicom u potiljak. Žrtva je opisa- la kako se osećala na sledeći način: „Prekrila sam glavu rukama, čučnula, kao kornjača koja pokušava da se zaštiti kada se uvlači u oklop. Udarao me je čas u potiljak, čas u temporalni deo lobanje, a ja sam molila za život. Činilo mi se da traje čitavu večnost, ali u jednom trenutku je stao. Pogledala sam ka njemu, osetila strah da pobegnem, ali je on napravio par koraka u nazad i ja sam krenula da trčim - sad ili nikad. Tada sam bila gonjena životinja koja je grebala ka svetlosti i činilo mi se da što brže trčim da sam sve sporija i sporija. Spasla sam se, sačuvala život, ali sam dugo posle toga vodila borbu da naučim ponovo da živim.“ Jedne kasne večeri, na putu do kuće, jedan mladić iz Beograda je naišao na grupu od šest mladića koji su bili prilično pijani. Oni su ga iznenada i neočekivano napali. Za- dobio je teške telesne povrede i bio je veoma ljut jer je bio sasvim siguran da ničim nije isprovocirao to nasilje. Pre nego što je potražio lekarsku pomoć, zamolio je za pomoć čuvara u obližnjem kafiću, ali je čuvar odbio da mu pomogne. Žena iz jednog malog grada u Srbiji došla je u Beograd i postala žrtva krađe dok je čekala autobus. Učinilac joj je uzeo tašnu sa svim njenim dokumentima, mobilnim te- lefonom i novcem. Pokušala je da juri za njim: „Vikala sam prolaznicima da ga zaustave, ali niko nije želeo da se meša. Svi su se ponašali tako kao da se ništa ne dešava. Ostala sam bez svoje torbe, bila sam ljuta i razočarana. Nisam znala gde da idem i šta da radim pošto ne poznajem grad baš dobro. Na svu sreću, jedan prolaznik mi je pozajmio svoj mobilni telefon pa sam pozvala rođake da pitam za savet. Sledećeg dana me je pozvala žena koja je našla moju torbu sa svim dokumentima u njoj. Bila sam joj veoma zahvalna.“ Dugo vremena su jedna tinejdžerka i njena majka bile maltretirane od strane oca i muža. On je stalno bio pijan i sve je uništavao po kući. Kada se devojka obratila službi za žrtve VDS info i podrška žrtvama, imala je nekoliko povreda, bila je duboko uzne- mirena i preplašena, i rekla je da je otac pokušao da je siluje.

| 13 |  Događaji poput ovih gore opisanih se dešavaju svake godine, meseca i dana. I dok čitate ove redove, neko biva pogođen krivičnim delom, koje dovodi do velikih i dugo- trajnih patnji. Ali, krivična dela ne pogađaju samo žrtve, njihove porodice i prijatelje. Ona pogađaju celokupno društvo kroz stvaranje osećaja straha i nesigurnosti.

Ciljevi i osnov knjige Ova knjiga opisuje uobičajene reakcije i potrebe žrtava, i ističe načine na koje društvo može da poboljša svoju kolektivnu podršku žrtvama kriminaliteta. Knjiga, takođe, daje pozadinu diskusije o sve većem fokusiranju na potrebe žrtava, što se poslednjih godina primećuje u mnogim zemljama, posebno u Švedskoj ali i u Srbiji. U knjizi se polazi sa stanovišta da svako može da postane žrtva krivičnog dela i da go- tovo sva krivična dela imaju žrtve, bez obzira da li je krivično delo prijavljeno državnim organima i da li je osumnjičeni uhapšen ili je došlo do neke druge reakcije pravosudnog sistema. Druga važna tačka ove knjige je ta da žrtve imaju osnovna prava i potrebe koje mogu da se identifikuju. Strategije i planovi koji vode računa o ovim pravima i potreba- ma imaju pozitivne efekte kako na pravni sistem, tako i na društvo u celini. Važan osnov ove knjige je vera u ravnopravnost svih pojedinaca i pojedinki. Sve žrtve kriminaliteta bi trebalo da budu tretirane s jednakim uvažavanjem i empatijom. Držav- ne institucije i nevladine organizacije (NVO) bi trebalo da ponude jednak standard usluga bez obzira na pol, rasu, godine, invaliditet, seksualnu orijentaciju, stil života žr- tve i slično. Javne debate su pokazale tendenciju tretiranja određenih grupa kao onih koje zavređuju više zaštite od drugih. Međutim, obezbeđivanje različitih standarda u postupanju sa žrtvama ne može da bude prihvatljivo. Sa druge strane, pak, postoji mogućnost da u različitim vremenima određene grupe žrtava ipak zahtevaju ulaganje posebnih napora. Tako smo proteklih godina bili svedoci značajnog rada vezanog za žene žrtve kriminaliteta. Te usmeravane mere su bile neophodne kako bi se signalizi- ralo društveno neodobravanje ovog vida kriminaliteta i povećala bezbednost i podrška ženama. Druge grupe kojima je pružena posebna pažnja u mnogim zemljama su deca i žrtve rasistički motivisanih krivičnih dela i homofobije. Preostale posebno ranjive gru- pe uključuju stare, osobe sa posebnim potrebama, putnike, beksućnike, prostitutke i zavisnike od droge.

Struktura knjige Knjiga se sastoji od pet delova podeljenih u 14 poglavlja. U različitim delovima knji- ge, razmatraju se profil žrtve (poglavlje 2), osnovni koncepti (poglavlje 3), fokus na žrtvu (poglavlja 4-5), posledice kriminaliteta (poglavlja 6-9) i interakcija žrtve sa ključ- nim akterima (poglavlja 10-14). | 14 |  U drugom poglavlju se razmatra koncept „žrtve kriminaliteta“ te ko bi trebalo da se smatra žrtvama. Razmatraju se stereotipi o nevinoj i bespomoćnoj žrtvi. Međutim, mnoge žrtve koje dolaze u kontakt sa pravosudnim sistemom i drugim organizacijama nisu „idealne“ žrtve. Mnoge su pod uticajem alkohola ili narkotika, dok su druge, pak, agresivne i na njih se gleda kao na „teške slučajeve“. Upravo su ti slučajevi u kojima žrtve ne ulaze u kategoriju „idelanih“ najteži i veoma zahtevni, te stvaraju dodatni pritisak na profesionalizam policije i sistema zdravstvene zaštite. Ove institucije moraju da budu oprezne da ne svale krivicu na žrtvu zbog njene radnje ili ponašanja. Rane teorije o podložnosti krivičnim delima su pokušale da nađu uzroke kriminaliteta u interakciji žrtve i učinioca, a ne u ličnim osobinama kriminalaca. Kasnije teorije su istakle značaj životnog stila i dnevne rutine pojedinaca u objašnjenju uzroka i obima kriminaliteta. U trećem poglavlju se razmatraju osnove na kojima se bazira rad sa žrtvama krimina- liteta. Na bazičnom nivou, pitanja žrtava kriminaliteta su pitanja ljudskih prava, poput prava na pravičnost i sigurnost. Tokom proteklih pedeset godina, na nivou međuna- rodne zajednice doneta su brojna dokumenta koja za cilj imaju jačanje osnovnih ljud- skih prava. Poslednjih godina pažnja je usmerena na žrtve kriminaliteta. Ovo poglavlje sadrži rezultate istraživanja važnih dokumenata donetih na nivou Ujedinjenih nacija, Saveta Evrope, Evropske unije i Evropske pomoći žrtvama, kao organizacije koja obje- dinjuje službe za pomoć žrtvama iz Evrope. U četvrtom poglavlju se daje hronologija istorijskog razvoja oblasti koja se bavi žr- tvama, posebno od sedamdesetih godina dvadesetog veka kada je po prvi put pažnja posvećena žrtvama kriminaliteta. Diskusija u ovom delu je bazirana na situaciji u Srbiji, uz posebno ukazivanje na značaj pokreta za prava žena za jačanje položaja žrtava krimi- naliteta i unošenje teme muškog nasilja nad ženama u javne debate. Četvrto poglavlje takođe sadrži i istraživanje razvoja relevantnog zakonodavstva kao i rezultate istraživa- nja koja se tiču žrtava kriminaliteta. Peto poglavlje sadrži opis posebno ranjivih grupa, kao što su socijalno marginalizo- vani pojedinci, deca, putnici i tako dalje. Svi oni su u riziku od suočavanja sa posebnim problemima nakon viktimizacije zbog faktora kao što su starost, struktura kriminalite- ta, invaliditet i slično. Poglavlja 6-9 se bave posledicama krivičnih dela. To mogu da budu materijalni gu- bici, fizičke povrede, psihološke reakcije, socijalne posledice ili praktični problemi, pri čemu posledice mogu da budu privremene ili trajne. Poglavlje se fokusira na opis ra- zličitih emotivnih reakcija, koje mogu da se jave nakon krivičnog dela, i uticaja ovih rekacija na individuu. Samo krivično delo često nije jedini, pa čak ni najveći problem za žrtvu. Problemi mogu da se pojave i tokom kontakata žrtve sa institucijama i drugim organizacijama. Poglavlja 10-14 pružaju informacije u vezi sa ovim kontaktima i opisuju susret žrtve sa policijom, tužilaštvom, sudom, zdravstvenim službama i nevladinim organizacijama. | 15 |  Autori ove knjige se nadaju da će ona biti jednako korisna i za studente i za profesio- nalce koji rade u snagama sprovođenja zakona, pravosudnim organima i sistemu zdrav- stvene zaštite. Namera je da ovu knjigu kao edukativni materijal koriste i oni koji rade u skloništima za žene i službama za žrtve. Ova knjiga može da bude korisna i novinarima i političarima. Najzad, nadamo se da će i oni koji su preživeli krivično delo u ovoj knjizi naći neke smernice i podršku.

| 16 | Deo I

Žrtva

| 17 | | 18 |  poglavlje 2

Šta je žrtva kriminaliteta? Šta podrazumeva pojam žrtva kriminaliteta? Korišćenje ovog pojma kako bi se ozna- čila osoba koja je pogođena provalnom krađom ili koja je bila podvrgnuta neisprovoci- ranom prebijanju verovatno neće izazvati otpor. Ali, da li su rođaci ubijene žrtve takođe žrtve kriminaliteta? Da li se roditelji maloletnog ubice mogu smatrati žrtvama krimi- naliteta? Da li su kompanije i organizacije koje su bile meta kriminalnog ponašanja takođe žrtve kriminaliteta? Ova pitanja mogu da zvuče beznačajno. Ali, jasno identifikovanje toga ko ili šta može da se podvede pod žrtvu kriminaliteta može da bude od velikog značaja iz više razloga. Na primer, često se dešava da pojedinci stiču pravo na naknadu štete ili medicinski, psihološki ili socijalni tretman i rehabilitaciju tek pošto su okarakterisani kao žrtve, tj. da pripadaju grupi pod nazivom „žrtve“. Takođe je značajno napraviti praktična razgra- ničenja jer polje viktimologije okuplja kako praktičare različitih profesija, tako i istra- živače iz različitih akademskih disciplina, koje imaju različite metodološke i teorijske okvire. Nažalost, ne postoji jedna opšteprihvaćena definicija koga ili šta obuhvata pojam „žr- tva kriminaliteta“. Najosnovnija definicija pojma žrtve kriminaliteta se ograničava samo na fizička lica koja su direktno pogođena kriminalnom aktivnošću (Diesel i dr., 1995). Ova, strogo pravna definicija, isključuje kako posredne žrtve, kao što su muškarac čija je supruga silovana ili dete koje živi u nasilnom okruženju, tako i kompanije ili druga pravna lica koja su izložena krivičnim delima. Druga definicija je, pak, ograničena na žrtve tradici- onalnih krivičnih dela – pre svega, krađe i nasilja. Ova definicija takođe isključuje odre- đene grupe žrtava, kao što su, na primer, žrtve privrednog kriminaliteta ili krivičnih dela protiv životne sredine. Postoji i jedna daleko opštija definicija, koja u pojam žrtve uključuje i žrtve elementarnih nepogoda, ekoloških katastrofa, saobraćajnih nesreća i slično (Mendelsohn, 1982). Borac za prihvatanje jedne opštije definicije je nemački kriminolog Hans Joachim Schneider. Schneider navodi da žrtva može da bude pojedinac, organizacija, „moralni poredak“ ili pravni sistem države kome se preti, koji je povređen ili uništen nekim po- našanjem (Schneider, 1975: 9). | 19 |  Deklaracija Ujedinjenih nacija (UN) o osnovnim principima pravde za žrtve krimi- naliteta i zloupotrebe moći iz 1985. godine definiše žrtvu kao osobu koja je pretrpela fizička ili psihička oštećenja, materijalni gubitak ili značajno kršenje osnovnih prava putem činjenja ili nečinjenja, a što je u suprotnosti sa nacionalnim krivičnim zakono- davstvom (General Assembly, res. 40/34). Osoba može biti kategorisana kao žrtva bez obzira da li je učinilac identifikovan, uhapšen, optužen ili osuđen, i bez obzira na po- stojanje bilo kakve srodničke veze između žrtve i učinioca. Uz to, definicija uključuje i pojedince koji su pretrpeli oštećenja tokom intervencije u cilju pružanja pomoći žrtvi ili sprečavanja krivičnog dela, kao i pojedince koji su postali žrtve mera suprotstavljanja kriminalitetu – prvenstveno kroz pogrešne odluke vlade ili mere prinude. Međunarodna asocijacija šefova policija (IACP) primenjuje čak i širu definiciju. Ova definicija ne uključuje samo neposredne žrtve, već i njihove porodice i druge članove zajednice. Ona uključuje i sekundarne žrtve, kao što su očevici nasilničkog kriminali- teta, policija ili drugi koji dođu na lice mesta, pojedinci koji se bave problematikom krivičnih dela i njihovim posledicama (sudije, tužioci i slično) i porotnici koji učestvuju u ozbiljnim (visoko profilisanim) suđenjima (IACP, 2000). Iz izloženog sledi zaključak da je sasvim očigledno da postoji veliki broj definicija pojma žrtve kriminaliteta, od kojih su neke prilično široke, dok su druge više ograni- čene. Sa pravne tačke posmatrano, pojam žrtve se prevashodno ograničava na one koji su pogođeni krivičnim delima koja su zakonom definisana, dok se sociološka definicija može posmatrati kao šira, koja uključuje čak i životinje, životnu sredinu, društvo i dr- žavu koji su pogođeni nečim što se definiše ili može da se tumači kao krivično delo. Psihološka definicija se, pak, bavi iskustvima pojedinaca i interpretacijom kriminalnog ponašanja.

Politiki interes u denisanju pojma žrtve Prema Leymann-u (1989), u pozadini definisanja pojma žrtve kriminaliteta stoje snažni politički i profesionalni interesi. Država ili specifične profesionalne grupe mogu, na primer, da imaju interes da se fokus zadržava samo na određenim kategorijama žr- tava. To rezultira postojanjem sistematskog potcenjivanja ili precenjivanja posledica, a što zavisi od ciljeva zainteresovanih strana. Prema Leymann-u, osobi može biti priznat status žrtve ukoliko neko ima interes od toga ili ukoliko same žrtve mogu da izvrše politički pritisak. Samo oni koji dobiju status žrtve stiču pravo na materijalnu, medicinsku, psihološku i socijalnu pomoć ili reha- bilitaciju. Jedan od najboljih primera, koji govori o značaju grupa koje vrše politički pritisak, je slučaj žrtava nacističkih koncentracinih logora. Da nije bilo globalnog osra- moćivanja i politički jakih jevrejskih grupa u SAD, bivši zatvorenici verovatno nikada ne bi dobili naknadu štete od strane Nemačke. Snaga grupa koje vrše pritisak vidi se u | 20 | činjenici da nisu svi bivši logoraši dobili naknadu štete. Grupe koje su preživele jednako stravičan tretman, ali koje nisu mogle da pokrenu organizovane kampanje putem kojih bi izvršile pritisak, ili nisu dobile naknadu štete ili je ona bila daleko manja od one koja je isplaćena jevrejskim žrtvama. Među njima su homoseksualci, Romi i Jehovini svedoci. Drugi primer političkog interesovanja za definiciju pojma žrtve primećuje se kada su u pitanju žrtve silovanja, koje nisu imale status žrtava kriminaliteta sve dok nisu dobile pomoć grupe koja vrši pritisak. Nasilje i agresija prema ženama dugo su posmatrani kao privatna stvar. Tokom sedamdesetih godina dvadesetog veka pokret za ženska pra- va je skrenuo pažnju na muško nasilje nad ženama, što je, u jednom delu, rezultiralo priznavanjem ove grupe žrtava. Slična postignuća – prelazak od javnog (posredstvom grupa koje vrše pritisak) ka formalnom priznanju statusa žrtve – primećuju se u broj- nim oblastima. Pa ipak, još uvek postoje oblasti u kojima žrtve moraju da dobiju formalni status žr- tve. Primeri za to su maltretiranje (uznemiravanje) među odraslim osobama i deca koja su svedoci nasilja u svojim domovima.

Idealna žrtva Mnogo ljudi ima jednu opštu sliku žrtve kriminaliteta. Ta slika se može okarakte- risati putem koncepta „idealne“ žrtve – nevine, bespomoćne žrtve koja nema udela u krivičnom delu (videti, na primer, Skogan i Maxfield, 1981). Idealna žrtva može da bude mlada ženska osoba žrtva silovanja ili starija žena koja je napadnuta i opljačkana. U jednom istraživanju stavova mladih u vezi sa silovanjem, opšti stav je bio da je silovanje pogrešan i neprihvatljiv čin ( Jeffner, 1998). Istraživanjem se, međutim, došlo do podatka da postoje brojne okolnosti koje mogu da daju prostora različitim tumače- njima ovog akta. Primeri tih „olakšavajućih“ okolnosti bili su: ako devojka (žrtva) nije rekla „ne“ na pravi način, ako je devojka bila zaljubljena u mladića čak i nakon ovog akta, ako devojka može da se smatra „kurvom“ ili ako se devojka nije osećala loše nakon ovog dela. Ako radnja nije ispunila kriterijume mladih, onda se ona neće tumačiti kao silovanje, a kao rezultat toga, žrtva se neće smatrati žrtvom. Norveški kriminolog Nils Christie je opisao idealnu žrtvu kao stariju damu koju je, na putu do bolesne sestre kojoj treba da pomogne, opljačkao punoletni muškarac koji je zavisnik od droge. Prema Christie-ju (1986), idealna žrtva ima najmanje šest karak- teristika. • Žrtva je slaba. • Žrtva je uključena u neku aktivnost koju svi cene. • Žrtva je na putu do mesta kome se ne može staviti nikakva zamerka. | 21 |  • Učinilac je dominantniji u odnosu na žrtvu i može biti opisan u negativ- nom smislu. • Učinilac je žrtvi nepoznat i nije ni u kakvom odnosu sa njom. • Žrtva ima dovoljno uticaja da traži „status žrtve“ (videti napred iznetu diskusiju o političkim interesima koji su u pozadini definisanja pojma žrtva). Idealna žrtva ima i svoju suprotnost. Primer toga bi bio pijani mladić koji je opljač- kan u nekom neuglednom kafiću i od to strane onih sa kojima je tu došao. U ovom slučaju postoji mogućnost da zahtevamo moralnu odgovornost: nije trebalo da ide u taj kafić, nije trebalo da se napije, nije trebalo da se druži sa takvim osobama i tako dalje. Ako takva osoba nije okarakterisana kao „žrtva“ uprkos postojanju psiholoških, fizič- kih ili materijalnih oštećenja i gubitaka, tada on ili ona rizikuju da dobiju manje zaštite ili da je ne dobiju uopšte, zato što nisu obuhvaćeni „standardnim“ shvatanjem žrtve kriminaliteta.

Žrtva sauesnik Percipiranje žrtve kriminaliteta kao „nevine i slabe“ je prilično pojednostavljeno i, u mnogim slučajevima, nema veza sa stvarnošću. U nekim slučajevima se kategorije žrtva kriminaliteta i učinilac prepliću (Anttila, 1974; Fattah, 1992; Hindelang, 1981; SOU 1990: 92), a ponekada mogu da se odnose na istu osobu (Blomqvist i dr., 1980; Fattah, 1994; Lenke, 1973; Singer, 1981). U radnjama tzv. „uličnog nasilja“, čista slučajnost može biti determinanta toga ko je žrtva, a ko učinilac. Jedan pokazatelj ovog problema je broj oružja koje radnici hitne pomoći nađu na osobama koje kao pacijenti potraže pomoć u slučaju uličnog nasilja (Carlsson Sanz, 2010). Ovo preplitanje žrtve i učinioca je, takođe, istraživano i prona- đeno da postoji u slučaju provalnih krađa (van Dijk i Steinmetz, 1983). Veliki procenat ukupnog nasilničkog kriminaliteta je povezan sa upotrebom alkoho- la. Ovo je posebno tačno u slučajevima nasilja među nepoznatim osobama, u kojima su često i žrtva i učinilac pod uticajem alkohola (Carlsson Sanz i dr., 2000; Dystring i dr., 1991, 1993; Häggmark, 1997; Lidberg, 1995). Provokativno ponašanje žrtve ili ponašanje žrtve u stanju opijenosti u vreme izvršenja krivičnog dela nije opravdanje za vršenje krivičnog dela. Međutim, za potrebe osigura- nja, ponašanje žrtve ili nivo opijenosti mogu u nekim slučajevima da posluže kao osnov za umanjenje ili nedavanje naknade štete (Lindgren i Malm, 2000). Ponašanje žrtve, takođe, može da utiče na odluku suda. U slučajevima u kojima se smatra da se žrtva ponašala provokativno, to može da ima uticaja na kvalifikaciju dela i krivičnu sankciju.

| 22 |  Pasivna žrtva Kao što će se videti kasnije u knjizi, mnoge žrtve opisuju na koji način je njima u nekim slučajevima pripisana krivica za krivično delo, a ne učiniocu. Silovana žena može da bude kritikovana zato što je bila isuviše provokativna, pijana ili zato što je bila na pogrešnom mestu. U drugim slučajevima, status žrtve silovanja može da bude doveden u pitanje zato što je bila suviše pasivna ili nije pružala dovoljan otpor kako bi pobegla od silovatelja. Dominantno iskustvo silovanja je pretnja smrću. To dovodi do reakcije čiji je pri- marni cilj preživeti. Reakcija žrtve je usmerena na odlaganje čina obljube (silovanja) ili na zadobijanje što manje povreda. Stoga se žrtva može posmatrati kao neko ko se „saglašava“ (daje pristanak) ili kome mogu nedostajati tragovi fizičkog povređivanja nastali prilikom nasilničkog događaja. Strategije preživljavanja mogu biti raznolike – žena može da pruža fizički otpor, može da pokuša da priča sa silovateljom i odvrati ga od silovanja, ili da ga iskreno moli. Još jedna moguća strategija je da bude pasivna ili da u potpunosti blokira iskustvo (Lindgren i Malm, 1997a). Prema Eriksson-u (1995), jasno je da policija donekle podržava „skalu žrtava“ na ko- joj žene koje se smatraju najnevinijim i bespomoćnim dobijaju najviše poena. Eriksson (1995: 132 ff ) navodi da žene koje se ne usuđuju da kažu da su zlostavljane, već „ćute i trpe“ spadaju u grupu koja zauzima visoku poziciju na skali žrtava. Isto je i sa migrantki- njama i izbeglicama, obzirom da njima nedostaje mreža socijalne podrške, te zato zavise od svojih muževa ili partnera. Još jedna grupa koja zauzima visoku poziciju na skali su trudnice i žene sa decom. Stoga, da bi osvojila simpatije i privukla pažnju, žena treba da bude nevina, a da uči- nilac fizički i psihički dominantniji u odnosu na nju. Pa ipak, žrtva ne sme da bude ni previše pasivna, jer tada rizikuje da njen kredibilitet bude doveden u pitanje.

Žrtva koja pruža otpor Žrtva koja želi da podnese krivičnu prijavu, koja ne menja svoju priču i ima doku- mentovane povrede ne predstavlja veliki problem za policiju ili tužilaštvo. Međutim, problemi nastaju kada žrtva pruža otpor, odbija da sarađuje ili povlači prethodno date iskaze (Eriksson, 1995). „Pravi“ slučaj zlostavljanja žene podrazumeva trezvenu ženu koja može jasno da opiše događaj, ali da je pri tome bila potpuno pasivna i dopustila da bude brutalno zlostavlja- na. Potom bi trebalo da je voljna da sarađuje, da podnese krivičnu prijavu protiv muš- karca, da ga napusti i da ne menja svoj iskaz tokom sudskog postupka – nakon čega ona započinje novi život sa čovekom koji je ne zlostavlja (Olasdotter, 1997: 9-10).

| 23 |  Nažalost, stvarnost retko kada izgleda tako. Slučajevi u kojima žrtva nije „idealna“ po- stavljaju veće zahteve pred pravosudni sistem u pogledu profesionalnih koraka koje treba preduzeti. Provokativno ponašanje žrtve ne može da dovede do situacije u kojoj će njena formalna prava biti zanemarena ili dovedena u pitanje. Pojedinac/pojedinka ne mora da bude nevin/a da bi dobio/la pomoć i zaštitu. Činjenica da je žrtva bila pijana ili da je bila na „neprikladnom mestu“ ne predstavlja olakšavajuću okolnost za učinioca. Kao što se iz napred izloženog primećuje, definisati ko je ili šta je žrtva kriminaliteta nije uopšte jednostavan zadatak. Polje je tako široko da se žrtvama kriminaliteta mogu smatrati kako nevini pojedinci/pojedinke, tako i oni koji su učestvovali u krivičnom delu. Stoga pojam žrtve kriminaliteta obuhvata veoma heterogenu grupu, iako se u javnom diskursu žrtve kriminaliteta obično posmatraju kao homogena grupa. Rana viktimološka istraživanja su napravila ovu grešku kroz primenu rezultata istraživanja o žrtvama silovanja na sve žrtve kriminaliteta. Postoji velika opasnost od pokušaja da se kreira „stereotip žrtve“, te da sve žrtve ka- rakterišu slične reakcije bez obzira na njihova lična svojstva ili krivično delo kome su bile izložene. To može da vodi stvaranju misaonih struktura, koje mogu da iskrive našu interpretaciju psiholoških posledica za žrtve. Drugim rečima, ovi stereotipi kreiraju očekivanja o tome kako „prava“ žrtva treba da reaguje, utičući kako na samu žrtvu, tako i na ljude iz njenog okruženja. Žrtve koje se ne uklapaju u ovaj stereotip rizikuju da se ne osećaju normalno i/ili da izazivaju sumnju kod drugih.

Teorije o podložnosti kriminalitetu Gledišta o tome ko se ili šta smatra žrtvom kriminaliteta su usko povezana sa shva- tanjem kriminaliteta. Tokom godina, javile su se brojne teorije o krivičnim delima i kriminalitetu. Neke od njih su se fokusirale na ponašanje žrtve, dok su se druge bazirale na individualne karakteristike i prošlost učinilaca.

Interakcija izmeu žrtve i uinioca Rane teorije su nastojale da pronađu uzroke viktimizacije u ličnim svojstvima žrtve ili u međusobnom odnosu žrtve i učinioca. Von Hentig (1940) je smatrao da su mnoga nasilna krivična dela rezultat površne ili duboke interakcije između žrtve i učinioca. Prema von Hentig-u, žrtva nije uvek pasivni objekat. Ponašanje žrtve u interakciji sa učiniocem može da doprinese samom kriminalnom ponašanju Wolfgang (1958) je uveo pojam „prenagljena žrtva“, koji se odnosi na krivična dela i situacije kada žrtve, zbog svog ponašanja, mogu da se smatraju uzrokom. I Wolfgang i von Hentig su sma- trali da je za bilo kakvo razumevanje viktimizacije suštinsko proučavanje događaja koji su doveli do krivičnog dela.

| 24 |  Teorija životnog stila Još jedna teorija koja nastoji da objasni nastanak i obim kriminaliteta je teorija život- nog stila (Hindelang i dr., 1978). Ova teorija pokušava da objasni varijacije u riziku od postajanja žrtvom krivičnih dela onda kada postoji direktan kontakt između žrtve i uči- nioca. Osnovna pretpostavka od koje se polazi je da određeni stil života povećava vero- vatnoću da se dođe u situaciju u kojoj je rizik od kriminaliteta veći. Druga pretpostavka je da na životni stil utiču demografska i socijalna svojstva pojedinca/pojedinke. Rizik od toga da se bude izložen krivičnom delu nastaje usled delovanja karakteristika poput pola, godina, građanskog statusa, zanimanja, pripadnosti etničkoj ili socijalnog grupi, tj. karakateristika koje utiču na izbor aktivnosti svakog pojedinca/pojedinke kako na poslu, tako i tokom slobodnog vremena.

Teorija rutinskih aktivnosti Teorija rutinske aktivnosti je formulisana u gotovo isto vreme kada i teorija životnog stila (Cohen i Felson, 1979). Prema ovoj teoriji, da bi se dogodilo krivično delo, moraju istovremeno da deluju tri faktora. Moraju da postoje motivisani učinilac, podobna žr- tva ili objekat, i odsustvo osoba koje bi sprečile krivično delo. Cohen i Felson su smatra- li da verovatnoća da će krivično delo biti izvršeno nastaje sa delovanjem ova tri faktora u određenom vremenu i na određenom mestu. Sa druge strane, na njihovo delovanje utiče to na koji način su organizovane dnevne rutine. Tako neke osobe rutinski dolaze u situacije u kojima su ova tri faktora prisutna, dok drugi imaju dnevne rutine koje ih retko dovode u takve situacije.

Zakljuci U ovom poglavlju smo pokazali da pojam „žrtva kriminaliteta“ može da bude usko definisan i da uključi samo ona fizička lica koja su direktno pogođena krivičnim delom. Takođe smo predstavili i druge, mnogo opštije definicije vezano za širu grupu žrtava, kao što su žrtve saobraćajnih nesreća, ekoloških katastrofa i rata. U nastavku ćemo koristiti užu definiciju žrtve, prevashodno u smislu fizičkih lica koja su, bilo direktno ili indirektno, pretprela krivično delo. Primer ove druge kategori- je su rođaci ubijene žrtve ili pojedinci izloženi ekstremnom emotivnom stresu kroz svo- ja zanimanja. U delovima gde bude bilo potrebno, ova definicija će se proširivati tako da uključi čak i svedoke i zaposlene u pravosuđu. U meri u kojoj definicija predstavlja sastavni deo primene zakona, koristićemo pojam oštećeni kao tužilac. Najzad, definicija žrtve kriminaliteta je političko pitanje. Imajući to u vidu, posto- janje grupa koje vrše politički pritisak je od suštinskog značaja za javno predstavljanje grupa žrtava i postavljanje zahteva u njihovo ime. Ženski pokret je dobar primer takvih | 25 | grupa. One su kreirale javno mnjenje i skrenule pažnju na muško nasilje nad ženama. Kao rezultat toga, tretman ugroženih i zlostavljanih žena se poboljšao (videti poglavlje 4). Ovo poglavlje je, takođe, pokazalo da mnogo ljudi u svojim glavama ima sliku „ide- alne“ žrtve. Idealna žrtva je nevina, bespomoćna i potpuno neumešana u krivično delo. Većina onih koji su pogođeni krivičnim delom nisu umešani u njega, već su slučajno odabrani. Međutim, mnoge žrtve, koje dolaze u kontakt sa pravosudnim sistemom, sistemom zdravstvene zaštite ili socijalnim službama, ne uklapaju se u definiciju „ide- alne“. Žrtva može da bude pijana, teška za saradnju, čak i umešana u krivično delo. Uprkos tome, ova knjiga se u određenoj meri zasniva na diskusiji o idelanoj žrtvi. Ra- zlog tome je da čitaoci moraju da razumeju „normalan“ slučaj kako bi on ili ona mo- gli da razumeju i vode slučajeve „neidealnih“ žrtava. Nije problem biti profesionalan i empatičan kada su u pitanju idealne žrtve. Sa druge strane, pak, rad sa žrtvama koje su umešane u krivično delo, koje su pasivne ili koje pružaju otpor zahteva daleko više profesionalizma i empatije.

| 26 |  Deo II

Temelji

| 27 | | 28 |  Poglavlje 3

Ljudska prava Ranije su pojedinci sami bili zaduženi za primenu zakona i održavanje reda. Kada se dogodi krivično delo, primarno je bilo da se to razreši između strana koje su u njega uključene. Cilj je bio da učinilac popravi ili nadoknadi štetu nanetu krivičnim delom. U pojedinim slučajevima, od žrtve se očekivalo i bilo joj je dozvoljeno da traži osvetu zbog pretrpljenog zlodela. Ukoliko žrtva nije mogla sama da se osveti, teret zadovolje- nja pravde padao je na porodicu. Osveta i ispaštanje su bili centralni koncepti ranog pravnog sistema. Billström (1995) smatra da se kroz ovakve reakcije izražava koncept jednakosti i srazmernosti između krivičnog dela i kazne. Osveta treba da rezultira u kri- vičnom delu protiv učinioca, koje, pak treba da bude srazmerno delu izvršenom prema žrtvi, dok ispaštanje treba da bude jednako vrednosti ukradenih ili uništenih predmeta. Čak se i danas može naići na iste ove situacije u društvima koja su ili izolovana ili su u stanju traume (na primer, tokom i nakon civilnog rata). Ponekada dva sistema (indivi- dualni, baziran na retribuciji kroz osvetu, i organizovani, sistem pravde koji administri- ra društvo) mogu da postoje i uporedo. Najzad, dužnost zaštite pojedinaca i administriranja pravde pada na teret države. Po- smatrano iz ugla žrtve, to dovodi do slabljenja njenog položaja u sudskom procesu. Od vremena kada je žrtva mogla sama da traži pravdu, došlo se do toga da je država postala ta koja određuje sudbinu izvršioca, koja najviše odgovara ciljevima kažnjavanja (Billström, 1995). Od tog momenta, moglo bi se reći, žrtva je bila isključena iz sopstve- nog konflikta. Christie (1982) smatra da upravo zbog toga, u današnjem društvu žrtva može da se posmatra kao dvostruki gubitnik – žrtva gubi kako u odnosu na učinioca, tako i u odnosu na državu gde profesionalci u sudu kradu konflikt. Žrtva kriminaliteta ne može više da traži retribuciju. Krivično delo nije više samo napad na žrtvu lično i na društvene norme izražene kroz zakone – delo danas pogađa i odnose između građana, koji su pogođeni krivičnim delom, i države. Neformalna, građanska ili privatna kontrola, koja je u prošlosti postojala u mnogim zapadnim, post-industrijskim društvima je mnogo izgubila na značaju u periodu nakon Drugog svetskog rata. Faktor koji je doprineo tome je ekstenzivna urbanizacija, koja je umanjila društvenu kontrolu i povećala anonimnost. Uporedo sa tim, a kao rezultat povećanog životnog standarda, porasla je i stopa kriminaliteta. Uz promene životnog

| 29 | standarda, migracije su izmenile strukturu stanovništva, promenio se sistem normi, kao i uloga porodice i crkve (videti, na primer, Ds 1996: 59). Istovremeno sa porastom blagostanja i povećanjem materijalnih uslova za život, što ujedno podrazumeva da ima i više stvari koje mogu da se ukradu, neformalni mehaniz- mi kontrole iz prošlosti su zamenjeni formalnim. To je dovelo do situacije u kojoj je u zapadnom svetu došlo do povećanja stope kriminaliteta i smanjenja broja rasvetljenih krivičnih dela (Ds 1996: 59, 7-9). Krajnja odgovornost za borbu protiv kriminaliteta je na državi, pri čemu država ima monopol nad sankcionisanjem nasilja. Odgovornost društva da zaštiti svoje građane od kriminaliteta podrazumeva da je društvo isto tako odgovorno i kada je građanima naneta šteta usled izvršenog krivičnog dela. Ovo posebno važi ako se ima na umu da je država, kako je ranije već rečeno, preuzela konflikt od zainteresovanih strana (Christie, 1982; Joutsen, 1987).

Meunarodna zajednica U mnogim društvima postoje osnovne vrednosti i norme koje utiču na ljudsko pona- šanje i usmeravaju ga. Među tim vrednostima su i koncepti jednakosti, pravde, sigurno- sti i demokratije. Pojedinci žele da osećaju da se društvo pravično odnosi prema njima, da su zaštićeni od rizika nasilja i da imaju mogućnost da utiču na političke odluke. Ovi koncepti imaju svoj temelj u osnovnim ljudskim pravima i njih prihvataju države, ali ne nužno i društva. Međunarodna zajednica je u proteklih pedeset godina donela brojne dokumente u nameri da poveća zaštitu ovih osnovnih ljudskih prava. Poslednjih godina se, prevashodno zahvaljujući pritiscima grupa koje rade u domenu pružanja podrške žrtvama, uočava sve veće obraćanje pažnje na žrtve kriminaliteta. Taj pritisak je doveo do toga da su tela poput Ujedinjenih nacija (UN) i Evropske unije (EU) donela niz konvencija, rezolucija, deklaracija i preporuka u vezi sa žrtvama kriminaliteta. Pojam „konvencija“ odnosi se na međunarodne ugovore koji su pravno obavezujući za države koje ih ratifikuju ili im se pridruže. U mnogim zemljama proces ratifikacije sprovodi se kroz zakonodavnu aktivnost. Istovremeno sa procesom ratifikacije, pravila konvencije bi trebalo da budu kodifikovana kroz odgovarajući zakon u svakoj pojedinoj zemlji. Međutim, pojedina nacionalna zakonodavstva predviđaju neposrednu primenu međunarodnog prava u domaćem pravnom sistemu, bez obzira da li su usvojeni zakon- ski tekstovi usklađeni sa međunarodnim normama. Takva praksa postoji, na primer, u istočnoj Evropi i na Kavkazu. To znači da ove države sasvim legalno dugi niz godina nemaju usklađeno zakonodavstvo, a država očekuje da pravosudni i drugi državni or- gani neposredno primenjuju međunarodno pravo - to se ipak ne dešava često, pa otuda nastaje niz problema, posebno za žrtve.

| 30 |  Nasuprot konvencijama, rezolucije i deklaracije nisu pravno obavezujuće – one su više neka vrsta opštih izjava. Preporuke takođe nisu pravno obavezujuće, ali ih države uglavnom poštuju (za temeljnu diskusiju o ljudskim pravima videti, na primer, Tars- chys, 2001). Pored Ujedinjenih nacija, dokumente, koje za cilj imaju unapređenje po- ložaja žrtava kriminaliteta, doneli su i Savet Evrope, Evropska unija, Organizacija za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju i Evropska pomoć žrtvama. U ovom poglavlju ćemo razmotriti neke važne dokumente u oblasti ljudskih prava.

Ujedinjene nacije Generalna skupština Ujedninjenih nacija je 1948. godine usvojila rezoluciju u cilju jačanja zaštite ljudskih prava (General Assembly res. 217 A [III]). Rezolucija, između ostalog, sadrži delove koji se odnose na odnovne ideje slobode, pravde i mira. Usledile su dve međunarodne konvencije 1966. godine, od kojih se jedna bavi političkim i gra- đanskim pravima, a druga ekonomskim, socijalnim i kulturnim pravima. Ova doku- menta čine osnov sistema međunarodnih normi o ljudskim pravima. Ona sadrže brojna pravila poput zabrane diskriminacije, prava na život i zabrane ropstva. Takođe sadrže i pravila u vezi sa pravom i poretkom (na primer, jednakost pred zakonom i pravo na pravično i nepristrasno suđenje) i mehanizmima demokratije (na primer, slobodu mi- šljenja, izražavanja i udruživanja). Uz to, ova dokumenta uključuju i pravila u vezi sa pravom na ličnu sigurnost i integritet (na primer, pravo na privatnost i zaštitu dece). Pored osnovnih konvencija o ljudskim pravima, UN su usvojile i niz posebnih kon- vencija koje se bave pravima određenih grupa, kao što su žene i deca, ili, pak, specifič- nim pravima, kao što su zabrana torture, rasizma i genocida. Među tim posebnim kon- vencijama je Konvencija o eliminaciji svih oblika diskriminacije žena, koju je Genralna skupština UN usvojila 1979. godine, a koja je stupila na snagu 1981. godine (General Assembly res. 34/180). Ženska konvencija ima za cilj da razjasni i ojača pravo žena na jednakost. Iako se nasilje nad ženama ne diskutuje eksplicitno, ipak postoji niz članova koji se bave različitim oblicima diskriminacije žena – sa ili bez elemenata nasilja. U ovu kategoriju se čak svrstava i Konvencija o pravima deteta, koja je usvojena 1989. godine. Pored ostalog, Konvecnija o pravima deteta razmatra odgovornost države da zaštiti decu od nasilja i svih vidova seksualne eksploatacije i zlostavljanja. Konvencija uključuje četiri osnovna principa: sva deca imaju ista prava, dete mora da bude od pri- marnog značaja u svim akcijama koje se tiču dece, sva deca imaju pravo na život i razvoj, i deca imaju pravo da budu saslušana i da iznesu svoje mišljenje u svim stvarima koja se tiču njih. Švedska je ratifikovala Konvenciju 1990. godine i to je uticalo na švedske zakone kroz uključivanje perspektive deteta u Zakonik o roditeljima i deci iz 1998. godine i Zakon o socijalnim službama (SFS 2001: 453). Još jedan značajan dokument je Konvencija UN protiv transnacionalnog organizo- vanog kriminala, koja je usvojena 2000. godine. Konvencija ima za cilj da promoviše | 31 | efikasnu međunarodnu saradnju u prevenciji i suprotstavljanju transnacionalnom or- ganizovanom kriminalitetu. Uz nju su usvojena i dva dodatna protokola, koja se bave trgovinom ljudima (Protokol o sprečavanju, suzbijanju i kažnjavanju trgovine ljudskim bićima, posebno ženama i decom) i krijumčarenjem migranata (Protokol protiv krijum- čarenja migranata kopnenim, morskim i vazdušnim putem). Neki od ciljeva ovih proto- kola su: • prevencija i suzbijanje trgovine ljudima, posebno ženama i decom • zaštita i podrška žrtvama uz puno poštovanje njihovih ljudskih prava, i • promovisanje saradnje među državama članicama kako bi se ovi ciljevi postigli. Uz pravno obavezujuće konvencije, UN su usvojile i brojne deklaracije u vezi sa žr- tvama kriminaliteta. Sredinom osamdesetih godina dvadesetog veka, UN su usvojile Deklaraciju o osnovnim principima pravde za žrtve kriminaliteta i zloupotrebe moći (Ge- neral Assembly res. 40/34). To je „Magna Charta“ za žrtve kriminaliteta i sadrži četiri osnovna princip: • pravo na pristup suđenju i pravičan tretman, • pravo na naknadu štete od strane učinioca, • pravo na kompenzaciju od strane države, • pravo na neophodnu materijalnu, medicinsku, psihološku i socijalnu pomoć od strane volonterskih i javnih institucija i organizacija. Tako žrtve kriminaliteta imaju pravo da budu poštovane i priznate na svim nivoi- ma u okviru krivičnopravnog sistema, pravo na kontinuirano informisanje o tome (i objašnjenje) kako napreduje procesuiranje njihovog slučaja, pravo da pruže informacije onima koji su odgovorni za donošenje odluka u vezi sa izvršiocem, kao i pristup pravnoj pomoći, zaštitu ličnog integriteta i fizičke sigurnosti i pravo na naknadu štete. Uz to, u Deklaraciji se navodi da svi koji rade u sudu treba da budu obučeni o tome na koji način da izađu u susret potrebama žrtava. Deklaracija se završava postavljanjem izazova državama članicama da preduzmu sve neophodne mere kako bi ispunile sve ono što je sadržano u ovom dokumentu. Usledilo je usvajanje „vodiča“ za one koji donose odluke sa smernicama za kontinuirani rad na problematici žrtava kriminaliteta (UN, 1999a) i priručnika o metodama za implementaciju koncepata proklamovanih Deklaracijom (UN, 1999b). Generalna skupština je 1993. godine usvojila Deklaraciju protiv nasilja nad ženama. Generalna skupština je istakla da postoji vitalna potreba da se koncept ljudskih prava odnosi i na žene u smislu njihove jednakosti, sigurnosti, slobode, integriteta i dostojan- stva. Deklaracija sadrži predloge mera koje bi trebalo preduzeti kako bi se eliminisali

| 32 | svi oblici nasilja nad ženama. Nadalje, ona ističe da države moraju da rade na tome da osiguraju kompetentnu podršku i pomoć ženama koje su izložene nasilju i njihovoj deci – i to ne samo od strane ustanova zdravstvene zaštite i socijalnih službi. Ona takođe ističe potrebu za edukacijom policijskih i drugih državnih sužbenika, koji su odgovorni za sprečavanje, istragu i kažnjavanje nasilničkog kriminaliteta prema ženama.

Savet Evrope Paralelno sa radom UN, i Savet Evrope, takođe, preduzima mere usmerene na jačanje ljudskih prava. Temelj rada Saveta Evrope, koji beleži svoje početke pedesetih godina dvadesetog veka, je Evropska konvencija za zaštitu ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda, koja se bavi zaštitom ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda. Konvencija, između ostalog, reguliše pravo na život, ličnu slobodu, slobodu govora, pravično suđenje i pravo da se ne bude osuđen za delo koje nije predstavljalo krivično delo po unutrašnjem ili među- narodnom pravu. Još jedna konvecnija, i to Konvencija br. 116 (83) o naknadi štete žrtvama nasilničkog kriminaliteta iz 1983. godine navodi da žrtve, kao i rođaci onih koji su tokom izvršenja krivičnog dela ubijeni, imaju pravo na naknadu štete od strane države ukoliko ne mogu da budu obeštećeni iz nekog drugog izvora. Pravo na naknadu štete se primenjuje čak i u onim slučajevima kada izvršilac nije ni optužen ili osuđen. Konvencija nastavlja time što navodi da država treba da isplati štetu kada se desi krivično delo. Od 1979. godine, Savet Evrope je usvojio 31 preporuku za države članice a vezano za pitanja koja se tiču žrtava kriminaliteta. Među njima je i Preporuka br. R (85) 11 koja se odnosi na položaj žrtava u krivičnom i drugom sudskom postupku, koju je usvojio Savet ministara 1985. godine. Preporuka daje smernice tužilaštvu, sudskim i penitensi- jarnim institucijama država članica. Ove smernice uključuju odgovornost državnih tela da obezbede pomoć i podršku žrtvama kriminaliteta, uključujući davanje informacija, naknadu štete i zaštitu ličnog integriteta. Dve godine kasnije, Savet Evrope je usvojio Preporuku br. R (87) 21 o pomoći žrtvama krivičnih dela i prevenciji kriminaliteta. Države članice su podstaknute da istraže potrebe žrtava krivičnih dela i mapiraju rasprostranjenost kriminaliteta kako bi omogućile razvoj programa za žrtve kriminaliteta. Uz to, države su zamoljene da povećaju nivo razume- vanja potreba žrtava kriminaliteta, kako od strane opšte javnosti, tako i unutar državnih struktura. Savet ministara je 1990. godine usvojio Preporuku b. (90) 2 koja se bavi nasiljem nad ženama. Preporuka razmatra opšte mere prevencije, ali isto tako ukazuje na specifične mere, uključujući informisanje, otkrivanje i prijavljivanje napada, kao i pomoć i terapi- ju za čitavu porodicu. Glavni koncept ove preporuke je značaj višestruke, kordinisane intervencije u ime žrtve kriminaliteta.

| 33 |  Neke od preporuka, koje su usvojene poslednjih godina, odnose se na pitanja pretnji svedocima i posredovanje u krivičnim stvarima. U Preporuci br. R (97) 13 iz 1997. godine se kaže da svedoci moraju da svedoče slobodno, ne pod pretnjom. Nadalje, na- vodi se da zakonom treba predvideti kažnjavanje za pretnje koje imaju za cilj da odvrate svedoka od svedočenja, kao i da te pretnje treba shvatiti veoma ozbiljno. U Preporuci se, takođe, navodi da svedoci treba da budu ohrabreni da prijave bilo koju relevantnu informaciju. Jedan mogući način da se pomogne svedoku da u potpunosti svedoči je da se smesti u posebnu prostoriju i bude zaštićen od optuženog. Na ovom mestu trebalo bi pomenuti i to da zaposleni u pravosudnom sistemu treba da budu edukovani za bavlje- nje pretnjama koje su usmerene protiv svedoka. Preporuka br. R (99) 19 iz 1999. godine sadrži brojne principe koje države članice treba da imaju u vidu prilikom rešavanja pitanja posredovanja. Jedan takav princip je da do posredovanja može da dođe samo na osnovu saglasnosti obe strane, da strane imaju mogućnost da prekinu posredovanje u bilo kom trenutku, da je diskusija koja se vodi tokom procesa posredovanja poverljiva i da informacije koje su prikupljene tokom posredovanja ne mogu kasnije da se koriste bez saglasnosti obe strane. Principi takođe uključuju pravna pitanja, kao što je uvođenje posredovanja u krivičnim slučajevima u svako pojedino nacionalno zakonodavstvo, uz predviđanje posebnih smernica o nje- govoj primeni. Preporuka nadalje definiše na koji način se odvija proces posredovanja: posredovanje mora da se sprovodi na nepristrasan način, da bude zasnovano na činjeni- cama i da se odvija prema željama zainteresovanih strana.

Evropska unija Tokom proteklih godina uočava se povećano interesovanje Evropske unije (EU) za položaj žrtava kriminaliteta. Primer tog interesovanja je i tzv. Grocijus program, koji je finansirao nekoliko studija o žrtvama kriminaliteta. Studija u kojoj su poređena zako- nodavstva zemalja članica i podrška koju one pružaju žrtvama silovanja i drugih seksu- alnih napada predstavljena je 1998. godine (Bacik, Maunsell i Grogan, 1998). Sledeće, 1999. godine, Švedska agencija za kompenzaciju žrtava kriminaliteta i podršku je, u saradnji sa Ministarstvom pravde, predstavila projekat, koji se fokusirao na mogućnosti dobijanja pomoći i podrške u slučaju kada je pojedinac pogođen krivičnim delom u drugoj zemlji u okviru Unije (Wergens, 1999). Te iste godine je Evropska komisija (izvršno telo EU) predstavila Evropskom par- lamentu izveštaj Žrtve kriminaliteta u Evropskoj uniji – osvrt na standarde i akcije (KOM[99] 349 final). U izveštaju su predstavljene preventivne aktivnosti, podrška žrtvama krivičnih dela, položaj žrtve u sudskom procesu i naknada štete, kao i pružanje informacija, pitanje jezika i edukacija. Komisija je zaključila da tokom sudskog procesa žrtve moraju da budu tretirane s poštovanjem i dostojanstveno, te da im budu osigurani

| 34 | privatnost i bezbednost. Takođe je uočeno da naknada štete treba da bude obezbeđena žrtvama što je ranije moguće, na primer, kroz isplatu unapred. Ova dokumenta su činila osnov za razgovore između Saveta Evropske unije i šefova država tokom jeseni 1999. godine u Tamerforsu. Sastanak u Tamerforsu je rezultirao predlogom da se obezbedi minimum podrške žrtvama kriminaliteta – posebno u smi- slu pristupa pravdi i prava na naknadu štete. Bazirajući se na ovim dokumentima, Savet Evropske unije je usvojio Okvirnu odluku o položaju žrtava kriminaliteta u pravnom sistemu (2001/220/RIF). Odluka, između ostalog, sadrži dokumenta u kojima se apostrofiraju prava žrtava na poštovanje i prizna- vanje. U tom kontekstu se navodi da države članice treba da obezbede da se prema žrtvi krivičnog dela odnosi na način na koji će se poštovati njeno ljudsko dostojanstvo, kao i da se tokom sudskog postupka prepoznaju prava žrtve i njeni legitimni interesi. Odluka sadrži i dokumente o pravu na informisanje. Tako bi, na primer, države članice trebalo da osiguraju da žrtve imaju pristup relevantnim informacijama već tokom prvog kon- takta sa službenicima organa za sprovođenje zakona kako bi mogle da na adekvatan način zaštite svoje interese. Druge oblasti kojima se ova odluka bavi su pravo na zaštitu i pravo na naknadu štete u okviru sudskog procesa. Uz to, odluka apostrofira značaj posebnih službi i organizacija koje pružaju podršku žrtvama kriminaliteta i obezbeđuju treninge za one koji su uključeni u sudske postupke ili na drugi način dolaze u kontakt sa žrtvama. Za vreme švedskog predsedavanja Unijom, 2010. godine usvojen je Stokholmski pro- gram. U ovom programu Savet EU poziva Komisiju i države članice da: • ispitaju na koji način mogu da unaprede zakonodavstvo i praktične mere podrške kako bi se obezbedila zaštita žrtava i poboljšala implementacija postojećih instrumenata; • ponude bolju podršku žrtvama na drugi način, po mogućstvu kroz mreže postojećih organizacija u Evropi, koje pružaju praktičnu pomoć i stavlja- ju predloge u vezi sa tim; • ispitaju mogućnost sačinjavanja jednog sveobuhvatnog pravnog instru- menta o zaštiti žrtava i to kroz objedinjavanje Direktive Saveta 2004/80/ EC od 29. aprila 2004. godine koja se odnosi na naknadu štete žrtvama i Okvirne odluke Saveta EU 2001/220/JHA od 15. marta 2001. godine o položaju žrtava u krivičnom postupku, a na osnovu evaluacije ova dva instrumenta. Povećana primena finansijskih programa trebalo bi da bude u skladu sa postojećim pravnim okvirima država članica. Takođe postoji i poseban pravni okvir na nivou EU vezano za žrtve trgovine ljudima.

| 35 |  Evropska pomo žrtvama Evropska pomoć žrtvama osnovana je 1987. godine kao udruženje organizacija koje pružaju podršku žrtvama kriminaliteta. Evropska pomoć žrtvama, koja ima status kon- sultanta pri UN, ima za cilj da obezbedi žrtvama kriminaliteta dobijanje najbolje mo- guće pomoći, onoliko dugo koliko je to žrtvama potrebno, kako bi se one vratile svom ranijem, aktivnom životu, i to bez obzira na nacionalnost ili mesto na prostoru Evrope u kome je krivično delo izvršeno. U svojim okvirima, ova organizacija radi na razvijanju efikasne pomoći strancima kao žrtvama kriminaliteta u okviru EU. Organizacija je 1996. godine usvojila program pod nazivom Dokument o pravima žrtava u krivičnom postupku, koji je najvećim delom zasnovan na dokumentima UN i Saveta Evrpe (The Victim Support Europe, 1996). Program sadrži osnovne principe i specifična prava žrtava kriminaliteta u sudskom procesu. Osnovni principi su: • prava žrtava kriminaliteta moraju da dobiju jednak prioritet kao prava optuženih, • postupak protiv učinioca ne sme da poveća nevolje ili stvori dodatne probleme žrtvama kriminaliteta (tzv. sekundarna viktimizacija). Specifična prava žrtava kriminaliteta uključuju: • pravo žrtve da se u svim fazama krivičnog postupka prema njoj odnosi s poštovanjem i priznavanjem, • pravo žrtve da dobije informacije i pojašnjenja u vezi sa svojim slučajem, • omogućiti žrtvi da pruži informacije onima koji su odgovorni za donoše- nje odluke u vezi sa optuženim, • pravo pristupa pravnoj pomoći, bez obzira na sredstva kojima žrtva raspolaže, • pravo na zaštitu privatnosti i fizičke bezbednosti, • pravo na naknadu štete na prvom mestu od strane učinioca, a onda i od države. Evropska pomoć žrtvama je razvila i dokument o socijalnim pravima žrtava krimina- liteta – Socijalna prava žrtava kriminaliteta (The Victim Support Europe, 1998). Pored opštih socijalnih prava, ovaj dokument uključuje i detaljnija pravila za žrtve krimina- liteta u vezi sa njihovim pravom na privatnost i fizičku bezbednost, prepoznavanje od strane zdravstvenih i socijalnih službi i bezbednost u kući i na radnom mestu. Dokument o pravima žrtava na odgovarajuće standarde službe publikovan je 1999. go- dine. Ovaj dokument sadrži minimum standarda koje bi trebalo da ispune organizacije koje nude pomoć i podršku žrtvama kriminaliteta (The Victim Support Europe, 1999).

| 36 |  Osnovna prava žrtava su: • Pravo na besplatne usluge koje pružaju organizacije koje vode obučeni volonteri i profesionalci. • Usluge koje obezbeđuje Evropska podrška žrtvama: – su bazirane na razumevanju problema koje imaju žrtve kriminaliteta; – uključuju informacije o pravima žrtava; – uključuju psihološku, emotivnu i praktičnu pomoć tokom policijske intervencije, istrage i sudskog postupka; – uključuju mogućnost posredovanja u kontaktima sa specijalizovanim službama kada je to neophodno. Specifična prava žrtava kriminaliteta uključuju: • dostupnost podrške svim žrtvama, bez obzira na starost, pol ili seksualnu orijentaciju, • podršku od strane odabranih i obučenih osoba, • besplatnu pomoć, • poverljivost, • usluge bazirane na uslovima žrtava kriminaliteta, • nezavisnost pomoći. Pored značajnog rada Evropske pomoći žrtvama, OEBS je razvio niz instrumenata o pravima žrtava, preciznije o pravima žrtava trgovine ljudima.

Zakljuci Usvajanje međunarodnih dokumenata tokom poslednjih dekada predstavlja jasan dokaz pojačavanja mehanizama zaštite osnovnih ljudskih prava. Jedan važan efekat ovih dokumenata je stavljanje većeg akcenta na žrtve kriminaliteta. Međutim, do sada su međunarodni dokumenti bili uglavnom orijentisani na regulisanje prava žrtava u kontekstu krivičnopravnog sistema, dok većina žrtava, koje zapravo imaju mnogo po- treba, ostaje izvan ovih okvira. To može da govori u prilog tome da je interesovanje za podršku i zaštitu žrtava mnogo više povezano sa interesom države da kažnjava učinioce nego da zaista izlazi u susret potrebama žrtava. Šta više, mnoge države čak ni prava žrta- va u krivičnopravnom sistemu, koja su sadržana u najvažnijim UN i EU dokumentima o žrtvama, ne primenjuju na adekvatan način. Upravo zbog toga je Saveta EU nedavno usvojio Rezoluciju o mapi puteva za jačanje prava i zaštite žrtava, posebno u krivičnom | 37 | postupku, a koja je bazirana na Lisabonskom ugovoru. Ovo bi mogao da bude značajan korak ka strožim obavezama za implementaciju i sveobuhvatnije bavljenje problemima žrtava u Evropi.

| 38 |  Deo III

Žrtve u fokusu

| 39 | | 40 |  POGLAVLJE 4

Dostignua u vezi sa žrtvama kriminaliteta Tokom 1700-ih godina, interesovanje za kriminalitet je prvenstveno bilo fokusirano na samo krivično delo. To se izmenilo tokom 1800-ih, da bi do kraja veka pažnja bila usmerena na kriminalca. Kriminalac je bio podvrgnut pažljivom ispitivanju: biološ- kom, psihološkom i sociološkom. Tek stotinak godina kasnije, žrtva kriminaliteta je počela da pridobija pažnju. Ovaj nedostatak pažnje odnosio se na istraživanja, krimi- nalnu politiku i društvo uopšte. Povećano interesovanje za žrtve kriminaliteta se, jednim delom, može objasniti upra- vo tim ranim, jednostranim fokusom na kriminalca. To bi, isto tako, mogla da bude i reakcija na veliki porast stope prijavljenog kriminaliteta uz istovremeno opadanje stope rasvetljenih dela. Još jedan značajan faktor je osnivanje prvih pokreta, posebno ženskog pokreta.

Nova perspektiva Položaj žrtve kriminaliteta dobija pažnju kriminalne politike u Sjedinjenim Američ- kim Državama tokom 1960-ih godina. Razlog za to ogleda se u delovanju konzerva- tivnih interesnih grupa, koje su, zabrinute zbog porasta stope kriminaliteta, počele da zahtevaju stroži tretman kriminalaca. Postojala je rasprava o tome da bi ova zabrinutost za žrtve trebalo da se posmatra kao pokušaj da se obezbedi podrška represivnoj krimi- nalnoj politici, koja je bila na liniji očuvanja „reda i mira“ (Elias, 1984; Karmen, 1990; Kirchhoff, 1991). Republikanski predsednički kandidat Barry Goldwater je u svojoj kampanji 1964. godine pokrenuo pitanje uličnog kriminaliteta. Na izborima je pobedio demokratski kandidat Lyndon B. Johnson, koji je prihvatio Goldwater-ovo gledište i obrazovao ko- misiju koja je trebalo da ispita situaciju u vezi sa žrtvama kriminaliteta. Izveštaj komisije je prezentovan 1967. godine, a sadržao je, između ostalog, rezultate istraživanja o žrtva- ma. U ovom istraživanju, koje je bilo prvo te vrste, osobe koje su ušle u uzorak su pitane da li su tokom godine koja je prethodila bili izloženi krivičnom delu. Jedan važan re- zultat bio je da je istraživanje pokazalo da mnoga krivična dela iz različitih razloga nisu prijavljena policiji (Litzén, 1993). | 41 |  U vreme kada su predstavljeni ovi rezultati, sprodovile su se i druge studije koje su pokazale da svedoci i žrtve kriminaliteta ne žele da učestvuju u rasvetljavanju krivičnih dela – čak i onda kada je krivično delo bilo prijavljeno i učinilac uhapšten. Razlog tome bio je dodatni stres koji stvara sudski postupak. Žrtve često nisu dobijale podršku ni informacije o tome šta se dešava, i često su bile prinuđene da provode sate u dosadnim čekaonicama, uglavnom zajedno sa osumnjičenim (Maguire, 1991). Različiti državni organi u SAD uočili su da je potrebno preduzeti mere kako bi se ovaj problem rešio. Mislilo se da će, ako je tretman žrtava bolji, doći do povećanja stope prijavljenih dela, da će žrtve biti spremnije na saradnju tokom sudskog postupka i da će biti aktivnije kao svedoci. Jedna od najznačajnih preduzetih mera bila je usmerena na povećanje učešće žrtava i svedoka u sudskom postupku. U tom cilju su pokrenuti brojini projekti, a jedan od ključnih rezultata bile su posebne prostorije za žrtve i svedo- ke. Štampane su i brošure sa informacijama o toku sudskog postupka (Davis i Henley, 1990). Rane sedamdesete godine dvadesetog veka su obeležene početkom tzv. „debate o si- lovanju“ u SAD, kada je ženski pokret doveo u pitanje odnos američkog društva prema žrtvama silovanja i njihov tretman (Karmen, 1990; Roberts, 1990). Ukoliko silova- nje nije bilo dovoljno ozbiljno, žena koja je prijavila krivično delo državnim organima, obično se saslušavala više puta, na nju se gledalo s prezirom i bila je izložena raznim predrasudama. Jedna od pionirki u ovoj oblasti bila je Susan Brownmiller, koja je napi- sala knjigu Protiv naše volje – muškarci, žene i silovanje. Brownmiller (1976) je navela da silovanje može da se razume kao biološki, kulturološki i socijalni fenomen, ali da je to na prvom mestu izraz tlačenja žena u celom društvu. Ranije se ženski pokret borio za to da žene imaju pravo glasa, pravo na obrazovanje i rad. Kada su ovi ciljevi ostvareni, pokret je svoje delovanje usmerio ka seksualnoj neza- visnosti i fizičkom integritetu žena. Tišina koja je obavijala pitanja abortusa i silovanja (a kasnije i muškog nasilja nad ženama, seksualnog uznemiravanja i incesta) bila je pre- kinuta, prevashodno zahvaljujući tome što su žrtve počele otvoreno da pričaju o svojim iskustvima (Karmen, 1990). Sličan razvoj događaja beleži se u Engleskoj, a nekoliko godina kasnije i u Švedskoj i drugim zemljama zapadne Evrope. Prva polovina 1970-ih godina je u Engleskoj i SAD donela različite volonterske inici- jative, koje su bile zasnovane na konceptu da je društvo odgovorno da brine o žrtvama kriminaliteta. Jedna takva inicijativa bilo je osnivanje centara za silovane žene, kojima su one mogle da se obrate za pravne savete i emotivnu podršku tokom 24 sata dnevno. Uz to, neko iz centra je mogao da ide sa žrtvom u policijsku stanicu, kod lekara, advo- kata i slično. Mnogi centri su pokrenuli i grupne terapije za silovane žene (Karmen, 1990; Roberts, 1990). Ovi centri su umnogome bili pod uticajem feminističke ideolo- gije i imali su značajan upliv na budući razvoj programa za pomoć žrtvama. Većinu ovih

| 42 | ranih napora vezanih za pomoć žrtvama predvodili su pojedinci/pojedinke koji/koje su i sami bili/bile žrtve, a bili su razočarani pomoći koja im je stajala na raspolaganju. Od samog osnivanja, ove grupe su odabrale da rade nezavisno od postojećeg sistema i pravosudnih organa (Walklate, 1989). U isto vreme, brojni novinski članci, knjige i istraživački izveštaji pokazivali su koliko je silovanje rasprostranjeno u društvu i ukazivali na probleme koje krivično delo proi- zvodi za žrtvu. To je rezultiralo time da ženski pokret pojača svoj pritisak. Od pružanja pomoći i podrške žrtvama silovanja kao svoje prve namere, ženski pokret je sada počeo da deluje kao grupa koja vrši politički pritisak. Jedan primer ove vrste aktivnosti je po- kušaj da se podigne svest javnosti o tome kako se sudovi sa predrasudama odnose prema ženama ili kako su žene na drugi način loše tretirane. U različitim državama SAD su činjeni pokušaji da se pooštri kaznena politika za silovanje. Aktivnosti su, takođe, po- čele da obuhvataju i druge vidove savetovanja u kriznim situacijama, kao i kampanje za informisanje i edukovanje (Boëthius, 1976; Karmen, 1990). Povezano sa raspravama o silovanju, i drugi oblici opresije žena su izbili na svetlost dana, uključujući napade. Kao mnoge žrtve silovanja, i zlostavljane žene su često iznosi- le svoja negativna iskustva sa pravnim sistemom. Uprkos postojanja odgovornosti prav- nog sistema da reaguje, mnoge žene su navodile da nikakvi koraci nisu preduzimani nakon što je delo prijavljeno policiji. Nije bilo neobično da se napad na ženu tretira kao porodični problem, a ne kao stvar policije. Rasprostranjen je bio i stav da su žene strana u događaju i da i one same snose deo krivice za ono što im se desilo. Postoje brojne paralele između rasprave o silovanju i fokusa ženskog pokreta na muš- ko nasilje nad ženama. Obe ove rasprave su inicirale bivše žrtve, obe su zasnovane na uverenju da se ova krivična dela daleko više zasnivaju na socijalnim i institucionalnim problemima nego na ličnim problemima ili nekoj vrsti izražavanja ličnog neuspeha, i obe su bile usmerene ka podizanju svesti pravosudnih organa o muškom nasilju nad ženema, a time i ka poboljšanju odnosa sistema prema zlostavljanim i silovanim ženama (Karmen, 1990). Prve službe za podršku žrtvama kriminaliteta, muškarcima i ženama, počele su da se osnivaju u Velikoj Britaniji ranih 1970-ih godina (Maguire i Shapland, 1990). Njih su mahom činile nezavisne osobe koje su volonterski pružale podršku, a rad službi se finansirao putem donacija. Volonteri su pružali emotivnu podršku i praktičnu pomoć žrtvama kriminaliteta – prvenstveno žrtvama provala i napada (Maguire i Corbett, 1987). 1979. godine osnovana je Nacionalna asocijacija službi za žrtve kao krovna orga- nizacija sa ciljem da uspostavi standardizovane metode i obuke za pojedinačne službe (Maguire i Shapland, 1990).

| 43 |  Žrtva kriminaliteta u srpskoj perspektivi

Intenziviranje rasprava Interesovanje javnosti za žrtve kriminaliteta u Srbiji je inicirano 1980-ih godina, pr- venstveno zahvaljujući zalaganju feministkinja za prava žena i dece. O nasilju nad že- nama se raspravljalo na javnim tribinama koje je u Beogradu organizovala feministička grupa Žene i društvo. Članice ove grupe su, takođe, bile uključene u druge aktivnosti za podizanje svesti, kao što su intervjui u medijima, okrugli stolovi, govori u raznim institucijama i slično. Knjiga Žene žrtve kriminaliteta, koju je napisala Vesna Nikolić- Ristanović, je 1990. godine promovisana na jednoj od tribina u organizaciji grupe Žene i društvo (Blagojević, 1998). Knjiga je poslužila kao važan osnov za zalaganje za pravne reforme u Srbiji. Pred- stavnice ženskih grupa su, zajedno sa istraživačicama, predstavile saveznim organima bivše SFRJ svoje predloge za izmene zakona u vezi sa nasiljem u porodici i silovanjem u braku i dale brojne intervjue medijima. Nakon raspada Jugoslavije i početka etničkog konflikta, ova kampanja je donekle usporena, jer je fokus zalaganja usmeren na žene žrtve nasilja u ratu. Međutim, zalaganje ženskih grupa za podizanje svesti javnosti i bolju zaštitu žrtava nasilja u porodici uopšte nije prestajalo ni tokom ratnih godina. Ženske grupe i feminističke istraživačice su doprinele vidljivosti problema žrtava nasi- lja u porodici, ali i žrtava seksualnog nasilja i trgovine ljudima. Grupa za ženska prava Evropskog pokreta u Srbiji1 je još sredinom 1990-ih godina dostavila državnim organi- ma prvi nacrt krivičnog dela nasilja u porodici i silovanja u braku. Iako bez uspeha, ovo zalaganje je ipak bilo značajno u smislu podizanja svesti državnih službenika i javnosti. Naime, odredba o kažnjavanju silovanja u braku je uneta u Nacrt Krivičnog zakonika kao alternativa tradicionalnoj definiciji silovanja i po prvi put se o tome raspravljalo u srpskom parlamentu. Tokom 1990-ih godina, aktivistkinje ženskih grupa su osnovale prve SOS telefone, skloništa i savetovališta za žene i decu žrtve nasilja. Prvi SOS telefoni su osnovani 1990. godine u dva grada – Beogradu i Kraljevu, a 1993. godine i u Nišu. Razvoj ovih usluga za žrtve posebno je intenziviran nakon društvenih promena 2000. godine. Opšte uzev, razvoj službi za žrtve tokom 1990-ih i 2000-ih godina bio je pod snažnim uticajem žen- skog pokreta, ali i pod uticajem razvoja civilnog društva uopšte i organizacija za ljudska prava posebno. Kao i u drugim zemljama, organizacije za ljudska prava su bile uglavnom zainteresovane za prava žrtava u vezi sa krivičnim postupkom i kažnjavanjem učinioca, dok su organizacije za podršku žrtvama bile fleksibilnije i zadržale osnažujući pristup, pružajući podršku žrtvama i izlazeći u susret njihovim potrebama bez obzira da li su žrtve bile uključene u krivičnopravne procedure.

1 Grupa je bila preteča Viktimološkog društva Srbije. | 44 |  Prve službe za žrtve u Srbiji bile su specijalizovane službe za žene i decu žrtve nasi- lja. Ženske grupe su stavile pitanje muškog nasilja nad ženama na dnevni red, ističući da nasilje u porodici nije privatna stvar već društveni problem, koji zahteva ozbiljnu raspravu i rešenja. Kasnije su osnivane i druge specijalizovane službe, poput službi za žrtve torture i rata. Do kraja 1990-ih godina, u Srbiji su zalaganje za žrtve i podrška žrtvama bili ograničeni na žene i decu žrtve nasilje. Međutim, od 2000-ih, umnogo- me zahvaljujući delovanju Viktimološkog društva Srbije,2 inicirane su brojne pozitivne promene značajne ne samo za žene i decu, već i za žrtve kriminaliteta uopšte. Prva i do sada jedina opšta služba za žrtve, tj. služba koja pruža podršku žrtvama svih oblika kriminaliteta, i to oba pola, osnovana je 2003. godine u okviru Viktimološkog društva Srbije. Na osnovu sačinjenih nacrta i zalaganja Viktimološkog društva Srbije i drugih nevladinih organizacija, usvojeni su zakoni koji sadrže odredbe značajne za žrtve. Ta- kođe, od 2008. godine u Republičkom zavodu za statistiku beleže se osnovni podaci o žrtvama. Redovno obeležavanje 25. novembra – Međunarodnog dana borbe protiv nasilja nad ženama – započele su ženske grupe još 1990-ih godina, dok Viktimološko društvo Srbije redovno obeležava 22. februar – Međunarodni dan žrtava. Nevladina organizacija I.A.N. je inicirala obeležavanje Međunarodnog dana borbe protiv torture. Kao i u drugim zemljama, organizacije koje se bave žrtvama u Srbiji koriste ove datume, ali i sve druge mogućnosti, kako bi organizovale događaje usmerene na podizanje svesti i skretanje pažnje javnosti i države na probleme sa kojima se žrtve suočavaju. Uz sve to, nevladine organizacije koje se bave žrtvama su do sada organizovale i brojne obuke za različite stručnjake, uključujući policiju, socijalne radnike, sudije, tužioce i zaposlene u sistemu zdravstvene zaštite. Nakon 2000. godine, prve službe za žrtve su osnovane i u okviru državnih institucija. One su uglavnom osnivane u okviru institucija sistema socijalne zaštite. Od posebne koristi za ovaj razvoj bile su izmene porodičnog zakonodavstva u vezi sa nasiljem u porodici, kao i povećana mogućnost finansiranja partnerstva između NVO i državnih institucija. Tako je, na primer, 2004. godine u Beogradu osnovana Služba za koordinaciju zaštite žrtava trgovine ljudima kao deo Ministarstva rada, zapošljavanja i socijalne politike. Odskora u Beogradu postoje i SOS telefon za decu i Prihvatilište za urgentnu zaštitu zlostavljane dece. Takođe, nevladine organizacije su u saradnji sa centrima za socijalni rad osnovale i nekoliko SOS telefona u Srbiji. Državne službe su uglavnom pratile opšti trend razvoja usluga u NVO u smislu nji- hovog fokusa na žene i decu žrtve nasilje. Od 2010. godine primećuju se novi trednovi: zatvaranje pojedinih nevladinih organizacija koje su pružale podršku žrtvama (SOS telefoni i skloništa), a koje su razvijane sa puno entuzijazma i koje su generisale dra-

2 Više o Viktimološkom društvu Srbije videti u delovima o državnim organima i žrtvama, viktimološkim istraži- vanjima u Srbiji i delu o nevladinim organizacijama i žrtvama. | 45 | goceno iskustvo aktivista i aktivistkinja. Njihove aktivnosti su delom preuzele državne institucije, kojima, za razliku od nevladinih organizacija, često nedostaju znanje i isku- stvo potrebno za izlaženje u susret potrebama žrtava. Sve skupa, primećuje se da razvoj usluga i programa za žrtve, kako u okviru nevladi- nih organizacija, tako i u okviru državnih službi, u Srbiji nije bio pravolinijski i siste- matičan. Iako značajan, ovaj razvoj je uglavnom bio rezultat entuzijazma grupa poje- dinaca/pojedinki i fragmentarnih napora države. Takođe, iako je primetan određeni nivo saradnje različitih službi, nacionala mreža lokalnih službi za žrtve, koja postoji u mnogim zemljama, još uvek nije osnovana. Jedna od ključnih karakteristika razvoja u vezi sa žrtvama u Srbiji je da je on doprineo društvenoj vidljivosti i svesti o određenim kategorijama žrtava, dok su, pak, druge žrtve i dalje prilično nevidljive i neprepoznate. Rasprostranjenost specijalizovanih usluga i organizacija za žrtve doprinela je vidljivosti određenih žrtava, kao što su žene žrtve na- silja u porodici, deca žrtve seskualnog zlostavljanja, žrtve trgovine ženama i decom, i, od skora, žrtve zlostavljanja na radu. Druge žrtve, poput žrtava razbojništva, provala, uličnog nasilja, ali i muškarci kao žrtve i slično, su mahom nevidljive i neprepoznate. Iako prilično uspešno u pogledu zakonskih reformi vezanih za nasilje u porodici, seksu- alno nasilje i trgovinu ljudima, zalaganje Viktimološkog društva Srbije za veću društve- nu vidljivost drugih žrtava kriminaliteta i za sveobuhvatan pristup bavljanju žrtvama nije naišlo na veću podršku, te je suočeno s poteškoćama u dopiranju do šire javnosti, stručnjaka i državnih službenika. Pa ipak, veća vidljivost određenih žrtava i postojanje više usluga za njih ne znači da se u praksi njihovim potrebama valjano izlazi u susret. Mnogi problemi u vezi sa tim i dalje postoje, pa će oni biti razmatrani u odgovaraćim poglavljima ove knjige.

Promene zakonodavstva i prakse Tokom proteklih godina, država je preduzela niz mera kako bi se poboljšao položaj žrtava kriminaliteta u Srbiji. Doneti su novi zakoni, dok su postojeći preispitani i izme- njeni. Uz to, donet je i niz političkih dokumenata, poput strategija, nacionalnih pla- nova akcije i protokola. Najvažnije izmene zakonodavstva i prakse inicirale su i za njih se zalagale nevladine organizacije u Srbiji, koje su ujedno imale podršku međunarod- nih organizacija i donatora. Upravo iz tog razloga ovo poglavlje ćemo početi opisom najvažnijih inicijativa NVO za izmene zakona, a potom ćemo dati pregled ostvarenih zakonskih reformi.

Zalaganje civilnog društva Do prvih izmena zakona, koje su obeležile početak novog zakonodavstva za žrtve, došlo je ubrzo nakon političkih promena 2000. godine. Zakonske reforme u vezi sa

| 46 | nasiljem u porodici, seksualnim nasiljem, trgovinom ljudima i zaštitom žrtava od se- kundarne viktimizacije tokom krivičnog postupka bile su inicirane i najvećim delom zasnovane na predlozima koje su sačinili eksperti/ekspertkinje Viktimološkog društva Srbije. Osnov reformi činio je predlog zakonskih rešenja koji je razvijen i, po prvi put, predat državnim organima 1998. godine sa idejom da bude unet u Nacrt Krivičnog zakonika Savezne Republike Jugoslavije.3 Predlog su činili Novi model pravne zaštite od nasilja u porodici, nacrt glave o seksualnom nasilju, koji je bio zasnovan na novom konceptu seksualnog nasilja, i predlog krivičnog dela trgovine ljudima. Kasnije, tačnije 2002. godine, sačinjen je sistematičniji i ohuhvatniji predlog nazvan Novi model zakon- skih rešenja o trgovini ljudima, kao i predlog izmena Zakona o krivičnom postupku o zaštiti žrtava od sekundarne viktimizacije (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2002a). Novi model pravne zaštite od nasilja u porodici, kao prvi sistematizovan predlog novog koncepta pravne zaštite od ovog oblika kriminaliteta, sačinila je 1998. godine radna grupa Viktimološkog društva Srbije, koju je činilo pet pravnica feministkinja4 (Nikolić- Ristanović i Ćopić, 2002: 23-26; Nikolić-Ristanović, 2002a). Novi model pravne zašti- te od nasilja u porodici je usledio nakon dvogodišnjeg praćenja suđenja zlostavljanim že- nama koje su ubile svoje nasilnike i kampanja za podizanje svesti, koje su organizovale ženske nevladine organizacije. Prvi nacrt Modela, koji je kasnije modifikovan kako bi reflektovao postojeće zakonodavne trendove, bio je baziran na nalazima istraživanja i izveštajima sa praćenja suđenja, kao i na istraživanju međunarodnog i domaćeg pravog okvira, dok su Zakon o nasilju u porodici američke države Minesota i Dulut model po- služili kao smernice prilikom njegove izrade (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2002a). Novi model pravne zaštite od nasilja u porodici je sadržao predlog harmonizovanih izmena pet rele- vantnih zakona: Krivičnog zakona, Zakona o krivičnom postupku, Porodičnog zakona, Zakona o parničnom postupku i Zakona o oružju i municiji. Predlozi izneti u Modelu predstavljali su kombinaciju preventivnih, represivnih i mera lečenja i savetovanja, koje su prvenstveno bile usmerene na sprečavanje eskalacije porodičnog nasilja. Najvažniji predlozi odnosili su se na mere zaštite, koje treba da se izreknu u građanskom sudskom postupku; krivično delo nasilje u porodici; krivičnu odgovornost za kršenje mera zašti- te; zabranu kontaktiranja sa žrtvom kao uslova prilikom izricanja uslovne osude; nove mere bezbednosti – zabrana kontaktiranja žrtve i obavezno savetovanje i tretman za učinioca; i predviđanje nasilja u porodici kao osnova za odbijanje izdavanja dozvole za nabavku oružja. Zalaganje u vezi sa seksualnim nasiljem bilo je zasnovano na predlogu potpuno no- vog koncepta poglavlja Krivičnog zakona u vezi sa seksualnim deliktima, sa sledećim

3 VDS nije tada uspelo u svom zalaganju, ali isto tako ni nacrt tadašnjeg Krivičnog zakonika nikada nije usvojen. Međutim, predlog VDS je korišćen kasnije kao osnov za pravljenje nacrta Krivičnog zakonika Srbije 2000ih (Stojanović, 2009). 4 Slobodanka Konstantinović-Vilić, Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović, Nevena Petrušić, Ivana Stevanović i Brankica Grupković. | 47 | osnovnim karakteristikama: promena naziva poglavlja koje se odnosi na seksualno na- silje – umesto naziva krivična dela protiv dostojanstva ličnosti i morala, predložen je naziv krivična dela protiv polne slobode; strože kažnjavanje svih seksualnih delikata, a posebno seksualnog zlostavljanja dece i osoba sa posebnim potrebama; kažnjavanje silovanja u braku; novi koncept silovanja i drugih oblika seksualnog nasilja, koji treba da omogući jednaku krivičnopravnu zaštitu žrtvama bez obzira na pol i seksualnu ori- jentaciju, i koji uključuje ne samo prinudu na vaginalni seksualni odnos, već i na druge oblike seksualnog čina, kao što su analni, oralni i slično. Tokom 2002. godine, ekspertski tim Viktimološkog društva Srbije5 je analizirao ne- koliko zakona vezanih za trgovinu ljudima, kao i najvažnije međunarodne dokumente i uporedno zakonodavstvo. Na osnovu ove analize, sačinjen je predlog odredbi koje su se odnosile na krivično delo trgovine ljudima. Ova aktivnost je bila propraćena organi- zovanjem okruglih stolova na kojima je predlog diskutovan sa predstavnicima policije i sudstva kako bi se dobili komentari na njega. Nakon toga, sačinjen je konačni predlog i otpočelo je zalaganje za njegovo usvajanje. Kao rezultat zajedničkog zalaganja nevladi- nih organizacija i državnih institucija, članova Republičkog tima za borbu protiv trgo- vine ljudima, krivično delo pod nazivom trgovina ljudskim bićima je uneto u Krivični zakon Srbije aprila 2003. godine. Viktimološko društvo Srbije je, takođe, predložilo izmene relevantnog zakonodav- stva u vezi sa obezbeđivanjem bolje zaštite žrtava. To je uključilo predlog da se u Zakon o krivičnom postupku unesu dobre prakse u pogledu saslušanja osetljivih žrtava kao svedoka, kao i predlog izmena Zakona o prekršajima i Zakona o kretanju i boravku stra- naca u smislu odlaganja deportacije i izdavanja dozvole privremenog boravka žrtvama trgovine ljudima.6 Predlozi koje su sačinili eksperti i ekspertkinje VDS mogu, bez preterivanja, da se smatraju osnovom različitih pravnih reformi koje su se odvijale nakon 2002. godine. Pravne reforme relevantne za žrtve počele su sa delimičnim izmenama Krivičnog za- kona 2002. i 2003. godine, kada je uneto krivično delo nasilje u porodici, obezbeđeno kažnjavanje za silovanje u braku i uneto krivično delo trgovina ljudima. Ostatak pred- loženih izmena unete su u Krivični zakonik i Porodični zakon Srbije 2005. godine, Za-

5 Ekspertski tim je uključio prof. dr Vesnu Nikolić-Ristanović, prof. dr Natašu Mrvić-Petrović, prof. dr Milana Škulića i mr Sanju Ćopić. 6 Iako je prva verzija ovih predloga sačinjena 2002. godine kada je ekspertska grupa Viktimološkog društva Srbije sačinila predlog krivičnog dela trgovine ljudskim bićima, predlozi su 2004. godine modifikovani u okviru projekta zalaganja za izmene prekršajnog zakonodavstva i s njim povezanih zakona. Projekat je realizovan u saradnji sa Udruženjem sudija za prekršaje, a VDS je imalo vodeću ulogu u njemu. Projekat su realizovali Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović, Nataša Mrvić-Petrović i Sanja Ćopić u saradnji sa dvoje sudija za prekršaje, Draganom Tireli i Zoranom Pašalićem, imajući pri tome u vidu nove trendove u ovom domenu, kao i izmene prakse u pogledu davanja dozvole privremenog boravka žrtvama trgovine ljudima iz humanitarnih razloga. | 48 | konik o krivičnom postupku 2006. godine, Zakon o prekršajima 2009. godine i Zakon o strancima 2008. godine. Prve promene su ostvarene kao rezultat višegodišnjeg upornog zalaganja Viktimološ- kog društva Srbije, koje je u svojoj finalnoj fazi dobilo veliku podršku civilnog društva i demokratskih političkih partija. Izmene su unete u Krivični zakon u vidu amandmana predloženih od strane pojedinki - predstavnica Narodne skupštine, koje su gajile simpa- tije prema iznetim predlozima, dok, sa druge strane, vlada nije pokazivala interesovanje za njih. U godinama koje su usledile, interesovanje vlade za pravne reforme, koje su od značaja za žrtve, je poraslo, i to pod uticajem zalaganja nevladinih organizacija, ali i pre- uzetih međunarodnih obaveza. Eksperti i ekspertkinje VDS su nastavili da se zalažu za pravne reforme, i to kako kroz delovanje VDS, tako i kao članovi i članice drugih nevla- dinih organizacija i vladinih radnih grupa. Drugi eksperti i nevladine organizacije su, takođe, predstavljali svoje predloge za- kona koji su relevantni za žrtve. Najvažniji predlozi i zalaganja su: zalaganje Centra za prava deteta za Zakon o maloletnim učiniocima krivičnih dela i krivičnopravnoj zaštiti maloletnih lica (2006), zalaganje pedeset nevladinih organizacija iz Koalicije protiv diskriminacije za antidiskriminaciono zakonodavstvo, kao i zalaganje organizacija koje pružaju podršku žrtvama mobinga za Zakon o sprečavaju zlostavljanja na radu (2010).

Poboljšano zakonodavstvo Nova zakonska rešenja o žrtvama u Srbiji odnose se na nasilje u porodici, seksualni kriminalitet, zlostavljanje na radnom mestu i trgovinu ljudima, kao i na aktivniju ulo- gu žrtve i njenu zaštitu od reviktimizacije i sekundarne viktimizacije tokom krivičnog postupka. U srpsko zakonodavstvo su, takođe, unete i neke dobre prakse u vezi sa za- štitom dece i drugih ranjivih kategorija žrtava kao svedoka. Kriminalizacija silovanja u braku, nasilja u porodici, trgovine ljudima i krijumčarenja ljudi, unošenje mera resto- rativnog karaktera, kao i izmene građanskog i radnog zakonodavstva su, zajedno sa do- nošenjem novih zakona o zlostavljanju na radu, organizovanom kriminalitetu, zabrani diskriminacije i rodnoj ravnopravnosti, doprineli tome da srpsko zakonodavstvo bude u velikoj meri usklađeno sa međunarodnim standardima. U nastavku će, stoga, biti dat kratak pregled srpskog zakonodavstva relevantnog za žrtve, i to onakvog kakav je bio u momentu pisanja ove knjige. Čak i pre 2000. godine, žrtva (oštećeni) je imala većinu prava koja su bitna za njego- vu/njenu ulogu u krivičnom postupku, kao što su: pravo da predlaže dokaze i da ostvari uvid u krivične spise i dokaze; pravo da postavlja pitanja i stavlja primedbe ili daje po- jašnjenja u vezi sa izjavama drugih učesnika u krivičnom postupku, kao i da daje druge izjave i iznosi mišljenja, uključujući davanje završne reči; pravo da se u postupku pojavi kao supsidijarni ili privatni tužilac, i pravo na besplatno zastupanje u slučaju da stekne svojstvo supsidijarnog tužioca a nema dovoljno finansijskih sredstava. | 49 |  Nova rešenja su unela i neke novine u smislu vraćanja oštećenom predloga kao uslo- va za preduzimanje krivičnog gonjenja u slučaju određenih krivičnih dela, proširiva- nja prava oštećenog na žalbu, koje je ranije bilo ograničeno samo na odluku u vezi sa troškovima postupka (pravo žalbe na odluku tužioca u pogledu dodeljivanja statusa zaštićenog svedoka ukoliko je krivično delo izvršeno prema ovoj osobi), otklanjanja nekih ograničenja privatnog tužioca (Grubač i Beljanksi, 2002), kao i omogućavanja posredovanja između žrtve i učinioca. Štaviše, izmene su predstavljale dobar pravni osnov za obezbeđivanje odgovarajuće zaštite žrtve tokom krivičnog postupka, i to kako od sekundarne viktimizacije, tako i od ponovljene viktimizacije.7 Nasilje u porodici je sada posebno krivično delo, koje se goni po službenoj dužnosti, a obezbeđuje kažnjavanje psihičkog i fizičkog nasilja izvršenog prema članu porodice. U vezi sa ovim krivičnim delom, član porodice se definiše ekstenzivno, pa uključuje par- tnere, bivše partnere, decu i druge srodnike (uključujući i srodnike po tazbini), kao i hra- nitelje i usvojioce. Brojne mere zaštite mogu da se izreknu u građanskom postupku, dok je njihovo kršenje kažnjivo i predstavlja najlakši oblik krivičnog dela nasilje u porodici. Porodični zakon Srbije predviđa sledeće mere zaštite: izdavanje naloga za iseljenje iz porodičnog stana ili kuće, bez obzira na pravo svojine, odnosno zakupa nepokretnosti; izdavanje naloga za useljenje u porodični stan ili kuću, bez obzira na pravo svojine, od- nosno zakupa nepokretnosti; zabrana približavanja članu porodice na određenoj uda- ljenosti; zabrana pristupa u prostor oko mesta stanovanja ili mesta rada člana porodice, i zabrana daljeg uznemiravanja člana porodice. Mere zaštite mogu da traju do godinu dana, uz mogućnost produženja. Novi Zakon o prekršajima Srbije takođe sadrži odred- bu kojom se predviđa mera zaštite: zabrana pristupa žrtvi (oštećenom), objektima ili mestu izvršenja prekršaja. Cilj ove mere zaštite je sprečavanje kontakta između učinioca i žrtve u situaciji kada žrtva oseća da je ugrožena. Izmene Krivičnog zakonika iz 2009. godine unele su novu meru bezbednosti – zabranu približavanja i komunikacije sa žr- tvom, što je značajno za zaštitu žrtve nakon suđenja. Krivični zakonik predviđa kažnjavanje za silovanje bez obzira na odnos između uči- nioca i žrtve (stoga uključuje i silovanje bračnog partnera) i bez obzira na pol žrtve i učinioca. Drugim rečima, sadašnja odredba o silovanju uključuje heteroseksualno i homoseksualno silovanje, kao i prinudu na vaginalni, ali i na oralni, analni i drugi sličan seksualni čin. Novi Krivični zakonik sadrži odredbe koje obezbeđuju bolju krivično- pravnu zaštitu dece i osoba sa posebnim potrebama. U slučaju da silovanje ili drugi seksualni delikt dovede do trudnoće žrtve, Zakonik predviđa strožu kaznu. Kazne za seksualne delike uopšte, a posebno za seksualno zlostavljanje dece su povećane, dok je inkriminacija seksualnog zlostavljanja dece bolje definisana nego ranije. Kada su u pitanju deca, posebno je važno ukazati na odredbu o seksualnom zlostavljanju dece od

7 O tome više videti u poglavlju o sudu i žrtvama. | 50 | strane osobe u koja dete ima poverenje (kao što su roditelj, usvojitelj, staratelj, nastav- nik, medicinska sestra i slično). Krivični zakonik Srbije je usvojio inkriminaciju trgovine ljudima koja je u skladu sa definicijom predviđenom Konvencijom UN protiv transnacionalnog organizovanog kriminala i dodatnim Protokolom o trgovini ljudima.8 Strože kazne su predviđene uko- liko je krivično delo izvršeno prema maloletnom licu, ukoliko su za žrtvu nastupile teške telesne povrede ili ukoliko je delo izvršeno od strane organizovane grupe ili ako se vrši u vidu zanimanja. Najstroža kazna predviđena je za slučaj da je prilikom izvršenja dela jedno ili više lica ubijeno. Ukoliko je žrtva maloletno lice, učinilac će se kazniti ka- znom predviđenom za ovo krivično delo čak i u slučaju kada nije upotrebio silu, pretnju ili neki drugi od predviđenih načina izvršenja. Generalno gledano, pristanak žrtve na eksploataciju ili uspostavljanje ropskog položaja ne utiče na postojanje krivičnog dela. Krivični zakonik iz 2005. godine takođe je predvideo trgovinu decom u cilju usvojenja kao posebno krivično delo, koje predviđa posebnu krivičnopravnu zaštitu dece do 14 godina (kasnije promenjeno u mlađe od 16 godina) od ovog oblika trgovine ljudima. Imajući u vidu ozbiljne posledice za žrtve, ali i razlike u poređenju sa krivičnim delom trgovine ljudima, Krivični zakonik iz 2005. godine je, po prvi put, predvideo i krivično delo krijumčarenja ljudi. Kriminalizacija trgovine ljudima je samo jedan od preduslova za uspešno suzbijanje ovog oblika organizovanog kriminaliteta i zaštitu žrtava. To, naravno, nije dovoljno, pa je potrebno obezbediti odgovarajuću zaštitu žrtvama pre, tokom i nakon krivičnog postupka, ali i nevezano od njega. Ministar unutrašnjih poslova Republike Srbije je 5. jula 2004. godine doneo Instrukciju o uslovima odobrenja privremenog boravka stranim državljanima žrtvama trgovine, koja omogućava odobravanje dozvole privremenog bo- ravka sranim državljanima, žrtvama trgovine ljudima, iz humanitarnih razloga, i to u periodu od tri meseca, a u cilju obezbeđivanja zaštite i pomoći žrtvi u procesu oporav- ka i povratka u zemlju porekla ili prethodnog boravišta (oporavak i period refleksije). Dozvolu privremenog boravka u trajanju od tri meseca mogu da dobiju svi strani dr- žavljani za koje Služba za koordinaciju zaštite žrtava trgovine ljudima proceni da su im, kao žrtvama trgovine ljudima, potrebni zaštita i pomoć. Ukoliko je žrtva spremna da sarađuje sa državnim organima, dozvola privremenog boravka može da se produži do šest meseci. Ukoliko, pak, žrtva aktivno učestvuje u sudskom postupku kao svedok ili oštećeni, ili je to potrebno iz razloga bezbednosti, dozvola privremenog boravka može da se produži za period do jedne godine. Izdavanje dozvole privremenog boravka je kasnije uneto u Zakon o strancima, iako ne u potpuno istom obliku.

8 Protokol o sprečavanju, suzbijanju i kažnjavanju trgovine ljudskim bićima, posebno ženama i decom (2000), kao dodatni deo Konvencije UN protiv transnacionalnog organizovanog kriminala (2000) stupio je na snagu decembra 2003. godine. www.uncjin.orga/Documents/Conventions/dcatoc/final_documents_2/conventi- on_%20traff_eng.pdf. | 51 |  Pravna zaštita od zlostavljanja na radnom mestu obezbeđuje se kroz odredbe kri- vičnog i radnog zakonodavstva, a od skora i kroz Zakon o sprečavanju zlostavljanja na radu. U okviru krivičnog zakonodavstva, jedina odredba te vrste odnosi se na seksualno uznemiravanje na radnom mestu. To je predviđeno u okviru jednog šire definisanog krivičnog dela pod nazivom obljuba zloupotrebom položaja. Kao rezultat zalaganja ženskih grupa, još 2003. godine je u krivično zakonodavstvo uneto jedno daleko spe- cifičnije krivično delo – seksualno zlostavljanje. Međutim, ovo krivično delo jedva da je primenjivano u praksi. Posebno je bilo kritikovano zbog teškoća u razgraničenju od drugih krivičnih dela, dok je krivično gonjenje po osnovu privatne tužbe učinilo krivič- nopravnu zaštitu veoma neefikasnom ( Jovanović i Simeunović-Patić, 2006: 24). Kri- vični zakonik iz 2005. godine nije uključio ovu odredbu, ostavljajući kao mogućnost za krivičnopravnu zaštitu samo krivično delo obljube zloupotrebom položaja. Iste godine, Zakon o radu Srbije je, po prvi put, posvetio adekvatnu pažnju diskriminaciji na rad- nom mestu, predviđajući da se kršenje odredbi o diskriminaciji na radnom mestu ima smatrati uznemiravanjem. Tako uznemiravanje obuhvata široku lepezu zlostavljanja na radnom mestu, kao što su psihičko (mobing), fizičko i seksualno uznemiravanje. Žrtva ima pravo da traži naknadu štete od učinioca, što znači da je sankcionisanje učinioca ograničeno na građanske sankcije. Iako ova odredba predstavlja važnu novinu u srp- skom zakonodavstvu, ona ipak stavlja žrtvu u veoma težak položaj zbog neravnoteže moći i teškoća u dokazivanju ( Jovanović i Simeunović-Patić, 2006: 24). Upravo zbog je 2010. godine donet Zakon o sprečavanju zlostavljanja na radu. Zakon zabranjuje zlostavljanje na radu, uključujući i seksualno uznemiravanje, i uspostavlja nekoliko mehanizama reagovanja (restorativni, preventivni, protektivni i represivni). Takođe se predviđa odgovornost poslodavca za zaštitu žrtava; prevencija zlostavljanja i naknada prouzrokovane štete, a teret dokazivanja da delo nije izvršeno se prenosi na učinioca. Najzad, novi Zakon o socijalnoj zaštiti iz 2011. godine unosi određene novine, koje su značajne za zaštitu žrtava. Žrtve nasilja u porodici i trgovine ljudima su prepozna- te kao korisnici socijalnih usluga. Stoga Zakon kao ciljeve socijalne zaštite prepoznaje prevenciju i zaštitu od zlostavljanja, zanemarivanja i eksploatacije. Uz to, po prvi put su savetovališta i podrška žrtvama nasilja, kao i SOS telefoni prepoznati kao usluge socijalne zaštite. Štaviše, Zakon daje mogućnost nevladinim organizacijama da budu prepoznate kao pružaoci podrške žrtvama i da budu finansirane od strane države. Dosadašnje pravne reforme dovele su do visokog nivoa usklađenosti zakonodavstva Srbije sa zahtevima koji su postavljeni najvažnijim međunarodnim dokumentima, kao što su Deklaracija o osnovnim principima pravde za žrtve kriminaliteta i zloupotrebe moći, Preporuke Saveta Evrope 11 (1985) i 8 (2006), kao i Konvencija o eliminaciji svih oblika diskriminacije žena – CEDAW (uključujući i Opcioni protokol na CE- DAW i Generalnu preporuku 19 CEDAW Komiteta), Pekinška platforma delovanja i Konvencija UN o transnacionalnom organizovanom kriminalu i dodatni protokol o trgovini ljudima. | 52 |  Pa ipak, uprkos značajnom napretku na zakonskom nivou, zaštita žrtava je još uvek nezadovoljavajuća kada se dođe na teren primene zakona i drugih praktičnih rešenja u praksi. Uz nedostatak jasnog i sveobuhvatnog pravnog koncepta o zaštiti žrtava, velika prepreka je i nedostatak mehanizama za implementaciju novih zakonskih odredbi u praksi. Praćenje primene novih rešenja ili ne postoji ili nije obuhvatno i sistematično. Štaviše, pored izmena zakona i njihove efikasne primene, neophodno je ispuniti i druge uslove, kako bi se garantovala bezbednost i zaštita žrtve od sekundarne viktimizacije. To podrazumeva posebne prostorije za svedoke u sudovima, službe za žrtve koje bi bile dostupne žrtvama/svedocima u većini sudova i tužilaštava, kao i odgovarajuća obuka policijskih službenika, sudija, tužilaca i advokata. Teško je zamisliti da efektna promena može da se postigne bez odgovarajuće državne strategije, koja, takođe, ne postoji u Srbiji. U tesnoj vezi sa tim je i potreba da se osnuje državno telo, koje bi kreiralo strategiju i vodilo računa o koordinaciji aktivnosti usmere- nih na podršku žrtvama, kao i državni kompenzacioni fond, na šta upućuju Deklaracija o osnovnim principima pravde za žrtve kriminaliteta i zloupotrebe moći i smernice za njenu implementaciju, kao i Preporuka Saveta Evrope (2006) 8. Najzad, kako bi sistem bio sveobuhvatan i efikasan, potrebno je uspostaviti nacionalne i lokalne mehanizme za koordinaciju različitih državnih i nevladinih službi za žrtve, i usvojiti protokole i mere kako bi se obezbedila njihova primena. Jednom rečju, potrebno je uspostaviti državni mehanizam za sveobuhvatno, plansko i dugoročno bavljenje problemima žrtava krimi- naliteta. Iskustva pojedinih zapadnih zemalja, poput SAD (Roberts, 1990) i Kanade (Wemmers, 2003), pak, pokazuju da su donošenje Zakona o pomoći žrtvama krimina- liteta i osnivanje državnog tela i fonda za žrtve conditio sine qua non (uslov bez koga se ne može) razvoja usluga koje mogu da izađu u susret potrebama žrtava.

Istraživanja o žrtvama kriminaliteta Prva naučna istraživanja koja su bila direktno usmerena na žrtve kriminaliteta javila su se sredinom dvadesetog veka. Naime, 1937. godine je rumunski advokat Benjamin Mendelsohn počeo da sprovodi intervjue i prikuplja podatke o žrtvama za svoju advo- katsku praksu. Međutim, sve do 1940-ih godina, pitanja koja su se odnosila na žrtve kriminaliteta nisu bila obrađivana na naučno zasnovan način. 1948. godine, nemački kriminolog Hans von Hentig je izdao knjigu Kriminalac i njegova žrtva. Cilj ove knjige bio je da pokaže da neke žrtve zapravo doprinose izvršenju krivičnog dela putem na- mamljivanja, zavere ili provociranja. Već naredne godine je američki psihijatar Frederic Wertham uveo pojam viktimologija (proučavanje žrtava). Reč je nastala od latinske reči victima što znači žrtva i grčke reči logos što znači znanje. Wertham je uočio da postoji potreba za naukom koja bi se zvala „viktimologija“ jer su se istraživači generalno fokusi- rali na psihologiju kriminalca. Pa ipak, ovo polje istraživanja nije postalo popularno sve do 1960-ih godina, a tada je prvenstveno bilo inspirisano velikim američkim anketama o viktimizaciji. | 53 |  Danas je viktimologija interdisciplinarno polje istraživanja, koje uključuje krajnje ra- zličite discipline poput kriminologije, sociologije, psihologije, prava i medicine. Ovaj interdisciplinarni karakter je unekoliko otežao jasno određivanje fokusa viktimologije. U osnovi, postoje dva gledišta. Prvo promovišu istraživači koji viktimologiju posmatra- ju kao metod za analizu kriminoloških problema posmatranih iz ugla žrtve. Predvodnik ovog gledišta bio je von Hentig, koji je proučavao interakciju između žrtve i kriminalca na mestu izvršenja krivičnog dela. Drugo gledište je daleko šire. Jedan predstavnik ovog gledišta je Benjamin Mendelsohn, koji je posmatrao viktimologiju kao nezavisnu nauč- nu disciplinu, koja se na jednak način odnosi prema različitim oblicima viktimizacije. Ova definicija je univerzalnija, te uz žrtve krivičnih dela uključuje i žrtve elementarnih nepogoda, rata, ekoloških katastrofa i saobraćajnih nesreća (za prednosti i nedostatke ovih alternativnih gledišta o tome šta je viktimologija ili šta bi trebalo da bude videti Elias, 1986; Kirchhoff, 1995; Schneider, 1982; Viano, 1983). Kako je onda tekao razvoj viktimološkog istraživanja od šezdesetih godina dvade- setog veka? Istraživanje radova, koji su bili objavljeni u Sociological Abstracts (Sociološ- kim apstraktima) u periodu između 1970. i 1994. godine, pokazalo je da je na početku posmatranog perioda bilo svega par radova o ovoj temi. Sredinom 1970-ih je taj broj počeo da raste, da bi do kraja 1980-ih zabeležio značajan porast, koji je potom nastav- ljen 1990-ih (Åkerström, 1995). Proučavanje tema ovih radova je pokazalo postoja- nje primarnog interesovanja za žrtve seksualnih delikata. Mnogi radovi su se, takođe, koncentrisali na različite vrste kvantitavinih proračuna (Åkerström, 1995). Ista slika je dobijena analizom istraživanja prezentovanih na Devetom međunarodnom viktimo- loškom simpozijumu (World Society of Victimology, 1997). Mnogi istraživački pro- jekti predstavljeni na simpozijumu su se nazivali „studijama o žrtvama“, a ispitivali su iskustva građana sa kriminalitetom. Interesovanje za viktimologiju danas nije ograničeno samo na „ključne zemlje“ u oblasti koja se bavi žrtvama kriminaliteta – zemlje Severne Amerike, Evrope, Izrael i Japan. Mnoga istraživanja su ponikla u zemljama Centralne i Južne Amerike, Azije (po- sebno u Indiji) i Australiji (Schneider, 2000). Značajnu ulogu u ovom razvoju imalo je i Svetsko viktimološko društvo. Svetsko vik- timološko društvo je osnovano 1979. godine u Nemačkoj. To je nezavisna organizaci- ja, koja sarađuje sa međunarodnim organizacijama poput Ujedinjenih nacija i Saveta Evrope. Članovi Društva su naučni radnici, klinički instruktori, socijalni radnici, prav- nici, lekari, studenti i zaposleni u državnim službama. Osnovni cilj ove organizacije je ohrabrivanje i podsticanje interdisciplinarnih istraživanja o žrtvama kriminaliteta. Ona aktivno promoviše širenje saradnje između međunarodnih, regionalnih i lokalnih programa za žrtve kriminaliteta, kao što su krizni centri, projekti posredovanja i pro- grami podrške svedocima.

| 54 |  Istraživanja u Srbiji Tokom proteklih godina, beleži se veliki porast međunarodnih istraživanja o žrtvama kriminaliteta. Iako se problemima žrtava sporadično bavilo još ranih šezdesetih godina dvadesetog veka (Konstantinović-Vilić i dr., 2010), u Srbiji su sistematičnija istraživa- nja o žrtvama kriminaliteta otpočela tek 1980-ih godina, da bi se posebno intenzivirala nakon 2000. Slično kao i napred opisan opšti razvoj u vezi sa žrtvama na globalnom planu, razvoj viktimologije u Srbiji se može podeliti na tri perioda: period od početka 1980-ih do 1991. godine, period tokom ratova na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije (1991- 2000) i period nakon 2000. U Srbiji je prva sveobuhvatna knjiga o žrtvama kriminaliteta objavljena 1984. godine na osnovu magistarske teze o žrtvama kriminaliteta, koja je odbranjena na Pravnom fakultetu u Beogradu. Bila je to knjiga Uticaj žrtve na pojavu kriminaliteta, koju je na- pisala Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović (Nikolić-Ristanović, 1984). Knjiga je bila zasnovana na analizi pisanog materijala i empirijskom istraživanju o žrtvama kriminaliteta, i to o karakteristikama koje žrtve čine ranjivim, o odnosu između žrtve i učinioca, pravnom položaju žrtava, kao i o doprinosu žrtve izvešenju krivičnog dela i njegovoj prevenciji. Nekoliko godina kasnije, tačnije 1989. godine, objavljena je i druga, na istraživanju zasnovana, knjiga iste autorke (Nikolić-Ristanović, 1989). Knjiga Žene žrtve krimi- naliteta bila je prva knjiga objavljena u Srbiji koja se bavila problemima poput nasilja u porodici, silovanja u braku, neadekvatnog zakonodavstva o žrtvama, položaja žrtve silovanja u policiji, tužilaštvu i na sudu, skloništima i SOS telefonima za zlostavljene žene i tako dalje. Tokom 1980-ih i početkom 1990-ih, istraživanja o žrtvama sprovodio je Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja u Beogradu, kao i istraživači iz drugih institucija. Pored istraživanja čiji su rezultati bili predstavljeni u napred pomenutim knjigama, to je uključilo i druga istraživanja, kao što su istraživanja o mladim ljudima i deci kao žr- tvama (Radovanović, 1989), žrtvama saobraćajnih nesreća (Nikolić-Ristanović, 1987), prvom kontaktu žrtve sa policijom (Nikolić-Ristanović, Mrvić, 1988), pravnom polo- žaju žrtava kriminaliteta (Nikolić-Ristanović, 1989a, Bejatović, 1993), strahu od kri- minaliteta (Nikolić-Ristanović, Mrvić, 1990; Nikolić-Ristanović, 1995) i partnerskom nasilju (Nikolić-Ristanović, 1994 i 1996). Uz to, 1996. godine, Institut za kriminološ- ka i sociološka istraživanja je učestvovao u Međunarodnoj anketi o viktimizaciji. Prva, i za sada jedina, anketa o viktimizaciji kriminalitetom u Srbiji sprovedena je u Beogradu na uzorku od 1094 ispitanika (Nikolić-Ristanović, 1998; Nikolić-Ristanović, 1998a; Zvekić, 2001). Za razvoj viktimologije u Srbiji tokom osamdesetih godina dvadesetog veka veoma je značajno bilo osnivanje Jugoslovenskog viktimološkog društva 1988. godine. Društvo je osnovano nakon veoma uspešnog simpozijuma Svetskog viktimološkog društva, koji je 1985. godine u Zagrebu organizovao profesor Zvonimir Šeparović, tadašnji pred- | 55 | sednik Svetskog viktimološkog društva. Sedište Društva je bilo u Zagrebu (Hrvatska), ali je ono imalo svoje članove i u drugim delovima Jugoslavije, uključujući i veoma ak- tivne članove iz Srbije. Jugoslovensko društvo je 1990. godine počelo da izdaje časo- pis Viktimologija i organizovalo je svake godine postdiplomske viktimološke kurseve i konferencije o pravima žrtava u Dubrovniku (Hrvatska). Međutim, raspad Jugoslavi- je i etnički konflikti označili su kraj Jugoslovenskog viktimološkog društva i doveli su do privremenog preseljenja postdiplomskih kurseva u Amsterdam. Društvo je kasnije transformisano u Hrvatsko žrtvoslovno društvo. Tokom etničkih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije, Srbiji su uvedene ekonomske sankcije zbog uloge koju je u njima imala. To je rezultiralo drastičnim smanjenjem finansiranja istraživanja koja su sprovodile državne institucije. Sa druge strane, to je bilo vreme razvoja civilnog društva u Srbiji i ulaska međunarodnog finansiranja, što je uticalao na istraživanja i praksu u vezi sa žrtvama. Većinu viktimoloških istraživanja su u to vreme sprovodile nevladine organizacije, a deo istraživača je preusmerio svoje istraživačko interesovanje ka žrtvama rata. Kao rezultat toga, sprovedeno je nekoliko akcionih istraživanja o viktimizaciji žena ratom, što je uključilo prikupljanje podataka i podršku žrtvama (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2000; Nikolić-Ristanović i dr., 1995a). Tokom ovog perioda, sprovedena su i empirijska istraživanja o vezi nasilja u porodici i krimina- liteta žena (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2000a) i uticaju tranzicije i rata na nasilje nad ženama i društevni odgovor na njega (Nikolić-Ristanović, 1996; Nikolić-Ristanović, 2002; Ni- kolić-Ristanović, 2008). Uz to, objavljene su i prve sveobuhvatne studije o zlostavljanju dece (Banjanin-Đuričić, 1998) i incestu (Mršević, 1997). Grupa bivših članova i članica Jugoslovenskog viktimološkog društva je 1997. go- dine, zajedno sa još nekolicinom istraživača, aktivista i praktičara, od kojih su neki tokom 1990-ih bili uključeni u aktivnosti NVO Evropski pokret u Srbiji,9 osnovala Viktimološko društvo Srbije (VDS). VDS je osnovano kao članska nevladina organi- zacija posvećena radu usmerenom na razvoj prava žrtava i viktimologije kao akademske discipline. Nakon osnivanja VDS, razvijanje viktimoloških istraživanja u Srbiji je bilo posebno intenzivirano. Viktimološko društvo Srbije je 1998. godine počelo da izdaje časopis o viktimizaciji, ljudskim pravima i rodu Temida. Od tada, Temida izlazi redovno, četiri puta godišnje, a svaki broj se bavi specifičnim problemima u vezi sa žrtvama. Ministar- stvo nauke Republike Srbije kategorisalo je Temidu kao naučni časopis, koji predstavlja značajnu literaturu studentima, profesionalcima i svima koji su zainteresovani za istra- živanje problema u vezi sa žrtvama. VDS je sprovelo brojna viktimološka istraživanja, kao što su viktimološka istraživanja parnerskog i nasilja u porodici (Nikolić-Ristano- vić, 1993; Nikolić-Ristanović, 2002a; Nikolić-Ristanović, 2010), istraživanje službi za

9 Osnivači i osnivačice VDS su bili posebno aktivni u okviru Grupe za ženska prava Evropskog pokreta u Srbiji, ali su bilji uključeni i u druge aktivnosti. | 56 | žrtve (Nikolić, 2007; Ćopić, 2007; Nikolić-Ristanović, 2007), istraživanja trgovine ženama, muškarcima i decom (Nikolić-Ristanović i dr., 2004; Bjerkan, 2005; Nikolić- Ristanović, 2009), potom istraživanja o žrtvama i restorativnoj pravdi (Ćopić, 2010), žrtvama i pomirenju u postkonfliktnim društvima (Nikolić-Ristanović, Hanak, 2004; Nikolić-Ristanović, Srna, 2008), pravnom položaju žrtava (Nikolić-Ristanović, Ćopić, 2011) i tako dalje. VDS je organizovalo brojne domaće i međunarodne konferencije, koje su se bavile različitim pitanjima u vezi sa žrtvama, kao što su: viktimizacija ratom, nasilje u porodici, istina i pomirenje i alternativne sankcije i žrtve. Viktimološko društvo Srbije je 2001. godine sprovelo prvu nacionalnu anketu o viktimizaciji nasiljem u porodici, 2009. godine još jedno takvo istraživanje u AP Voj- vodini, dok je 2003. godine realizovalo prvo sveobuhvatno, na etnografskom metodu zasnovano, istraživanje trgovine ljudima u Srbiji. Od 2010. godine, VDS organizuje redovne godišnje konferencije, koje omogućavaju istraživačima i praktičarima, koji se bave problemima žrtava da se sastanu, razmene iskustva i uče kako jedni od drugih, tako i od gostiju iz inostranstva. Uz to, VDS je uveo i godišnje nagrade za mlade istra- živače i istraživačice koji se bave viktimološkim temama, kao vid njihovog ohrabrenja i podsticaja za istraživanja u ovom domenu. Pored Viktimološkog društva Srbije, istraživanja koja su značajna iz ugla viktimolo- gije sprovodile su i druge nevladine organizacije (domaće i međunarodne), institucije i pojedini istraživači i istraživačice.10 Oni su realizovali istraživanja o nasilju u porodici, trgovini ženama i decom, zlostavljanju dece, starim licima kao žrtvama, homofobiji, zlostavljanju na radu, službama za žrtve, naknadi štete za žrtve i tako dalje. NVO Autonomni ženski centar – Centar za promociju ženskog zdravlja iz Beograda je, na primer, 2002. godine sproveo istraživanje nasilja u porodici na uzorku od 1456 žena u Beogradu, i to kao deo studije Svetske zdravstvene organizacije o nasilju nad ženama i ženskom zdravlju (Otašević, 2005; Garcia-Moreno i dr., 2006). Autonomni ženski centar je, takođe, sproveo nekoliko istraživanja sudske prakse u vezi sa nasiljem u porodici (Konstantinović-Vilić, Petrušić, 2004 i 2007). Nevladina organizacija Se- ConS je 2010. godine sprovela istraživanje rasprostranjenosti nasilja u porodici u Srbiji bez AP Vojvodina (Babović, Ginić i Vuković, 2010). Takođe, tokom 2004. i 2009/10. godine realizovana su istraživanja o nasilju nad starim licima (Kostić, 2010; Stevković i Dimitrijević, 2010). U vreme kada je ova knjiga otišla u štampu, Fakultet za specijalnu edukaciju i rehabilitaciju u Beogradu je radio na realizaciji jednog velikog istraživanja o zlostavljanju i zanemarivanju dece. Ovaj projekat čini deo šireg FP7 projekta pod nazi- vom Balkanska epidemiološka studija o zlostavljanju i zanemarivanju dece (BECAN).11

10 Važno je pomenuti da su veliki deo ovih istraživanja spovele članice i članovi VDS, koji su istraživanja realizo- vali bilo u okviru svojih magistarskih i doktorskih teza, bilo u okviru drugih NVO i institucija. 11 http://www.fasper.bg.ac.rs/projekti/becan.html | 57 |  Od 1998. godine, viktimologija je počela da se predaje u okviru predmeta krimi- nologija na Pravnom fakultetu Univerziteta u Nišu. Predavanja su bila bazirana na udžbeniku iz kriminologije, koji su napisale Slobodanka Konstantinović-Vilić i Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović, koje su, po prvi put u Srbiji, u jedan univerzitetski udžbenik unele teme kao što su žrtve kriminaliteta, viktimologija, zlostavljanje dece, nasilje u porodi- ci, silovanje u braku, pokret za zaštitu zlostavljenih žena, feministička metodologija i feministička teorija (Konstantinović-Vilić, Nikolić-Ristanović, 1998). Taj udžbenik je kasnije ažuriran, pa su unete i mnoge druge viktimološke teme, poput trgovine ljudima, zlostavljanja na radu, proganjanja, nasilja nad starim licima i slično. U periodu od 2004. do 2008. godine je, takođe u okviru predmeta kriminologija, na Fakultetu za specijalnu edukaciju i rehabilitaciju (FASPER) Univerziteta u Beogradu daleko više prostora dato sticanju znanja o temama u vezi sa žrtvama, pa je, za te potrebe, uvedena i šira viktimo- loška literatura kao materijal za studente. Od 2007. godine, viktimologija je poseban izborni predmet kako na Pravnom fa- kultetu u Nišu i FASPER, tako i na Kriminalističko-policijskoj akademiji i Fakultetu bezbednosti u Beogradu. Uz to, 2007. godine je predmet zlostavljanje dece u porodici uveden kao poseban izborni predmet na FASPER, dok je predmet rod i pravo uveden kao izborni predmet na Pravnom fakultetu u Nišu. Čini se da interesovanje studenata u Srbiji za ove predmete sve više raste jer se sve veći broj njih opredeljuje za predmet viktimologija, pa tako postoji ideja da ovaj predmet postane obavezan na određenim fakultetima.

Zakljuci Tokom proteklih dekada pitanje žrtava kriminaliteta zaokupljalo je sve veću pažnju i istraživača i društva u celini, i to kako na međunarodnom, tako i na nacionalnom planu. Sprovedene su brojne reforme u cilju poboljšanja dostupnosti pomoći i podrške žrtvama. Primeri tih reformi odnose se na izmene zakona, podizanje svesti o pojedinim kategorijama žrtava i razvijanje nevladinih i državnih službi za žrtve u Srbiji. Delovanje ženskog pokreta u pravcu otvaranja teme muškog nasilja nad ženama je- dan je od faktora koji su uticali na podizanje svesti o žrtvama. Paralelno sa usmerava- njem pažnje na muško nasilje nad ženama, osvetljen je i problem fizičkog i seksualnog nasilja nad decom. Tokom proteklih godina, i druge ranjive kategorije žrtava, poput žrtava homofobije, organizovanog kriminaliteta, trgovine ljudima i rata, dobile su svoje mesto u javnim debatama. Pa ipak, u Srbiji su još uvek mnoge žrtve kriminaliteta, kao što su žrtve razbojništva, provala, saobraćajnih nesreća, ali i rođaci ubijenih, umnogo- me nevidljive i neprepoznate kao žrtve kojima su potrebni pomoć i podrška. Međutim, postoji rizik da čak i postojeća svet o žrtvama ostane samo na nivou retori- ke i ne dovede do stvarnih akcija. Britanski viktimolozi Mawby i Walklate (1994: 169) | 58 | navode da su „žrtve kriminaliteta“ dobile ogromnu simboličnu vrednost u pravosud- nom sistemu i raspravama o kaznenoj politici. To, međutim, ne vodi nužno poboljšanju njihovog stvarnog položaja. Zapravo, to može da dovede do frustracije na strani jednog broja žrtava ukoliko njihov stvarni položaj ne reflektuje ambicije koje ispoljava društvo. Jer, ukoliko žrtve ne dobiju pomoć i podršku o čemu su puno toga čuli, onda sve to može da potkopa njihovu veru i poverenje u društvo. Fattah (1986: 2) smatra da, uprkos povećanom interesovanju za žrtve kriminaliteta, društvo i dalje poklanja više pažnje i usmerava veća sredstva na hapšenje, zatvaranje i kažnjavanje kriminalaca. To dovodi do situacija u kojima se žrtve osećaju razočarano, ignorisano, zapostavljeno i maltretirano.

| 59 |  poglavlje 5

Predisponirane i ranjive grupe U ovom poglavlju se razmatraju pitanja u vezi sa nekim posebno predisponiranim grupama u društvu. Ono se bavi grupama i pojedincima, koji se suočavaju sa većim rizikom od uobičajenog da postanu žrtve kriminaliteta, i to zbog toga gde žive, sa kim dolaze u kontakt, šta su po zanimanju i slično. U tom kontekstu ćemo, takođe, razma- trati probleme u vezi sa ponovljenom viktimizacijom. Uz to, u poglavlju se daje ocena položaja ovih grupa za koje postoji tendencija da kriminalitet dovede do teških po- sledica usled delovanja faktora poput nasilja i starosti žrtve. Među posebno ranjivim grupama su deca, žene i žrtve rasizma i homofobije. U mnogim slučajevima, predisponirane i ranjive grupe se prepliću. Drugim rečima, pojedinci i grupe kod kojih postoji veća verovatnoća da će postati žrtve su ujedno i ranjiviji upravo zbog te svoje predisponiranosti.

Posebno predisponirane grupe Naša saznanja o rasprostranjenosti kriminaliteta su najvećim delom zasnovana na zvaničnoj statistici kriminala. Drugi izvori uključuju produbljenije studije, kao što su ankete o viktimizaciji ili istraživanja u bolnicama. Značajno pitanje koje se u ovom kontekstu nameće je kako je distribuiran rizik od postajanja žrtvom? Da li se svi članovi društva suočavaju sa jednakim rizikom da budu viktimizirani ili postoje pojedinci i grupe kod kojih je taj rizik povećan? Brojna istraži- vanja upućuju na ovo drugo – rizik da neko bude pogođen krivičnim delom se značajno razlikuje među pojedinicima i grupama u društvu. Jedno objašnjenje bi moglo da se nađe u tome da je rizik povezan sa položajem, ži- votnim stilom i zanimanjem pojedinca. Stoga, faktori koji se čine značajnim u identifi- kovanju potencijalnih žrtava uključuju i to čime se neko bavi da bi zaradio za život, gde živi i sa kim dolazi u kontakt (SCB- švedski Statistički centralni biro, 1995).

| 60 |  Nasilje i pretnja Häll (1997) je pokazao da je rizik od izloženosti nasilju i pretnjama veći za mlade nego za stare, za muškarce nego za žene i za one koji su sami u poređenju sa onima koji su braku. Ovaj rizik je, takođe, veći u velikim gradovima i gusto naseljenim regionima. Postoje jasno identifikovane grupe koje su značajno više izložene pretnjama i nasilju u poređenju sa opštom populacijom. Jednu grupu onih koji su izloženi nasilju čine po- jedinci koji žive izvan okvira „normalnog“ društva. To su marginalizovane grupe poput zatvorenika (Helgesson, 1995), beskućnika (Löfvenberg i Melin, 1999), onih koji su iseljeni iz svojih kuća (Flyghed i Stenberg, 1993), potom teški zavisnici od droge i alko- hola i osuđeni kriminalci (Lenke, 1973; Nilsson i Tham, 1999; Häll, 1997). Još jedna grupa koja je izložena nasilju više nego što je uobičajeno uključuje mla- diće koji izlaze u noćne klubove, te su izloženi riziku od nasilja na javnim mestima. Sledeću grupu čine samohrane majke male dece, koje su izložene nasilju u kući, i to često od strane poznatih izvršilaca. Najzad, jednu grupu čine oni koji su izloženi nasilju zbog svojih zanimanja, kao što su policajci, portiri i radnici obezbeđenja, prevoznici, zaposleni u restoranima, kao i zaposleni u zdravstvenim i penitensijarnim institucijama (Häll, 1997; SCB, 1995).

Kraa i ošteenje tuih stvari Slika je potpuno drugačija kada se govori o krađi i oštećenju tuđih stvari. Istraživanje švedskog Statističkog centralnog biroa-SCB pokazuje da su stanovnici gradova, samo- hrani roditelji, strani državljani, zaposleni u korporacijama i samozaposleni suočeni sa većim rizikom od uobičajenog da budu izloženi ovim oblicima kriminaliteta (SCB, 1995). Ove prilično vidljive razlike su verovatno povezane sa faktorima sredine (delovi koje nastanjuju pojedinci niskog socio-ekonomskog statusa su više izloženi), a u slučaju zaposlenih u korporacijama i samozapošljavanja, sa činjenicom da oni imaju relativno atraktivnije objekte za krađu u poređenju sa pojedincima iz radničke klase (Wikström, 1991). Poslednjih godina su, kao dopuna nacionalnim istraživanjima o žrtvama, sprovedene brojne studije na lokalnom nivou (videti, na primer, Wikström i dr., 1997a, 1997b, 1997c). Jedan od osnovnih rezultata ovih studija je isticanje značaja problema jedne oblasti za rizik njenih stanovnika od izloženosti kriminalitetu. Naime, iako pol i starost kao tradicionalne varijable pomoću kojih se objašnjavaju razlike u izloženosti krimina- litetu mogu da se primene u jednom delu, ipak najveću snagu za objašnjavanje rizika viktimizacije u ovom slučaju imaju problemi na nivou susedstva (Torstensson, 1997).

| 61 |  Ponovljena viktimizacija Dugo se zna da jedna mala grupa kriminalaca stalno ponavlja krivična dela, te da to objašnjava veliki udeo ovih dela u ukupnoj stopi kriminaliteta (videti, na primer, Per- sson, 1980). Tokom proteklih dekada, istraživači su uočili da se to isto odnosi i na žrtve kriminaliteta (videti, na primer, BRÅ 2001: 3; Carlstedt, 1995; Gottfredsson, 1984; Forrester i dr., 1988; Farrell i Pease, 1993). Čini se da postoji mala grupa pojedinaca koja trpi nesrazmerno veći deo svih krivič- nih dela. To važi čak i za krivična dela kao što su provala i neki drugi oblici krađe. Istraživanja o ponovljenoj viktimizaciji su se prvenstveno sprovodila u Engleskoj i SAD, pri čemu su prva istraživanja rađena ranih sedamdesetih godina dvadesetog veka ( Johnson i dr., 1973; Ziegenhagen, 1976). Rezultati ovih, ali i drugih istraživanja, po- kazali su da su neki pojedinci zastupljeniji od drugih unutar kategorije žrtve kriminali- teta. Jedno američko istraživanje sprovedeno u bolnici o pacijentima kojima su povrede bile nanete nožem ili pištoljem pokazalo je da žrtve izložene ponovljenoj viktimizaciji često dolaze iz nižih društvenih slojeva i često imaju problem sa drogom ili alkoholom ( Johnson i dr., 1973). Uz to, pokazalo se da postoji veća verovatnoća da se ova grupa ranije suočavala sa zatvaranjem u poređenju sa žrtvama koje su samo jednom bile izlo- žene ovakvoj viktimizaciji. Do sličnih rezultata došao je Ziegenhagen (1976). Njegovo istraživanje žrtava napada, razbojništva, silovanja i pokušaja ubistva u Njujorku poka- zalo je da su među žrtvama koje su izložene ponovljenoj viktimizaciji najzastupljeniji muškarci, pojedinci „nižeg statusa“ i entičke manjine. Ovaj rezultat ukazuje na životni stil i socijalni položaj kao dva važna razloga zbog kojih je jedna mala grupa nesrazmerno više pogođena (nasilničkim) kriminalitetom. Drugo moguće objašnjenje je da je kriminalitet povezan i sa poslom kojim se neko bavi, odnosno da su određene osobe izložene riziku od kriminaliteta upravo zbog obavljanja svojih svakodnevnih dužnosti (kao što su policajci, čuvari, zaposleni u zdravstvu i slič- no). Takođe postoji i velika grupa žena, koje su više puta izložene viktimizaciji nasiljem u svojim kućama i to od strane muškaraca sa kojima su u vezi ili su bile u vezi. Jedan uzrok ponovljene viktimizacije u slučaju krivičnih dela koja uključuju krađu (kao što su provala ili obična krađa) može se naći u problemu na niovu susedstva i nedostatku odgovarajućih mera bezbednosti (alarmi, rešetke na prozorima i slično). Takođe može da bude krajnje racionalno za kriminalca da ponovo napadne istu žr- tvu. U slučaju provale, kriminalci znaju da žrtva često dobije obeštećenje od osiguranja nekoliko meseci nakon krivičnog dela. To znači da kriminalac ima pristup poznatoj kući ili stanu, ali sada sa novim nameštajem, radio aparatom, video rikorderom i slično. Izbor kuće koja je prethodno bila meta može ujedno da znači i manji rizik jer je krimi- nalac već upoznat sa putem kojim može da pobegne, susedstvom i mogućim sistemom alarma. Istraživači su neke provale u kuće opisali na sledeći način: | 62 |  „Provalnik koji se šeta ulicom u kojoj prethodno nije izvršio krivično delo vidi dve vrste kuća – one koje su verovatno nepogodne i one koje su verovatno pogodne. Onda uspešno provaljuje u kuću, koja je ocenjena kao odgovarajuća. Sledeći put on šeta ulicom i vidi tri tipa kuća – vero- vatno nepogodne, verovatno pogodne i definitivno pogodne.“ (Farrell, 1995) Istraživanja su se, takođe, bavile ispitivanjem toga kako se rizik od ponovljene vikti- mizacije menja tokom vremena. Rezultati pokazuju da najveći rizik da se delo ponovi postoji u periodu neposredno nakon prethodnog dela (Farrell i Pease, 1993; Polvi i dr., 1990, 1991). To se odnosi na veliki broj različitih oblika kriminaliteta, kao što su provalne krađe, napadi i rasno motivisana krivična dela. U slučaju provalne krađe, kako su pokazali Polvi i drugi (1990, 1991), rizik od nove provale je dvanaest puta veći u periodu od mesec dana nakon prethodne provale. Polovina svih ponovljenih provalnih krađa se dogodila u roku od sedam dana od prvog provaljivanja. To znači da postoji mala grupa koja je pogođena velikim delom ukupnog krimina- liteta (BRÅ 2001: 3; Carlstedt, 1995, 2001). Prema Carlstedt (2001), oko pedeset procenata ispitanika bilo je pogođeno sa nešto više od pedeset procenta svih nasilnih krivičnih dela. U pogledu provale i oštećenja imovine, oko 4% ispitanika je reklo da je njihovo domaćinstvo bilo na udaru tri ili više krivičnih dela tokom godine koja je prethodila istraživanju. Ukoliko se to posmatra u sklopu ukupnog broja događaja, ova 4% čine skoro 40% svih prijavljenih krivičnih dela. Utvrđeno je da je jedna veoma mala grupa, oko 1% njih, bila pogođena sa 17% svih krivičnih dela koja su bila prijavljena u istraživanju. Ovaj obrazac važi i za krivična dela koja su prijavljena policiji. Studija pokazuje da je uobičajeno da ista žrtva (bilo da je u pitanju fizičko ili pravno lice, kao što je kompanija) pretrpi nova krivična dela (BRÅ 2001:3). Za kuće je rizik od nove provale dvanaest puta veći u toku prvog meseca nakon prethodne provale. Ovaj rizik se potom postepe- no smanjuje, tako da je nakon šest meseci nakon provale on samo dva puta veći. U slu- čaju muškog nasilja nad ženama, rizik od ponavljanja je najveći tokom prve nedelje na- kon napada, a onda počinje da opada. Studija nastavlja time što pokazuje da ponovljena krivična dela čine relativno veliki deo svih krivičnih dela koja su prijavljena policiji. Pitanja u vezi sa prethodnim iskustvom viktimizacije su postavljena u istraživanju uličnog kriminaliteta, koje je sprovedeno u bolnici Sabbatsberg i Southern bolnici u Stokholmu. Rezultati su pokazali da je između 35% i 39% ispitanika ranije bilo izlože- ne napadima (Carlsson Sanz i dr., 2000; Dysting i dr., 1991, 1993). Razumevanje da postoji relativno mala grupa koja je izložena velikom delu ukupnog kriminaliteta je važno kako iz ugla prevencije kriminaliteta, tako i iz ugla podrške žr- tvama. Usmeravanjem na one koji su već bili viktimizirani, stvara se mogućnost da se spreči veliki deo ukupnog kriminaliteta i da se ujedno pruži pomoć onima kojima je | 63 | ona verovatno i najpotrebnija. Na taj način, znanje o ponovljenoj viktimizaciji može da posluži kao katalizator kako mera prevencije kriminaliteta, tako i rada službi za žrtve.

Posebno ranjive grupe U ovom delu će se razmatrati pitanje grupa koje su izuzetno ranjive kada su u pitanju kriminalitet i posledice do kojih on dovodi. Primeri nekih posebno ranjivih grupa su žene, deca, mete rasistički motivisanih krivičnih dela i homofobije. Upravo su to grupe koje u ovom momentu zaokupljaju posebnu pažnju države. Druge ranjive grupe uklju- čuju osobe sa posebnim potrebama, stara lica, putnike i društeno marginalizovane i osuđivane kriminalce. Ono što je zajedničko svim ovim grupama je da su one u velikoj meri izložene kri- minalitetu upravo zbog toga „ko su ili šta su“. Tako su one izložene viktimizaciji zbog svojih seksualnih sklonosti ili boje kože, zbog toga što ne mogu da se odbrane ili zato što ih drugi ne razumeju, zato što ne mogu da koriste svoja građanska prava i tako dalje. Stoga krivična dela koja se vrše prema ovim grupama nisu usmerena samo protiv poje- dinca/pojedinke, već i protiv njegovog/njenog porekla, kulture, nasleđa ili identiteta (zločini iz mržnje).

Deca Deca mogu da budu povređena na mnogo načina. Ona mogu da budu fizički ili psi- hološki zlostavljana, seksualno napastvovana, maltretirana i zapostavljena. Veliki deo krivičnih dela protiv dece vrše odrasli iz dečijeg neposredog okruženja – ponekada, čak, i njihovi zakonski zastupnici. U nekim slučajevima, pretnje nisu usmerene prema deci, ali su deca njima ipak po- gođena. Tako se poslednjih godina sve više ukazuje na položaj dece koja odrastaju u nasilnim domovima. Istraživanja pokazuju da su deca, koja odrastaju u kući u kojoj je majka zlostavljana, često svedoci nasilnih događaja (Christensen, 1998; Hydén, 1994; Weinehall, 1997; Nikolić-Ristanović, 2002b; Nikolić-Ristanović i Stevković, 2010), ali su često i sami zlostavljani (Christensen, 1998; Nikolić-Ristanović, 2002b; Nikolić-Ri- stanović i Stevković, 2010). Veliki broj dece koja su bila svedoci nasilnih događaja, opi- suju svoje osećanje nemoći i često pate od posttraumatskog stresa ( Jansson i Almqvist, 2000). Mnoga deca osećaju i da su zapostavljena kada ne dobiju pomoć uprkos tome što su je tražila (Weinehall, 1997). Krivična dela protiv dece su veoma teška obzirom da mogu da imaju odlučujući efe- kat na razvoj i ličnost deteta. Dugo nakon kritičnog događaja, mnogo dece oseća ne- poverenje prema spoljnom svetu. Deci često nedostaje sposobnosti da se sami efikasno izbore sa događajem. Kada je dete pogođeno krivičnim delom „van“ svoje kuće, ono | 64 | obično o tome može da priča sa roditeljima i da dobije ljubav, brigu i osećaj sigurnosti. Upravo su to faktori koji značajno povećavaju sposobnost da se dete suoči i nosi sa konkretnim događajem. Mlađa deca imaju manje razvijene verbalne sposobnosti, pa često imaju teškoća u saopštavanju svoga iskustva drugima. Kao posledica toga, njima se ne veruje uvek kada ispričaju svoju priču. Deca, takođe, često imaju poteškoća u izra- žavanju svoje ljutnje i sramote odraslima jer se nalaze u odnosu zavisnosti i, stoga, imaju problem u dovođenju u pitanje autoriteta odraslih (videti, na primer, Hindberg, 1997; Nyman i Svensson, 1995).

Žene Površno posmatrano, čini se krajnje pogrešnim identifikovati polovinu svetske po- pulacije kao ranjivu grupu. Međutim, krivična dela protiv žena se često mogu okarak- terisati kao sistematska represija nad ženama kao pojedinkama. Ova krivična dela, koja pripadaju velikom broju različitih kategorija, često se dešavaju u kući. To mogu da budu krivična dela koja uključuju fizičko ili psihičko nasilja, ali i provalu i oštećenje imovine. U slučaju muškog nasilja nad ženama, mahom nije u pitanju jedan izolovani događaj, koji određuje tu ranjivost žene, već činjenica da on često predstavlja deo sistematskog nasilja usmerenog ka ženi. Na ovom mestu primarno govorimo o muškom nasilju prema ženama, ali ono isto tako može da uključi i nasilje u homoseksualnim vezama u kojima je jedan partner na- silan prema drugom (videti, na primer, Tiby, 2000). Osnova je ista: neodgovarajuće korišćenje moći i uspostavljanje kontrole jedne osobe nad drugom. Ova vrsta kontrole može da uključi pojedinačna ponašanja koja nisu kriminalitet sama po sebi, ali koja su usmerena ka ograničavanju slobode ili ličnog integriteta žrtve. To mogu da budu: manipulacija, verbalno zlostavljanje, ograničavanje slobode, ograničavanje kontakata sa porodicom i prijateljima, otvaranje ličnih poruka, prisluškivanje telefonskih razgo- vora, kontrolisanje i organičavanje korišćenja novca ili korišćenje drugih lica – odraslih i dece - da bi se povećala saradnja žrtve (Eliasson, 1997). Muško nasilje prema ženama ima tendenciju eskalacije, kako u pogledu težine, tako i obima, i mogu da prođu godine dok žrtva ne potraži pomoć. Ovaj vid kriminaliteta se javlja nevezano za društevni status, primanja, obrazovanje ili etničko poreklo (Lun- dström i dr., 2001).

Žrtve rasistiki motivisanog kriminaliteta Rasistički motivisan kriminalitet (zločini iz mržnje) je opšti pojam kojim se ozna- čavaju sve vrste krivičnih dela koja se vrše zbog rase, boje kože, etničkog ili nacional- nog porekla žrtve. Pri tome, krivična dela idu od uništavanja imovine i ličnih stvari do verbalnog i fizičkog zlostavljanja, pretnje, seksualnog napada, podmetanja požara

| 65 | i ubistva. Rasistički motivisanom kriminalitetu mogu da prethode epizode verbalnog i fizičkog nasilja, koji ne moraju nužno da predstavljaju kriminalitet, ali koji mogu da dovedu do mnogo ozbiljnijih rasističkih progona. Primeri toga su: neprijateljski pogle- di, uvrede, grafiti, ostavljanje smeća na kućnom pragu, neugodne žalbe, pisanje pisama i pozivanje telefonom. To može da se desi svakome – od malog deteta do odrasog čoveka – i bilo gde – kod kuće ili na poslu (videti, na primer, Lodenius i Wikström, 1997). Rasistički motivisani kriminalitet može da pogodi ljude različitog porekla u bilo kojoj oblasti. Nasilje u potpunosti zavisi od učiniočevih predrasuda u vezi sa bojom kože, rasom, verom, nacionalnim ili etničkim poreklom onih koji su na meti. Učini- lac može da bude muškarac ili žena bilo kojih godina, od perioda detinjstva pa sve do starosti. Kriminalitet može da bude organizovan ili više „spontan“, privremen prema karakteru, sa učiniocem koji deluje sam. Iako pojedinci iz učiniočevog okruženja ne moraju direktno da podržavaju vršenje krivičnih dela, oni mogu da budu saučesnici kroz propuštanje da otvoreno reaguju protiv kriminaliteta – nečinjenje kao odobrava- nje kriminaliteta. To se odnosi i na neka krivična dela izvršena prema ženama, kao što je seksualno zlostavljanje. Bez obzira ko je odgovoran i gde se dešava, rasisitički motivisan kriminalitet pred- stavlja dvostruko povređivanje, pošto žrtva nije samo žrtva krivičnog dela, već i mržnje. To nije samo napad na pojedinca, već i napad na poreklo pojedinca, kulturu i nasleđe. Posledice zločina mogu biti pojačane upravo zbog činjenice da se on dešava zbog toga ko je žrtva (Garofalo, 1997). Rasistički motivisan kriminalitet proizvodi ozbiljne i dugoročne posledice za žrtvu, a akumuliranje posledica brojnih manjih napada može da bude čak i traumatičnije za žrtvu u odnosu na jedan izolovan, veći zločin. Zločin može da prouzrokuje poteškoće u spavanju, košmare, strah, nervozu i nedostatak koncentracije. Žrtva može da se oseća demoralisano, depresivno i očajno. Psihološki stres često može da vodi medicinskom stresu. On može da utiče na žrtvino samopoštovanje i da dovede do smanjenja njenog samopouzdanja. Neki pojedinci bivaju toliko traumirani da postaju nesposobni da vode normalan život. U nekim slučajevima žrtva može da se boji da izlazi napolje sama, posebno tokom večeri i noći. Izbegavanje socijalnih kontakata je, pak, posebno ozbiljno obzirom da se žrtve već osećaju izolovano. Izolacija je delimično proizvod društva u kome živimo, a delimično činjenice da žrtve ne govore jezik zemlje u kojoj su primljene (Rantakeisu i dr., 1997).

Žrtve zloina iz mržnje Pojam „homofobija“ odnosi se na osećanja osobe ili grupe, koja gaji jaku antipati- ju prema homoseksualcima i homoseksualnosti (Ds 1998: 35, 83). Zločini iz mržnje

| 66 | predstavljaju grupu krivičnih dela, kojima je zajedničko to da uključuju nasilje prema homoseksualnim, biseksualnim i transseksualnim muškarcima i ženama. Ovi zločini idu od uništavanja imovine, verbalnog i fizičkog zlostavljanja, pretnji i uznemiravanja, do seksualnog i fizičkog napada, podmetanja požara i ubistva. Homoseksualni muškarci mogu, takođe, da budu žrtve krivičnih dela koja nemaju osnov u homofobiji. U nekim slučajevima, učinilac može da stekne utisak da homosek- sualci u nešto manjem procentu nego opšta populacija prijavlju kako zločine iz mržnje, tako i druga krivična dela. Razlozi neprijavljivanja krivičnih dela mogu da budu op- šte nepoverenje u policiju ili strah od okrivljavanja ili neverovanja od strane državnih organa. Drugi razlog bi mogao da bude strah da će tokom istrage i suđenja žrtva biti prisiljena da razotkrije delove svog privatnog života, koje bi ona radije držala u tajnosti ili barem daleko od očiju javnosti. Krivično delo zasnovano na seksualnom opredeljenju nije samo napad na pojedinca, već i na njen celokupan životni stil (Garofalo, 1997). Krivična dela ove vrste mogu da ostave žrtvu sa osećajem straha i beznadežnosti, a mogu da dovedu i do smanjanja sa- mopouzdanja. Homoseksualci, koji nisu direktno pogođeni krivičnim delom, su ipak pogođeni i mogu da žive u strahu od sličnog napada. Odbrana od ove vrste kriminaliteta je ekstremno teška, a njegove posledice bivaju pojačane zbog saznanja da se on dešava prosto zbog toga ko je žrtva (za bliže informaci- je o posledicama videti, na primer, Tiby, 2000). Nasilje i pretnje se, takođe, dešavaju i unutar homoseksualnih veza. Međutim, to je u velikoj meri skriven problem, na koji vlasti nikada ne obraćaju pažnju. U ovakvim nasilnim vezama nije neuobičajeno da, uz neke standardne oblike fizičkog, psihičkog i imovinskog nasilja, jedan partner preti da će „otkriti“ drugog, tj. da će o njegovoj ho- mesksulanosti reći njegovim drugovima, kolegama i porodici.

Stari Jednu posebno ranjivu grupu čine stari kao žrtve kriminaliteta. Krivična dela protiv starih su uglavnom skrivena od vlasti, a mogu da se vrše kod kuće ili u domu za stara lica i drugim institucijama. Ova krivična dela često vrše rođaci ili osobe zadužene za brigu o žrtvi. Krivična dela mogu da budu psihološkog, fizičkog, imovinskog ili seksualnog karaktera (Steinmetz, 1988). Dok su druge grupe žrtava, poput žena i dece, tokom poslednjih godina zaokupile pažnju, krivična dela protiv starih su velikim delom ostala nevidljiva u javnom diskursu (Hydle i Johns, 1993). Ključni razlog za to je činjenica da ova krivična dela uglavnom vrše pojedinci koji su žrtvi poznati, pa se zato retko prijavljuju policiji ili drugim služba- ma (videti, na primer, SCB, 1995).

| 67 |  Međutim, stari nisu viktimizirani samo od strane poznatih izvršilaca. S obzirom da stari provode daleko više vremena kod kuće nego što je uobičajeno, oni su posebno ranjivi određenim vrstama krađa i prevara, koji se često nazivaju „krivična dela protiv starih“. Primeri „krivičnih dela protiv starih“ mogli bi da budu: pojedinci koji ulaze u kuće starih lica pod izgovorom da žele da pozajme telefon ili da dobiju čašu vode, a onda nastavljaju tako što ili kradu predmete ili prodaju robu ili usluge po daleko većim cenama. Često ovakvi oblici kriminaliteta dovode do talasa serijskog kriminaliteta u kome se kriminalac seli iz mesta u mesto, ili, pak, predstavljaju njegov veliki deo, uz vršenje istih ili sličnih krivičnih dela. Stari su, takođe, ranjivi i kada je u pitanju kriminalitet na ulici ili pijacama. Uprkos činjenici da statistički podaci pokazuju da su stari izloženi manjem riziku da budu vik- timizirani krivičnim delima na javnim mestima nego druge grupe, upravo su stari ti koji se osećaju naročito nervozno i predisponirano (videti, na primer, SCB, 1995). To može da izgleda paradoksalno, ali strah može da bude dobro utemeljen jer su posledice kri- vičnih dela za stare osobe mnogo veće nego u slučaju mlađih žrtava (za pregled o starim licima kao žrtvama videti, na primer, Jönsson, 2001). Bez obzira na odnos između žrtve i učinioca i gde je krivično delo izvršeno, krivična dela protiv starih često imaju teške somatske, psihološke i socijalne posledice (Hydle, 1994). Krivično delo tako može da rezultira time da se žrtva sama izoluje i da ne izlazi napolje u onoj meri u kojoj je to ranije činila. Mnoge stare osobe, koje su bile prevarene pa su ostale bez novca ili dragocenih stvari, suočavaju se sa snažnim osećajem krivice i sramote. Starim licima je potrebno više vremena da zaleče fizičke povrede, dok psiho- loški i emotivni ožiljci mogu da ostanu zauvek. Ukoliko je krivično delo izvršila žrtvi poznata osoba od koje ona i zavisi, osećaj bespomoćnosti i ranjivosti može da se pojača. Pored fizičke slabosti, stari su daleko više nego druge grupe izolovani – njima nedostaju socijalni kontakti sa osobama sa posla, često žive sami i imaju sve manje prijatelja. Uz to, oni su u tom životnom stadijumu kada prolaze kroz brojne fizičke i mentalne promene (Hydle, 1994).

Osobe sa invaliditetom Još jednu ranjivu grupu čine osobe sa invaliditetom. Krivična dela koja pogađaju oso- be sa fizičkom ili intelektualnom onesposobljenošću su najvećim delom iste vrste kao i dela koja pogađaju stara lica. To može biti bilo šta od napada do prevare, a mogu da budu izvršena od strane poznatih i nepoznatih lica. Kao i u slučaju krivičnih dela koja se vrše prema starim licim, i o krivičnim delima prema osoba sa invaliditetom se malo govorilo u javnosti u Švedskoj. Uz to, sistem zdravstvene zaštite ili krivičnopravni sistem ne poseduju podatke koji bi govorili o rasprostranjenosti ovih krivičnih dela. Međutim, poslednjih godina se uočava pokla- njanje sve veće pažnje krivičnim delima protiv žena sa invaliditetom. Prema Finndahl | 68 | (2001), kao izvršioci ovih krivičnih dela u najvećem broju slučajeva se pojavljuju bliski srodnici. Krivično delo se najčešće izvršava u kući i to od strane rođaka, koji se u spolj- nom svetu predstavljaju kao šarmantni, srećni i prijatni ljudi. U izveštaju se dalje navodi da je posebno lako slomiti samopouzdanje žene sa invaliditetom, obzirom da je ona i pre napada bila tretirana kao građanka drugog reda i osećala se neprihvaćenom. Iz tog razloga, krivična dela protiv osoba sa invaliditetom imaju posebno teške posle- dice za žrtvu. Zbog invaliditeta, neke žrtve nisu u stanju da interpretiraju upozoravaju- će znakove koji signaliziraju nameru drugog pojedinca da izvrši krivično delo. Osobe sa oštećenim sluhom ili vidom mogu da dozvole da im se kriminalac približi, dok fizička oštećenja mogu da budu prepreka da žrtva pobegne sa potencijalno opasnog mesta. Osobe sa intelektualnim oštećenjima mogu da budu posebno nepripremljene za i šokirane gubitkom poverenja kao posledicom krivičnog dela. To se posebno događa u slučajevima u kojima krivično delo podrazumeva upotrebu fizičkog nasilja ili seksualne eksploatacije i ukoliko je ono izvršeno od strane osoblja ili drugog pacijenta u ustanovi u koju je žrtva smeštena i koja vodi brigu o njoj. Ove žrtve se često suočavaju sa poteš- koćom da kažu šta se dogodilo i da sa nekim porazgovaraju o svom iskustvu. Uz to, oni su suočeni sa rizikom da im se ne veruje, posebno u slučajevima kada je krivično delo izvršila osoba koja je na položaju i uživa poverenje, kao što je, na primer, doktor.

Putnici Osobe koje putuju bivaju izložene riziku da se suoče sa dodatnim problemima kao posledicom krivičnog dela, koje je izvršeno dok su bili daleko od kuće. Postratna Evro- pa se suočila da ogromnim porastom mobilnosti. Pojedinci mogu da se nađu u dru- goj zemlji kao turisti, studenti, iz medicinskih razloga i/ili zbog poslovnih obaveza. Poslednjih godina ova grupa doživljava ekspanziju sa velikim brojem pojedinaca koji privremeno borave u drugoj zemlji zbog posla – tzv. „gostujući radnici“. Sve češća putovanja dovode i do porasta broja krivičnih dela protiv osoba izvan nji- hovih zemalja boravka. Međutim, veoma je teško doći do saznanja o rasprostranjenosti ovog oblika kriminaliteta. Zvanične statistike u mnogim zeljama ne sadrže podatke o krivičnim delima protiv putnika. Čak ni Ujedinjene nacije i Evropska unija nisu po- klonile pažnju ovom posebnom vidu kriminaliteta. U pogledu istraživanja, primećuje se da postoji svega nekoliko empirijskih istraživanja kriminaliteta protiv putnika (za istraživanje o Šveđanima kao žrtvama videti, na primer, Lindgren, 1997c, a za istraživa- nje na nivou EU videti Wergens, 1999). Pa ipak, poslednjih godina i ova grupa žrtava počela je da privlači pažnju. U poređenju sa mnogim drugim grupama, putnici su više izloženi krivičnim delima i ranjiviji su. Njih je lako uočiti (posebno turiste), često nose vredne stvari sa sobom i uglavnom imaju relativno velike količine gotovog novca kod sebe. Sa druge strane, rizik

| 69 | da se bude uhapšen zbog krivičnog dela protiv turiste (ili drugih putnika) je obično niži u odnosu na situaciju kada je žrtva domaći državljanin. Osnovni razlog za ovaj manji rizik je taj što su to obično manje opasna krivična dela i što postupak obično ne počinje pre nego što se žrtva ne vrati u svoju zemlju ili nastavi putovanje. Kada se krivično delo dogodi u inostranstvu, obično za žrtvu nastaju dodatni problemi. U nekim slučajevima žrtva ne razume jezik ili ne zna kome da se obrati za pomoć. Putnici često ne razumeju svoja prava i obaveze u stranoj zemlji. Ukoliko se, pak, pokrene postupak, žrtva teško dolazi do informacija o postupku, posebno ako više nije u toj zemlji.

Društveno marginalizovane osobe i osuena lica Osobe koje žive na marginama društva, kao i oni koji imaju kriminalni dosije, takođe čine ranjivu grupu u slučajevima kada su izloženi krivičnim delima. Jednim delom to je zbog toga što njima nedostaje zaštita, koju druge grupe imaju, jer oni retko prijavljuju krivična dela vlastima, a delom i zato što im nedostaje jaka socijalna mreža, koju druge grupe imaju, a koja može da omogući oporavak.

Trgovina ljudima U zemljama sa visokom stopom nezaposlenosti, dobro plaćen posao sobarice, kono- bara/konobarice ili radnika u fabrici deluje veoma privlačno za mnoge ljude, posebno za žene i decu. Od malih sela u Himalajima do gradova u istočnoj Evropi, trgovci lju- dima varaju žrtve putem lažnih oglasa, kataloga za naručivanje nevesta i povremenih poznanstava. Kada jednom dospeju na svoje odredište, žrtve bivaju primorane da žive u uslovima koje kontrolišu trgovci i eksploatisane su na razne načine kako bi trgovcima obezbedile nelegalne prihode. Mnogim žrtvama je ograničena sloboda kretanja, oduzi- maju im se putna i druga lična dokumenta, a, ukoliko neće da sarađuju, bivaju izložene pretnjama ili se preti njihovim porodicama. Žene i devojčice, koje su prisiljene da rade kao prostitutke, ucenjuju se time da će trgovci sve ispičati njihovim porodicama, dok deca zavise od hrane, smeštaja i drugih osnovnih potrepština za život koje im trgovci obezbeđuju. Trgovci često igraju i na kartu straha žrtve od vlasti – žrtve se plaše da, ako se obrate vlastima u stranoj zemlji, protiv njih može da se pokrene postupak ili da budu deportovane. Tokom protekle decenije, trgovina ljudima, koja može da bude opisana i kao savremeno ropstvo, beleži enormni rast, kako u pogledu broja slučajeva, tako i broja žrtava, i postala je veoma ozbiljan problem koji pogađa stanovništvo i eko- nomiju mnogih zemalja poreka, tranzita i destinacije. Trgovina ljudima je nacionalni, transnacionalni ali i transkontinentalni fenomen. Kupovina i prodaja žena i dece u cilju seksualne eksploatacije je veoma lukrativan posao. Za razliku od oružja i droge, žene i deca mogu da se prodaju više puta. Faktori koji na globalnom nivou utiču na pojavu trgovine ljudima su siromaštvo, pot- činjen položaj i neposedovanje moći žena i dece u mnogim zemljama, kao i nedostatak | 70 | poštovanja i zaštite ljudskih prava i potražnja za ljudima koji mogu da budu eksloatisa- ni na različite načine. Takođe je poznato da su ljudi ranjiviji kada je u pitanju trgovina ljudima u situacijama nekih ekstremnih događaja, kao što su elementarne katastrofe ili oružani sukobi, koji prete opstanku ljudi i razaraju njihovu socijalnu strukturu i logi- stički sistem. To se posebno odnosi na žene i decu, naročito one koji pripadaju društve- no marginalizovanim grupama. Ne treba ni pominjati koliko razarajuće mogu da budu posledice trgovine ljudima po fizičko i psihičko zdravlje žrtve, kao i njen pravni, društveni i ekonomski položaj, a koje mogu da traju duži ili kraći vremenski period. Socijalne posledice često mogu da budu veoma ozbiljne; one ništa manje nisu ozbiljne za žene i devojčice koje se prodaju u cilju seksualne eksploatacije. Kada se vrate u zemlju porekla, ove žene često bivaju odbačene od strane svojih porodica, te se suočavaju sa rizikom da budu socijalne izgnanice u svo- jim lokalnim zajednicama. Pored teških posledica za žrtve, trgovina ljudima takođe ima i negativne posledice za države. Rasprostranjeno ilegalno tržište može da potkopa ekonomiju zemlje, oteža ekonomski razvoj i oslabi vladavinu prava. Takođe postoje razlozi zbog kojih se veruje da se, osim za finansiranje nekih, čak i organizovanijih i težih kriminalnih aktivnosti, ilegalna zarada od trgovine ljudima koristi za finansiranje različitih subverzivnih aktiv- nosti i terorističkih pokreta.

Zakljuci U ovom poglavlju smo ukazali na postojanje posebno predisponiranih i ranjivih gru- pa u društvu. Ove grupe su uglavnom više nego što je uobičajeno izložene kriminalitetu i ranjivije su kada su u pitanju posledice. Ono što je zajedničko ovim grupama – kao što su deca, stari i osobe sa invaliditetom – je da one nisu nasumično viktimizirane. One se biraju upravo zbog svoje seksualne orijentacije, boje kože, godina i nemogućnosti da se odbrane ili zbog nekih drugih karakteristika. U ovim slučajevima, krivično delo nije samo izolovani incident, već atak na njihov identitet. Krivično delo može da dovede do zabrinutosti da će se viktimizacija ponoviti, što može da rezultira većom izolovanošću osobe i njenom opiranju da se vrati pređašnjem životu ili da, pak, prijavi novo krivično delo. Strah od reviktimizacije može da ima re- alne osnove, s obzirom da su posledice kriminaliteta za ove grupe teže nego za obične građane. Pripadnici ovih grupa se često osećaju razočarano i izdato zbog načina na koji druš- tvo reaguje na krivična dela protiv njih, što može da dovede do dugotrajnog nepove- renja u druge i društvo. Uz to, nedostatak jake socijalne mreže, koja karakteriše druge

| 71 | grupe, može da rezultira smanjenjem samopouzdanja zbog nedostatka onih sa kojima bi žrtva mogla da prodiskutuje i apsorbuje događaje. Imajući u vidu situaciju, koja je prezentovana u ovom poglavlju, postoji velika potre- ba da se obezbedi specijalizovana podrška i pomoć ovim grupama, koja ne sme da bude manja tokom policijske istrage i suđenja koje sledi.

| 72 |  Deo IV

Posledice kriminaliteta

| 73 | | 74 |  Poglavlje 6

Materijalna šteta Ovo poglavlje se bavi posledicama koje mogu da budu rezultat bilo koje vrste krimi- naliteta. Kriminalitet može da dovede do brojnih negativnih posledica – materijalne štete, fizičkih povreda i psihičkih reakcija, socijalnih posledica i praktičnih problema - koje mogu da budu privremene ili da traju duže vremena. Od svih posledica, emotiv- ne reakcije, koje mogu da se jave nakon krivičnog dela, su često najizraženije. U ovom poglavlju ćemo se fokusirati na posledice po žrtvu kao jedinku, a ne na one koje nastaju za društvo u celini. Kriminalitet često rezultira različitim vidovima indirektne i direktne materijalne štete za žrtvu. To mogu da budu gubitak novca ili imovine kao neposredna posledica samog krivičnog dela, troškovi koji nastaju usled oštećenja imovine, troškovi lečenja ili gubitak zarade zbog povreda. Direktna materijalna šteta je, sasvim prirodno, krajnje različita – neka krivična dela mogu da rezultiraju velikom direktnom materijalnom šte- tom, dok su druga povezana sa prilično malim vrednostima nastale štete. U mnogim slučajevima, indirektna materijalna šteta može da bude prilično velika. Ona može da uključi troškove koji su potrebni da žena koja je zlostavljana promeni brave i broj telefona ili da se čak preseli u novi grad kako bi pobegla od nasilnog bivšeg muža ili partnera. Ona može da obuhvati i troškove terapije u slučaju psihičkih ošte- ćenja nastalih kao posledice silovanja ili pljačke, gubitak budućih primanja za žrtvu koja je pretrpela napad i slično. Jedan od uobičajenih troškova je u neposrednoj vezi sa nastojanjima žrtava da se zaštite od budućih krivičnih dela kroz postavljanje alarma, kapija od kovanog gvožđa ili sigurnosnih vrata. Mnoga krivična dela pogađaju ljude koja su već suočena sa ekonomskom nesigurno- šću. Troškovi potrebni da zamene ukradene stvari ili da poprave oštećenu imovinu za ova lica često predstavljaju ozbiljne posledice.

Mogunosti za naknadu štete Mogućnosti da se šteta nadoknadi su se tokom vremena razlikovale. Od ranog pe- rioda, kada je naknada štete neposredno plaćana žrtvi, proces je došao do toga da se novčane kazne koriste kao vid plaćanja za izvršeno krivično delo. Država je uzimala deo | 75 | plaćenih novčanih kazni, a ostatak je išao žrtvi. Do sredine 1800ih godina svi vidovi privatnih novčanih kazni su napušteni.

Ko plaa za štetu?

Okrivljeni – odgovornost za štetu U osnovi, učinilac krivičnog dela je odgovoran za naknadu štete, pa svi zahtevi treba prvo da budu upućeni njemu. Zahtevi za naknadu štete se, generalno, rešavaju u okviru suđenja za krivično delo. U onim slučajevima u kojima se dosudi naknada štete, sud di- rektno dostavlja kopiju presude službi nadležnoj za izvršenje u okrugu u kome osuđeni živi. Služba za izvršenje potom kontaktira žrtvu krivičnog dela i nudi pomoć u naplati dobijene naknade za nastalu štetu. U Srbiji su mogućnosti za materijalnu naknadu štete žrtvi veoma ograničene. Žrtva može samo da traži naknadu štete od učinioca, obzirom da ne postoji mogućnost kom- penzacije od strane države. Žrtva može da traži naknadu štete u krivičnom ili građan- skom postupku. Ukoliko žrtva postavi zahtev za naknadu štete u krivičnom postupku, sud će se time baviti samo ukoliko proceni da to ne bi mnogo prolongiralo postupak. U protivnom, sud će žrtvu uputiti na parnični postupak. U stvarnosti, šanse da žrtva do- bije naknadu štete su veoma male, a i ako je dobije, to obično zahteva mnogo vremena, posebno ako se zahtev žrtve rešava u parničnom postupku. Nedavne izmene krivičnog zakonodavstva u Srbiji uvele su nešto više mogućnosti za naknadu štete kroz institut posredovanja između žrtve i učinioca i mogućnost nepokretanja postupka od strane javnog tužioca ukoliko je učinilac sprečio nastupanje štete ili je istu već nadoknadio. Međutim, stvarni efekat ovog zakonodavstva u pogledu naknade štete žrtvama se još uvek ne zna, te bi trebalo da se prati i evaluira (Mrvić-Petrović, 2006; Ćopić, 2010).

Osiguravajua društva – naplata iz osiguranja Mnoga krivična dela nikada ne budu rasvetljena, pa učinioci ostaju nepoznati. U ne- kim slučajevima u kojima učinilac jeste poznat, on može da bude u situaciji da nema dovoljno finansijskih sredstava kako bi nadoknadio pričinjenu štetu. U slučajevima u kojim učinilac nije poznat ili službe za izvršenje dođu do zaključka da učinilac ne može da plati, na scenu stupa politika osiguranja, državnog ili privatnog, iz koga se može nadoknaditi šteta. Međutim, u nekim zemljama u razvoju, kao što je Srbija, mnogo ljudi zapravo ne može da koristi ovu mogućnost jer osiguranje još uvek nije dovoljno rasprostranjeno među populacijom.

| 76 |  Zakljuci U Srbiji je još uvek teško da žrtva dobije naknadu štete i to mahom zavisi od ekonom- ske situacije učinioca jer ne postoji mogućnost državne kompenzacije. Međutim, u vre- me pisanja ove knjige, Misija Organizacije za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju (OEBS) u Beogradu je pokrenula inicijativu za uvođenje državne kompenzacije u Srbiji.

| 77 |  poglavlje 7

Fizike povrede U Srbiji se svake godine policiji prijavi oko 12000 krivičnih dela sa elementima nasi- lja, što je, svakako, mali deo ukupnog kriminaliteta. To čini oko 12% ukupno prijavlje- nog kriminaliteta. Fizičke povrede mogu da nastanu usled izvršenja različitih krivičnih dela. Međutim, ukoliko se pogleda ceo spektar krivičnih dela koja se izvrše u Srbiji, brzo se može uočiti da fizičke povrede nastale u vezi sa krivičnim delom nisu mnogo česte. Rizik od fizičkog povređivanja varira zavisno od vrste krivičnog dela, te bi se, opšte uzev, moglo reći da se lakše povrede javljaju češće nego teške (Wladis i dr., 1999).

Povrede nastale usled nasilnih i seksualnih delikata Sva razmatranja povreda nastalih usled izvršenja krivičnog dela moraju da uzmu u obzir vrstu izvršenog nasilja. U ovom delu će se ukratko ukazati na neke primere iz Švedske u vezi sa različitim vrstama napada od pre nekoliko godina.

Nasilje bez upotrebe oružja U slučajevima nasilja bez upotrebe oružja – prevashodno udaranje ili šutiranje – povre- de koje nastaju su mahom posekotine, modrice, otoci na licu ili glavi i frakture lica. Slične povrede mogu da nastanu na rukama, nogama i grudima. Povrede opasne po život mogu da nastanu usled davljenja ili teških povreda glave (Sveriges läkarförbund, 1998). Jedna studija o 1158 lica, koja su bila izložena napadima u centralnom delu Stokhol- ma, pokazala je da je 82% njih bilo žrtva neposrednog nasilja (udaraca i šutiranja) u lice i glavu (Boström, 1997). Jedna druga studija o žrtvama napada, koje su bile primljene u švedskim bolnicama u periodu između 1987. i 1994. godine, pokazala je da je 70% njih bilo primljeno zbog povreda glave, uglavnom zbog potresa, dok su svega 2% činile žrtve koje su zadobile povrede abdomena (Danielsson i dr., 2000).

Povrede nanete oštrim ili hladnim oružjem Povrede nanete oštrim ili hladnim oružjem su krajnje različite. Studija o žrtvama, kojima su povrede nanete nožem, a koje su bile primljene u bolnici Serafimer u centru Stokholma, | 78 | pokazala je da se povrede najvećim delom nalaze na rukama i grudima. Ostale povrede su uglavnom ravnomerno raspoređene između abdomena i predela glave/grkljana (Blomqvist i dr., 1980). Do sličnih rezultata se došlo i u jednoj drugoj studiji o žrtvama u Stokholmu, kojima su povrede nanete nožem. Najčešće povrede bile su rane nastale usled odbrane, i to na gornjim ekstrmitetima, posebno šakama i ručnim zglobovima. Slede povrede nanete u predelu glave/grkljana. Većina žrtava nije bila teško povređena i nije imala neke dugo- trajnije posledice (Boström i dr., 1994). Jedna studija o žrtvama uboda, kojima je pružena pomoć u švedskim bolnicama u pe- riodu između 1987. i 1994. godine, pokazala je da su povrede uglavnom ograničene na predeo torza, glave i vrata. Većina (80%) pacijenata je mogla da napusti bolnicu u roku od jedne nedelje (Boström i dr., 2000). U slučajevima u kojim povrede nisu dovele do ozbiljnih fizičkih oštećenja, ipak mogu da ostanu neka oštećenja koja narušavaju estetski izgled, kao što su ožiljci, koji mogu da umanje kvalitet života žrtve (Carlsson Sanz, 2000).

Povrede nanete vatrenim oružjem Jedna studija je pokazala da su ozbiljne povrede i smrt prouzrokovani upotrebom va- trenog oružja još uvek prilično retki u Švedskoj (Boström i Nilsson, 1999). U Švedskoj se u periodu između 1987. i 1994. godine ukupno 1559 pacijenata obratilo za pomoć zbog povreda nanetih iz pištolja. Među njima je bilo pacijenata koji su slučajno pogođe- ni (900), koji su pokušali samoubistvo (257) i koji su bili žrtve pokušaja ubistva (174). Međutim, u prilično velikom broju ovih slučajeva (138), okolnosti pod kojima je došlo do pucanja su ostale nerazjašnjene. Izveštaj pokazuje da udeo žrtava pucnjave ostaje relativno konstantan tokom posma- tranog perioda. U toku godine je oko 200 osoba zatražilo medicinsku pomoć zbog povreda nanetih vatrenim oružjem. Tipičan pacijen bio je mladić ili muškarac srednjih godina (Boström i Nilsson, 1999). Ali, ova studija ne daje kompletnu sliku rasprostra- njenosti povreda i smrtnih ishoda nastalih usled upotrebe vatrenog oružja u Švedskoj. Naime, podaci o licima kojima je ukazana pomoć samo u ambulanti i onima koji su proglašeni mrtvim na licu mesta ili pre dolaska u bolnicu (oko 200 na godišnjem ni- vou) nisu bili uključeni u ove podatke. Kada je u pitanju mesto na kome povrede nastaju, primećuje se da dominiraju povre- de ekstremiteta (posebno ruku i nogu). Jedna četvrtina pacijenata zadobila je povrede glave. Svake godine između 4% i 5% pacijenata, koji bivaju primljeni u bolnicu, pod- legne povredama nanetim pucanjem. 30% onih koji su bili ranjeni iz vatrenog oružja imalo je bolničku negu duže od jedne nedelje (Boström i Nilsson, 1999). Ispitivanje pojedinaca koji su tokom devetogodišnjeg perioda (1985-1993) bili ra- njeni iz vatrenog oružja u Stokholmu, pokazalo je da su povrede ekstremiteta najra- | 79 | sprostranjenije, ali da ni povrede glave i torza nisu bile neuobičajene. Studija, koja je uključila i pokušaje samoubistva i slučajno ranjavanje, pokazala je da su svega tri osobe umrle zbog zadobijenih povreda (Botsröm i dr., 1994).

Povrede nastale usled seksualnih delikata Žrtve seksualnih delikata, poput silovanja, često nemaju vidljive fizičke povrede kao pokazatelje da je krivično delo izvršeno. Studija vrste i mesta nastanka povreda kod žena, koje su se obratile za pomoć Ženskom centru u Univerzitetskoj bolnici u Upsa- li, pokazala je da je najčešća povreda bol u donjem delu abdomena (Danielsson i dr., 1998). Jedna produbljenija studija povreda nastalih usled silovanja i silovanja od strane grupe pokazala je da su najčešće povrede genitalija bolovi u uterusu i vagini. Druge, negenitalne povrede su se javile u nešto više od 60% ovih slučajeva, najčešće u formi kontuzija (posekotina i modrica) grudi i grudnog koša. Ali, kada su u pitanju žrtve si- lovanja od strane grupe, u oko 80% slučajeva je dolazilo do ovih, negenitalnih, povreda (Cederholm i Heimer, 1999).

Fizika i psihološka nega Uz fizičke povrede, zaposleni u sistemu zdravstvene zaštite se, takođe, susreću i sa raznovrsnim simptomima, kao što su glavobolje, fizička slabost, poremećaj sna ili osećaj paralisanosti. Psihološke reakcije na napad, ponekada mogu da se ispolje i kao fizički simptomi. Veliki broj različitih oblika povređivanja može da se krije iza ovih psihoso- matskih simptoma. Neke od onih koje se obrate za pomoć zbog ovih simptoma su žene koje su preživele fizički ili seksualni napad, često od strane nekoga sa kim jesu ili su bile u vezi. Uprkos dobro dokumentovanom odnosu između fizičkog i psihičkog stanja, ove žene često dobijaju pomoć samo za pola svog problema. Njihovo fizičko preživljavanje je osigurano, ali se psihološki tretman često zanemaruje. To može da bude posledica nedostatka znanja među zdravstvenim radnicima u pogledu odgovarajućeg tretmana pacijentkinja za koje se sumnja da su preživele krivično delo sa elementima nasilja. Ali, može da bude i zato što je te žene teško prepoznati jer one često navode druge razloge nastanka povreda pošto se ne usuđuju da pričaju o napadu. Stoga je od krucijalnog značaja pridržavati se indikatora koji pokazuju da je osoba bila žrtva, i to ne samo kako bi se sprečilo da žrtva susret sa zdravstvenim sistemom doživi kao novo povređivanje. Zdravstveni radnici moraju da budu svesni i mogućnosti da žrtva dobije pomoć i podršku od strane državnih službi i volonterskih organizacija. To je posebno važno ako se ima na umu činjenica da se veliki deo seksualnih delikata i nasilničkog kriminaliteta izvrši unutar porodice, što nikada ne dođe do nadležnih organa.

| 80 |  Zakljuci Ovo poglavlje je pokazalo da svake godine mnogo ljudi biva ranjeno usled krimi- nalnog ponašanja. To uključuje nasilnički i seksualni kriminalitet. Iako usled izvršenja nekih krivičnih dela može da dođe do fizičkih povreda, kriminalitet retko prouzrokuje dugotrajna oštećenja. Međutim, za one koji prežive fizičko povređivanje, i ožiljci mogu da budu dovoljno teški da se sa njima živi.

| 81 |  poglavlje 8

Psihološke reakcije Iako kriminalitet dovodi do znatnih materijalnih oštećenja i fizičkih povreda kod žrtve, psihološko iskustvo je često daleko kritičnije, pa je teže baviti se njim (Hagema- nn, 1992; Lindgren, 1999; Maguire, 1980, 1982; Resick, 1987). Psihološka reakcija je često i najmanje vidljiva, pa je zato drugima teško da je razumeju. Ruka u povezu ili zavoj oko glave su spoljašnji, vidljivi znaci da osoba nije baš dobro. Ali, psihološkoj patnji, generalno gledano, nedostaju ti spoljni znakovi, pa je drugi ne shvataju baš uvek. Kao što je ranije već pomenuto, kategorija „žrtve kriminaliteta“ je prilično hetero- gena. Međutim, u javnom diskursu se žrtve neretko posmatraju kao homogena grupa, koju karakterišu slične reakcije. Ali, vrsta i jačina reakcije je krajnje individualna. Kod nekih osoba, krivično delo ne mora nužno da dovede do emocionalnih reakcija, dok drugi mogu da ga dožive kao ekstremno traumatično iskustvo, koje uključuje kogni- tivni i emotivni stres. U narednom poglavlju će se za označavanje psihološki stresnog i emotivno naglašenog iskustva koristiti termin „traumatičan“. Čak i neka manje teška, zanemarljiva krivična dela mogu da uzrokuju znatan stres kod žrtve.

Od haosa do kosmosa Uprkos očiglednim problemima i rizicima povezanim sa uopštavanjima u vezi sa in- tenzitetom i razvojem reakcija, često (ali ne i uvek) postoje neke zajedniče osobenosti kriza i reakcija na njih.

Poetne reakcije Ljudi nastoje da tokom kriznih situacija reaguju što je moguće više racionalno. Nji- hove akcije su usmerene na preživljavanje, a panika je retka reakcija (Dyregrov, 1992). Neposredno nakon krize, pojedinac usmerava svoju psihičku energiju na pokušaje da se izbori sa jakim emocijama izazvanim krivičnim delom – to je period koji ponekada ostavlja žrtvu u stanju u kome ne može da se ponaša racionalno. Žrtva može da pati od ponovljenih napada plača, panike i osećaja praznine. Njena svesnost može da bude difuzna jer često pokušava da se zaštiti od stvarnosti (Cullberg, 1989). Prva rekacija je obično osećaj neverice i zabezeknutosti da se „to desilo baš meni“ (videti, na pri- | 82 | mer, Blomberg, 2000). Mnogi osećaju i strah i bespomoćnost, a doživljavaju i fizičke reakcije poput otežanog disanja ili pritiska u grudima. Nije neuobičajeno da se žrtva suoči sa osećajem besa prema učiniocu. Bes može da bude usmeren čak i prema drugim pojedincima, kao što su policajac ili poslodavac. Određene vrste krivičnih dela, poput seksualnog napada ili provalne krađe, takođe mogu da dovedu do toga da se žrtva oseća prljavo ili ugroženo.

Krivica i okrivljavanje Veliki deo svoje enrgije, neposredno nakon krivičnog dela, žrtva usmerava na traženje objašnjenja zašto je baš ona bila odabrana. Istraživanja pokazuju da ljudi često imaju iluzije o sopstvenoj neranjivosti. Imaju sliku dobrog, predvidivog i bezbednog sveta u kome ljudi mogu jedni drugima da veruju ( Janoff-Bulman i Hanson-Frieze, 1983). Izvršenje krivičnog dela dovodi do razbijanja te iluzije, čineći da žrtve nemaju više po- verenja u svoju okolinu i da osećaju da više nemaju kontrolu nad svojim životima (Den- kers i Winkel, 1998; Janoff-Bulman i Hanson-Frieze, 1983). Ljudi, takođe, imaju jaku potrebu da neočekivane, negativne događaje smeste u uzročno-posledični okvir (Silver i Wortman, 1980). Ova činjenica, u kombinaciji sa potrebom da povrate kontrolu nad svojim životom, često dovodi do toga da žrtve, delimično ili u potpunosti, prihvataju krivicu za krivično delo koje im se dogodilo (videti, na primer, Janoff-Bulman i Han- son-Frieze, 1979, 1988; Silver i Wortman, 1980). Prema Miller-u i Porter-u (1983), ove reakcije spadaju u dva osnovna tipa krivice: bihejvioralno samookrivljavanje i karakterno samookrivljavanje. Bihejvioralno samo- okrivljavanje postoji kada žrtva posmatra krivično delo kao rezultat svog ponašanja u datoj situaciji: na primer, žrtva silovanja prekoreva sebe zato što je šetala sama u napu- štenom delu grada ili žrtva napada prihvata krivicu zato što je bila pijana. Kroz okriv- ljavanje sebe umesto učinioca, koga žrtva ne može da drži pod kontrolom, žrtva povra- ća kontrolu i to kroz sposobnost da ubuduće promeni ponašanje i izbegne ponovnu viktimizaciju. U slučajevima karakternog samookrivljavanja, žrtva pokušava da objasni događaj putem stalnih ličnih osobina. Žrtvi zato nedostaje sposobnost da izbegne kri- vično delo u budućnosti kroz promenu ponašanja, te može da bude suočena sa oseća- jem bespomoćnosti i depresijom. Okrivljavanje žrtve nije nešto što čine samo žrtve. Mnoge žrtve, posebno žene žrtve silovanja, opisuju kako osobe u njihovom neposrednom okruženju reaguju tako što svaljuju krivicu na njih a ne na učinioca – to je fenomen koji se u literaturi označava kao „okrivljavanje žrtve“. Okrivljavanje žrtve se može opisati kao proces u kome se na žrtvu prenosi krivica za viktimizaciju jer sigurno mora da postoji nešto loše u vezi sa osobom kada je ona pogođena krivičnim delom. Žrtve se razlikuju od „nežrtava“ u pogledu stavova ili ponašanja ili i jednog i drugog. Upravo su te razlike uzrok viktimizacije. Po-

| 83 | stoji i mišljenje da žrtve mogu ubuduće da izbegnu krivična dela kroz promenu svog ponašanja ili mišljenja (Ryan, 1971). Ovo svaljivanje krivice je velikim delom pokušaj da se ljudi zaštite od straha da i oni mogu da budu pogođeni krivičnim delom, a što je prisutno kod većine ljudi. Kada čuje- mo nešto o užasnim događajima, koji su se desili ljudima iz našeg neposrednog okruže- nja, to nas zapravo podseća na jednu opštu ranjivost, bespomoćnost i nemoć, i tako pre- kida naše iluzije o sigurnom i pravednom svetu. Svaljivanje krivice na žrtvu omogućava jednostavan, praktičan i direktan odgovor na pitanje „Zašto se ovo dogodilo?“ i „Zašto on a ne ja?“. Ako, sa druge strane, ništa u vezi sa ponašanjem žrtve, njenim izgledom ili stavom nije prouzrokovalo krivično delo, onda je ono moglo da se dogodi bilo kome i mora da se doživljava drugačije. Zato, makar delom, do svaljivanja krivice na žrtvu dolazi zbog verovanja u pravedan i fer svet u kome ljudi zaslužuju ono što dobiju i dobiju ono što zasluže. Loše stvari se dešavaju lošim ljudima, dok su dobri uvek nagrađeni. Ako je osoba pogođena krivičnim delom, onda ona mora da je uradila nešto loše ako je zaslužila takvu sudbinu. Spoznaja da se ti besmisleni, brutalni događaji mogu desiti bilo kome u bilo kom momentu dovodi do mnogo razmišljanja i osećanja. Mišljenje da je žrtva krivičnog dela uradila nešto loše ili provokativno je utešno jer to otklanja naš osećaj bespomoćnosti i ranjivosti i potvrđuje naša uverenja da krivična dela ne pogađaju dobre, ispravne ljude (Symonds, 1975). Iz napred izloženog, može se reći da je važno da svi oni koji, radeći svoj posao, dolaze u kontakt sa žrtvama kriminaliteta moraju da razumeju kako to da žrtve neretko krive sebe, tako i zbog čega one to čine.

Važne i nevažne informacije Službenici policije, zaposleni u sistemu zdravstvene zaštite i drugi profesionalci, koji redovno dolaze u kontakt sa žrtvama kriminaliteta, povremeno se suočavaju sa teškoća- ma u komunikaciji sa onima koji su nedavno bili izloženi krivičnom delu. Neke žrtve se nejasno sećaju događaja, dok druge mogu da imaju poteškoća u primanju svih informa- cija koje im se daju. Istraživanja sprovdena poslednjih decenija su se, takođe, fokusirala na problem ljudi koji imaju teškoća u komunikaciji i prijemu informacija neposredno nakon emotivnog i šokantnog događaja. Mandler (1975) je uočio da jake emocije zaokupljaju najveći deo pažnje pojedinca. To znači da situacije koje su emotivno nabijene umanju potencijal pojedinca da primi informacije koje dolaze spolja. U ovakvim situacijama, čini se da je pojedinac usmeren na ključne detalje događaja, kao što je, na primer, oružje upereno u njegovo telo, pa je zato teško da se priseti informacija koje su sporedne u odnosu na događaj (Christian- son, 1992). Neposredno nakon događaja, najveći deo pažnje se vrti oko samog događa- ja i jakih emocija koje je on izazvao (Christianson, 1996).

| 84 |  Nakon što prođe neko vreme i osoba se vrati u stanje psihološke ravnoteže i sigurno- sti, često će moći da se seti događaja koji su prethodno bili potisnuti (nedostupni) zbog emotivnog stresa (Christianson, 1996). Polazeći od znanja o osnovnim funkcijama pamćenja, nije neuobičajeno da, nepo- sredno nakon samog događaja, žrtve kriminaliteta imaju teškoća u davanju policiji detaljnog opisa krivičnog dela, posebno u pogledu vremenskog sleda i opisa učinioca. Imajući to u vidu, ne treba da bude čudno da žrtva kaže jedno tokom policijske istrage a nešto sasvim drugo tokom glavnog pretresa.

Nakon nekog vremena Kako vreme prolazi i žrtva shvati realnost situacije i njenih posledica, obično nastupa manje haotičan period ispunjen mnogo složenijim emocijama. Iskustvo viktimizacije može da dovede do kognitivnih reakcija, kao što su teškoće u koncentrisanju, anksio- znost, pojačana opreznost ili uznemirujući vizuelni doživljaji ili sećanja vezana za sam događaj. Anksioznost, praćena poremećajem sna i problemima u ishrani, je krajnje uo- bičajena posledica. Ona može da bude izražena i kroz somatske promene, kao što su tenzija mišića, trešenje, znojenje, glavobolje, lupanje srca, mučnina i problemi sa sto- makom (videti, na primer, Culberg, 1989; Lagerbäck, 1996). Za suočavanje sa anksioznošću koristi se nekoliko odbrambenih mehanizama, kao što su poricanje i intelektualizacija. Načešći odbrambeni mehanizam je potiskivanje. Žrtve dožive olakšanje kroz potiskivanje određenih osećanja (ili i događaja i osećanja) povezanih sa traumatičnim događajem. Ovaj metod kontrole tuge, patnje i besa uzima svoj danak kroz umanjivanje energije koja se koristi za svakodnevne aktivnosti i dnevne rutine (Lindgren i Lagerbäck, 1996). Odbrambeni mehanizmi su sasvim normalni i potrebni; oni su važni za psihološko preživljavanje jer razlažu anksioznost vezanu za konflikte u pojedincu ili između njega i okoline na manje delove, omogućavajući tako osobi da održi ravnotežu (Cullberg, 1989: 76). Međutim, ovi mehanizmi odbrane mogu da budu i pogrešno razvijeni, te da budu smetnja adaptaciji. Dakle, oni su neophodan deo prilagođavanja stvarnosti nakon traume, ali isto tako mogu da budu i prepreka tom istom procesu prilagođavanja.

Tabela 1. Primeri bihejvioralnih promena i zikih rekacija primeenih kod žrtava kriminaliteta • Osećaj odbačenosti • Bes i nadraženost • Teškoće pri koncentrisanju • Osećaj neverice | 85 |  • Smanjeno samopouzdanje • Povećana sumnja • Potreba za brigom i ličnim kontaktom • Fizička slabost • Osećaj paralisanosti • Pritisak u grudima • Teškoće pri disanju • Lupanje srca • Dugotrajne posledice

Dugotrajne posledice U ovom poglavlju su predstavljeni neki primeri reagovanja na kriminalitet. To su prirodni simptomi neprirodnih događaja. Proces bavljenja događajem, bilo samostalno ili uz pomoć porodice, prijatelja ili profesionalaca, često dovodi do toga da ove reakcije postepeno iščezavaju sve do momenta kada se žrtva vraća normalnom, aktivnom živo- tu. U nekim slučajevima, pak, ove reakcije mogu da opstaju i duži vremenski period – mesecima, čak i godinama – nakon izvršenog krivičnog dela (Goethals i Peters, 1991; Kilpatrick i Veronen, 1983; Sales, Rich i Reich, 1984; Shapland, 1984; Walklate, 1989). Iako žrtva ne misli o krivičnog delu svaki dan, život nikada ne može da bude isti kao što je bio pre njega, a krivično delo se teško zaboravlja. Mnoge žrtve, koje su se bavile svojim traumama, su uočile dve promene: smanjen osećaj sigurnosti i nepoverenje prema drugima (videti, na primer, Carlsson i Frost, 1980). Jedna žena žrtva silovanja je na sledeći način opisala svoje misli:

„Uvek sam bila neustrašiva. Često sam sama trčala u šumi. Vozila bih se noću do kuće sama biciklom, bez ikakvog razmišljanja. Kada su druge žene pričale o svojim strahovima, bile su mi smešne. Mislila sam ’Zašto da se bojim jer sam žena? Pa i ja imam prava da idem tamo gde poželim!’. Ali ne više. Taj osećaj sigurnosti je za mene zauvek nestao. Nikada više neću sama ići da trčim. Možda bih mogla da nateram sebe na to, ali bi cena bila prevelika. Prihvatila sam da je to borba koju nikada neću dobi- ti“ (DN 2/2 1992). To razaranje sigurnosti i povećanje sumnje se obično ispoljava kao strah. Strah je prilično ozbiljan jer ograničava žrtvine aktivnosti i čini neprijatnim njen svakodnevni život. Strah utiče na žrtvine misli, osećanja i reakcije, kao i na izbor mesta stanovanja, rada ili studiranja, puta kojim će da ide na posao ili školu, vremena kada može da izađe

| 86 | iz kuće, mesta na kome će da pazari i vrste sporta ili slobodnih aktivnosti kojima će da se bavi.

Posttraumatski stresni poremeaj Neuspeh da se efikasno izbori sa traumom može da dovede do reakcija koje mogu da eskaliraju do stanja poznatog kao posttraumatski stresni poremećaj (PTSP). Američki vodič za dijagnostiku DSM-IV (American Psychiatric Association, 1994) specifikuje reakcije i simptome koji se razvijaju u pojedincu nakon traumatičnog iskustva. Da bi se reakcija klasifikovala kao PTSP, potrebno je da uključi sledeće:

A. Dogaaj koji je izvan normalnog iskustva ljudi: • ozbiljna opasnost po život ili ličnu sigurnost, • ozbiljna opasnost za ili povreda dece, bračnog partnera ili drugog bliskog srodnika ili prijatelja, • iznenadno pustošenje kuće ili zajednice, • videti druge koji su teško povređeni ili ubijeni u saobraćajnoj nesreći ili kao posledica nasilja.

B. Ponovljene slike/seanje na dogaaj, makar na jedan od sledeih naina: • flešbekovi, • košmarni snovi, • osećaj da će se događaj ponoviti, • jaki osećaji anksioznosti povezane sa događajima koji simbolizuju ili podsećaju na traumu (kao što su rođendani ili godišnjice).

C. Opšta emocionalna hladnoa ili kontinuirano izbegavanje dogaaja ili predmeta koji simbolizuju ili podseaju na traumu. Najmanje tri od sledeih stvari treba da budu prisutne: • izbegavanje misli ili osećanja povezanih sa događajem, • izbegavanje aktivnosti ili situacija koje podsećaju na traumu, • nejasna sećanja delova događaja, • upadljivo smanjeno interesovanje za važne aktivnosti, • osećaj distanciranosti od drugih,

| 87 |  • ograničene emocije (kao što je smanjen kapacitet da se oseti ljubav), • osećaj da je budućnost ograničena.

D. Konstantno stanje opreza u kome je telo u položaju „letenja ili borbe“. Najmanje dve stvari od navedenih treba da su prisutne: • poremećaj sna (problemi sa uspavljivanjem ili buđenjem), • iritabilnost ili osećaj besa, • teškoće da se skoncentriše, • ekstremni oprez, • lako se uplaši, • psihološke reakcije na događaj koje podsećaju na traumu.

E. Simptomi pod B, C i D treba da traju najmanje mesec dana. Kod relativno malog broja žrtava se razvije PTSP, ali mnoge žrtve imaju neke od simptoma, kao što je preživljavanje događaja u snovima. PTSP može da se pojavi u neposrednoj vezi sa traumatičnim događajem, ali može da se razvije i godinama nakon tog iskustva (više o PTSP i žrtvama kriminaliteta videti, na primer, Flannery, 1992).

Faktori koji utiu na obim reakcija Nemoguće je predvideti kako će pojedinac da reaguje na traumu ili koliko dugo će da traje oporavak. Pa ipak, postoji nekoliko faktora koji, generalno, utiču na obim re- akcija. Uz vreme koje je potrebno za oporavak, na razlike u obimu rekacija utiču i vrsta događaja, lične osobine žrtve, njen položaj, socijalna mreža i posledice krivičnog dela (videti sliku 1).

Karakteristike dogaaja Naša znanja o reakcijama žrtava kriminaliteta i njihovim potrebama su velikim de- lom zasnovana na istraživanjima o ženama koje su bile izložene seksualnom napadu. Rezultati tih istraživanja su generalizovani kako bi se primenili i na žrtve drugih vrsta kriminaliteta, i to uprkos činjenici što je istraživanje pokazalo da se reakcije razlikuju u slučajevima različitih vrsta krivičnih dela. Žrtve seksualnih delikata obično imaju oz- biljnije reakcije nego žrtve drugih nasilničkih krivičnih dela, dok ove žrtve, pak, imaju ozbiljnije reakcije u poređenju sa žrtvama krivičnih dela protiv imovine (Goethals i

| 88 | Peters, 1991; Lurigio i Resick, 1990; Norris i Kaniasty, 1991, 1994; Resick, 1987; Sko- gan, 1987; Wirtz i Harrell, 1987a, 1987b). Psihološka istraživanja pokazuju da krivična dela koja uključuju nasilje ili pretnje na- siljem dovode do težeg psihičkog stanja žrtve nego nenasilni kriminalitet (Bard i San- grey, 1986; Everstine i Everstine, 1986; Harrell, Smith i Cook, 1985; Lurigio, 1987; Lurigio i Davis, 1989; Sales i dr., 1984). Još jedan faktor, koji može da bude od značaja za reagovanje na traumatičan događaj, je odnos između žrtve i učinioca. Američki psiholozi Diana i Louis Everstine (1986: 178), navode da, suprotno od uvreženog mišljenja, krivično delo koje je izvršeno od strane osobe koja je žrtvi poznata (i, po mogućstvu, u koju ima poverenje), dovodi do daleko komplikovanijih i ozbiljnijih psiholoških problema nego napad od strane nepo- znatog lica. Jednu posebnu grupu ovih žrtava čine žene koje su zlostavljane od strane poznatih osoba. Još jedna ranjiva grupa su i deca, koja bivaju zlostavljana od strane onih koji bi zapravo trebalo da ih vole i brinu o njima. Još jedan faktor koji može dodatno da pogorša događaj je situacija kada postoji osoba koja nije intervenisala kako bi zaustavila vršenje krivičnog dela iako je za to imala mo- gućnosti (Dysting i dr., 1991). Karmen (1990: 1) predstavlja slučaj iz SAD u kome je student, koji je tokom leta radio kao prodavac sladoleda, bio izložen brutalnom razboj- ništvu. Bez i jedne jedine reči, dva razbojnika su pucala na njega, uzela novac iz fijoke i pobegla sa lica mesta. Student se srušio u baru krvi nedaleko od svojih kola. Ubrzo nakon toga, velika grupa od oko stotinu dece i tinejdžera se okupila oko tog mesta. Umesto da pomognu ranjenom čoveku, ovi prolaznici su iskoristili momenat i pokrali sav sladoled. Mladić je ostavljen da krvari na ulici skoro sat vremena pre nego što je došla policija. Događaji poput ovog, sasvim razumljivo, mogu da poljuljaju veru žrtve u svoje sugrađane.

Line osobine i situacija pojedinca Istraživanja su pokazala da zapravo i neka trivijalna krivična dela mogu da dovedu do ozbiljnih reakcija (Dahlbäck, 1989; Davis i Friedman, 1985; Kilpatrick i Veronen, 1983). Razlog tome je činjenica da na sposobnost obrade traumatičnog događaja utiču i lične osobine žrtve. U brojnim izveštajima se navodi da su mlade žrtve manje pogo- đene emocijama koje su u vezi sa krivičnim delom nego stara lica (Atkeon i dr., 1982; Carlsson i Frost, 1980; Dahlbäck, 1988; Goethals i Peters, 1991; Sales i dr., 1984). To se, međutim, ne odnosi na decu. S tim u vezi, istraživanja govore u prilog tome da se deca suočavaju sa većim rizikom od dugotrajnih problema u poređenju sa tinejdžerima ili odraslim licima (Katz i Mazur, 1979; Peters, 1974). Pol žrtve je, takođe, važan faktor koji opredeljuje obim reakcija. Istraživanja su poka- zala da krivična dela više utiču na žene nego na muškarce (van den Bogaard i Wiegman,

| 89 | 1992; Carlsson i Frost, 1980; Goethals i Peters, 1991; Lindgren, 1999; Lurigio i Davis, 1989; Walklate, 1989). Još jedan faktor koji utiče na obim reakcije na kriminalitet je prethodno iskustvo sa krivičnim delom i drugim traumatičnim događajima. Međutim, rezultati u vezi sa ovom temom nisu nesporni, a u literaturi se nailazi na dva oprečna stava, odnosno dve perspektive. Iz perspektive ranjivosti, ljudi koji su ranije bili izloženi krivičnom delu reaguju mnogo snažnije u odnosu na one koji nikada nisu bili žrtve (Carlsson i Frost, 1980; Goethals i Peters, 1991). Glavni razlog tome je da prethodni događaj čini žrtvu ranjivijom u slučaju da ponovo bude izložena jakom stresu. Druga perspektiva – per- spektiva oporavka – tvrdi da osobe sa prethodnim iskustvom kriminaliteta i traume mogu da se suoče sa novim iskustvom sa povećanom snagom. Jedna finska studija po- kazuje da kod jednog dela žrtava kriminaliteta sam događaj zapravo rezultira u pove- ćanom samopouzdanju žrtve (Aromaa, 1991). Do sličnog podatka se došlo i švedskoj studiji o zaposlenima u bankama, koji su iskusili pljačku. Svaka četvrta osoba u ispitiva- nom uzorku je rekla da joj se samopouzdanje povećalo nakon pljačke (Leymann, 1984). Na obim rekacije utiče i lična situacija žrtve. Istraživanja pokazuju da krivično delo teže doživljavaju oni koji već imaju težak život, odnosno da su suočeni sa, na primer, po- rodičnim problemima, nezaposlenošću i/ili zdravstvenim problemima (Eriksson i dr., 1984). Takođe postoje i pokazatelji koji govore u prilog tome da se pojedinci sa niskim nivoom samopoštovanja teže oporavljaju od traumatičnog događaja (Lurigio i Resick, 1990). Singer i Salovey (1988) su pokazali da se događaji i situacije, koji odgovaraju mi- saonom okviru pojedinca, mogu lakše razumeti i oživeti. O tome se obično govori kao o efektu podesnosti. Osobe sa negativnom predstavom o sebi zato interpretiraju doga- đaje, a posebno one koji se tiču njih lično, u iskrivljenom svetlu. Istraživanje je pokazalo da depresivni pojedinci pripisuju uspeh sreći a neuspeh nedostatku ličnih sposobnosti, dok nedepresivni pojedinci daju potpuno drugačiju procenu (Bower, 1992).

Socijalna mreža pojedinca Sposobnost da se uspešno nosi sa traumatičnim događajem tako zavisi od vrste kri- minaliteta i ličnih kapaciteta, koji stoje žrtvi na raspolaganju. Traumatične situcije se, takođe, mogu obrađivati i putem razgovora sa drugim pojedincima. Razgovor o poje- dinostima kivičnog dela služi da žrtva smesti traumu pod kognitivnu kontrolu (Harber i Pennebaker, 1992; Pennebaker i O’Heeron, 1984; Pennebaker i dr., 1988). Veoma je važno da nakon krize pojedinac ima nekoga s kim bi mogao da popriča. Istraživanje pokazuje da je društvena podrška nakon krivičnog dela u pozitivnoj kore- laciji sa fizičkim i psihičkim zdravljem (Cohen i Willis, 1985). Jedno američko istraži- vanje o osobama koje su bile izložene razbojništu, napadu i provalnoj krađi je pokazalo da su žrtve, koje su nakon događaja dobile podršku svoje sredine, imale više šanse za oporavak od traume nego oni kojima podrška nije pružena (Friedman i dr., 1982). Pri- | 90 | jatelji, kolege, a naročito porodica, predstavljaju važan izvor društvene podrške u vreme krize. Oni, takođe, mogu da pomognu žrtvi u pogledu praktičnih pitanja povezanih sa krivičnim delom. Međutim, ponekada je neophodna i dodatna podrška To mogu da obezbede volonterske organizacije poput službi za žrtve, koje predstavljaju odličan dodatak socijalnoj mreži koju čine prijatelji i rodbina žrtve.

Odloženi efekti krivinog dela Odloženi efekti krivičnog dela su, takođe, važan faktor koji utiče na posledice koje krivično delo ima za pojedinca. Sam događaj ne mora da bude najveća pretnja mental- nom zdravlju pojedinca. Od jednakog značaja je i tretman (ili nedostatak tretmana), koji pojedinac dobija nakon krivičnog dela (Bard i Sangrey, 1986; Leymann, 1989). U periodu krize, prema pojedincima se mora odnositi na način koji će umanjiti rizik od „sekundarne viktimizacije“. Sekundarna viktimizacija je pojam kojim se označava stres koji se razvija kod žrtve kada institucije ili pojedinci odgovaraju na način koji žrtvu predstavlja u negativnom svetlu (Lindgren i Lagerbäck, 1996). Ova sekundarna trauma može da nastane u kontaktu sa policijom, zaposlenima u sistemu zdravstvene zaštite ili sa agentima osiguravajućih kuća, kojima nedostaju razumevanje i obučenost o ranjivo- sti žrtve nakon emotivno iscrpljujućeg događaja. Čak i porodica i prijatelji žrtve mogu da imaju poteškoća u razumevanju njenih reakcija i izmenjenog ponašanja. Najzada, žrtva mora da bude zaštićena i od dodatnog stresa prouzrokovanog neprofesionalnim odnosom novinara ili radoznale javnosti. I dok je kriminalno ponašanje teško kontrolisati, dotle sekundarna viktimizacija može da bude uspešno umanjena kroz povećanje znanja o situaciji sa kojom se žrtva suočava. Jedan od preduslova za smanjenje ove vrste viktimizacije je da profesionalci, koji svakodnevno dolaze u kontakt sa žrtvama kriminaliteta, budu svesni specifičnosti reakcija i potreba žrtava, koje mogu da postoje nakon krivičnog dela.

Zakljuci Kao što je pokazano u ovom poglavlju, psihološke reakcije su obično i najčešće posle- dice krivičnog dela. U isto vreme, psihološke reakcije su i najmanje vidljive, pa je stoga drugima i najteže da njih razumeju. Zato je važno da oni koji se susreću sa žrtvama poseduju znanje i razumevanje reakcija žrtve, na primer: zbog čega žrtve ponekada kri- ve sebe zbog onog što se dogodilo i zašto žrtve ponekada menjaju svoju priču između prvog saslušanja i kasnijeg suđenja.

| 91 |  poglavlje 9

Socijalne i praktine posledice

Socijalne posledice Sva tri rezultata krivičnog dela – materijalni gubitak, fizička povreda i psihološke reakcije – mogu da uključe i negativne socijalne posledice za žrtvu. Neke žrtve nalaze da im je krivično delo u potpunosti izmenilo život. Oni mogu da budu prinuđeni da potpuno promene svoj položaj, kao na primer, da promene zanimanje zbog straha da rade noću ili da promene mesto stanovanja zbog osećaja nesigurnosti (videti, na primer, Blomberg, 2000). Poslednji primer je posebno važan za hiljade žena i dece, koji žive sa svakodnevnim pretnjama nasiljem. U ovim slučajevima je gotovo pravilo da zlostav- ljana žena mora da se odseli kako bi pobegla od nasilnog muškarca, a to iziskuje velike socijalne, praktične i finansijske probleme. Još jedna socijalna posledica, koja može da nastane usled izvršenja krivičnog dela, je da žrtva često prekida kontakte sa drugim ljudima. Razlog tome može da bude to što žrtva ne želi da priča o događaju zbog sramote ili bolnih uspomena ili zato što više nikome ne veruje. U pojedinim slučajevima situacija može da bude i obrnuta – drugi ljudi mogu da osećaju jaku nelagodu pa da ustuknu kada žrtva poželi sa njima da priča o osećanjima i emocijama vezanim za krivično delo, jer ih i pomisao na to podseća na njihovu sopstvenu ranjivost. I umesto da pričaju o svojoj tugi i bolu, žrtve mogu da internalizuju problem (Lindgren i Lagerbäck, 1996). Osobe iz žrtvinog neposrednog okruženja, takođe, mogu da imaju teškoća da razu- meju kako da reaguju i postave se prema žrtvi. To, uz dodatne pritiske, može da pojača osećaj žrtve da niko ne razume njenu situaciju, što, pak, sa svoje strane, može da rezul- tira socijalnom izolacijom. Izloženost kriminalitetu može da naruši osnovni osećaj sigurnosti pojedinca. Istraži- vanja razmišljanja i osećanja žrtava kriminaliteta o njihovoj budućnosti su pokazala da su mnoge od njih veoma zabrinute da će ponovo postati žrtve (videti, na primer, Da- hlbäck, 1988). To može da se objasni smanjenom verom u spoljni svet kao posledicom krivičnog dela. Međutim, taj osećaj nesigurnosti ne pogađa samo one koji su lično bili žrtve kriminaliteta. Lokalna istraživanja sigurnosti i ankete o viktimizaciji su pokazali | 92 | da mnogo ljudi brine o tome da će biti viktimizirano krivičnim delom i osećaju se ne- sigurno kada šetaju po svom kraju kada padne mrak. Iako broj ljudi koji su zabrinuti zbog kriminaliteta daleko prevazilazi broj onih koji su zaista i bili viktimizirani, ova za- brinutost može ponekada da utiče na svakodnevni život pojedinca više nego samo kri- vično delo. Informacije o stvarnom obimu kriminaliteta u kombinaciji sa relevantnim informacijama o prevenciji kriminaliteta mogu da smanje anksioznost žrtve i strah od ponovne viktimizacije. Još jedna socijalna posledica kriminaliteta je stigmatizacija. Leymann (1989: 142) navodi da je socijalna sudbina žrtve unapred određena već od trenutka kada je krivično delo izvršeno. Od primarnog značaja su mir i tišina kako bi se žrtva oporavila, strpljiva osoba koja će je slušati i pobrinuti se za praktične mere neophodne za prevazilaženje problema sa kojima se žrtva suočava. Umesto toga, pažnja je usmerena na žrtvu; njena prava mogu da budu ugrožena, a ona može da se nađe u inferiornom položaju ili da bude, pak, previše zaštićena. Fokusiranjem na žrtvu odvlači se pažnja od jedne druge velike grupe koja je pogođe- na krivičnim delom – prijatelja i rođaka žrtve. Kada osoba postane žrtva krivičnog dela, ona biva postavljena u epicentar događaja. Kao i u slučaju zemljotresa, krivično delo, takođe, širi potrese od centra ka periferiji. Ovi potresi ili posledice krivičnog dela su daleko snažniji za pojedince koji su emotivno i fizički bliži žrtvi (Lindgren i Lagerbäck, 1996). Ovo pitanje nije dovoljno istraženo, ali rezultati postojećih studija pokazuju da porodice žrtava kriminaliteta često imaju psihičke simptome slične onima koje ima i sama žrtva – osećaju zabrinutost i anksioznost, osećaju se depresivno a samopouzdanje im je smanjeno (Amick i dr., 1989). Pružanje ovim osobama informacija o „normal- nom“ procesu oporavka i razumevanje onoga što se dešava u žrtvi, mogu da pomognu njima samima da smanje svoju anksioznost, kao i da, kroz sopstveno povećano razume- vanje situacije u kojoj se žrtva nalazi, pomognu samoj žrtvi.

Praktini problemi Krivično delo gotovo uvek dovodi do praktičnih problema za žrtvu. Na primer, po- treba da žrtva kontaktira državne službe, a što može da stvori i potrebu da se obezbedi briga o deci i transport do policijske stanice i tako dalje. Ili, žrtva mora da kontaktira osiguravajuću kompaniju kako bi podnela zahtev za obeštećenje ili da pozove staklo- rezca ili stolara da dođu i poprave razbijen prozor ili oštećena vrata. U nekim slučaje- vima krivično delo dovodi do fizičkih povreda koje je potrebno sanirati u zdravstvenoj ustanovi. Krivično delo može da rezultira u troškovima koji iziskuju finansijsku pomoć. Praktični problemi mogu, takođe, da nastanu i tokom dugotrajnog procesa oporavka ili zamene ukradenih stvari.

| 93 |  Strana istraživanja su pokazala da je žrtvama često potrebna pomoć za rešavanje prak- tičnih problema, kao što su kontaktiranje državnih službi, pozivanje bravara, obezbe- đivanje privremenog smeštaja ili finansijska pomoć (Friedman i dr., 1982; Maguire i Corbett, 1987; Skogan i dr., 1990). Međutim, jedno istraživanje volonterskih organi- zacija u SAD je pokazalo da su poboljšanje sigurnosti i finansijska pomoć usluge koje žrtvama pruža mali broj organizacija. Od 184 organizacije, koje su bile obuhvaćene istraživanjem, samo 24 pružaju pomoć u vezi sa sigurnosnim pitanjima, dok 44 pruža finansijsku pomoć (Roberts, 1987, 1990). Švedsko istraživanje o žrtvama provalne krađe i napada je pokazalo da je primarna potreba žrtve da ima osobu kojoj bi mogla da priča o događaju. Mnoge žrtve su pome- nule i potrebu za preduzimanjem preventivnih mera, prevashodno u smislu zaštite od provale. Neke druge, manje opterećujuće potrebe, uključile su pomoć u popravci vrata, prozora ili druge oštećene imovine (Lindgren i Litzén, 1998). Nadalje, ovo istraživa- nje je pokazalo da žrtvama pomoć pružaju mahom prijatelji i porodica. Postoji i jedna mala grupa žrtava sa slabom socijalnom mrežom, koja je navela da nije dobila nikakvu pomoć.

Zakljuci Pored različitih psiholoških reakcija, za mnoge žrtve su socijalne i praktične posledi- ce kriminaliteta veliki problem. Pojedine osobe dolaze u situaciju da im krivično delo u potpunosti menja život. One mogu da budu prisiljene da potpuno promene svoju situaciju, kao što je promena zaposlenja zbog straha od rada noću ili promena mesta stanovanja zbog osećaja nesigurnosti.

| 94 |  Deo V

Kljuni akteri

| 95 | | 96 |  poglavlje 10

Policija i žrtva kriminaliteta Rasvetljavanje i prevencija krivičnih dela su dva najvažnija zadatka policije, u čemu važnu ulogu imaju žrtve kriminaliteta. Bez informacija koje pružaju žrtve, mnoga kri- vična dela ne bi ni bila poznata policiji, a bez pomoći žrtava, mnogi učinioci ne bi bili otkriveni. Međutim, uprkos tome što žrtve imaju ključnu ulogu za rad policije, policija, uopšte uzev, ne tretira žrtvu kao važan faktor. U ovom poglavlju će se opisati rad policije sa žrtvama kriminaliteta, uloga koju po- licija ima u odnosu na žrtve i značaj kontakta između policije i žrtava. U poglavlju će se, takođe, predstaviti rezultati istraživanja sprovedenih u Srbiji i na međunarodnom planu a vezano za odnos žrtava prema policiji.

Rad policije sa žrtvama kriminaliteta

Uloga policije Policija je dostupna 24 sata dnevno, sedam dana nedeljno, 52 sedmice godišnje. Poli- cija je često prvi i jedini predstavnik društva sa kojim žrtva dolazi u kontakt. Prvi kon- takt se obično uspostalja telefonom – ponekada iz daleka preko centrale – ili dolaskom žrtve u policijsku stanicu. U težim slučajevima (kao što su napad ili provalna krađa), prvi kontakt sa policijskim službenikom se obično uspostavlja na licu mesta. U ovim slučajevima, ukoliko je moguće, policajac počinje sa rasvetljavanjem krivičnog dela i to kroz razgovor sa žrtvom i dostupnim svedocima. Ukoliko priroda krivičnog dela nala- že, pažljivo se pregleda lice mesta. Ukoliko dostupni tragovi i mogući dokazi nisu dovoljni za nastavak istrage, slučaj se neće dalje voditi. Mnoge žrtve doživljavaju to kao napad na sebe jer nisu informisane o tome da će policija nastaviti da prati slučaj na drugi način, često kroz proveru vraćene ukradene imovine ili na neki drugi način. Policija je uočila da je teško objasniti žrtvi da slučaj može da bude ponovo otvoren ako se pojave novi dokazi. U slučaju kada se istraga sprovodi, žrtva često dolazi u kontakt sa inspektorom koji radi na slučaju. Ovaj kontakt može da podrazumeva dopunu postojećih informacija ili

| 97 | detaljan intervju. Ukoliko se slučaj nastavlja, a preliminarna istraga je završena, izveštaj o istrazi se podnosi tužiocu.

Susret policije i žrtve Policija ima fundamentalnu ulogu u svim aktivnostima usmerenim na podršku žrtva- ma. Kao što je napred navedeno, policija je često prvi i jedini predstavnik društva sa kojim žrtva dolazi u kontakt. Stoga je susret policije i žrtve važan iz nekoliko razloga jer on utiče na proces oporavka žrtve, rasvetljavanje krivičnog dela od strane policije, kontinuiranu saradnju žrtve tokom rada policije na rasvetljavanju dela i stavove javnosti o policiji.

Proces oporavka žrtve Za mnoge ljude do prvog „pravog“ susreta sa policijom dolazi onda kada postanu žrtve kriminaliteta. Pre toga su oni možda sreli policijske službenike na časovima iz saobraćajnih pravila ili su bili zaustavljeni u saobraćaju radi kontrole, ali to su samo kontakti u prolazu. Prvi pravi susret sa policijom može da se posmatra i kao neka vrsta testa u vezi sa stavom žrtve o policiji. U slučaju kada su pogođeni krivičnim delom, mnogi ljudi imaju velika očekivanja i zahteve u odnosu na policiju. Oni žele da policija brzo dođe na lice mesta, da sprovede efikasnu i brzu istragu, rasvetli krivično delo, uhapsi učinioca i vrati svu ukradenu robu. Takođe, oni od policije očekuju da ona uzme u obzir ono što joj oni kažu o događajima i da se policija ponaša u skladu sa njihovim predrasudama. Nažalost, susret sa policijom nije uvek ono što je žrtva očekivala. Žrtva ne samo da može da bude šokirana i zbunjena, već i pomalo osetljiva na ono što su, prema njoj, sta- vovi onih koji su prisutni na licu mesta. Stoga susret sa policijom može da bude veoma važan faktor koji utiče na to kako će ubuduće žrtva da se nosi sa takvom situacijom. Istraživanja pokazuju da negativan odnos policije može da pogorša situaciju u kojoj se žrtva već nalazi (Dahl, 1992; Kilpatrick i dr., 1985; Lurigio i Resick, 1990; Renck i Svensson, 1997; Resick, 1987; Shapland i dr., 1985; Symonds, 1980). Događaji, koje policija smatra svojom dnevnom rutinom, mogu da se pojave samo jednom u životu žrtve, te da stoga dovedu do snažnih emocija. Iz tog razloga je važno da policijski službenici budu svesni toga i da imaju razumevanja za ranjivost koju žrtva doživljava nakog događaja koji budi snažne emocije.

Rad policije na rasvetljavanju krivinog dela Susret između žrtve i policije nije značajan samo za emotivno blagostanje žrtve – ta- kođe je važan i za obezbeđivanje rasvetljavanja dela od strane policije. Kao što je već po-

| 98 | menuto, krivično delo je emotivan i šokantan događaj za žrtvu (Bard i Sangrey, 1986; Davis i Friedman, 1985). U periodu neposredno nakon događaja, žrtve nisu uvek spo- sobne da prime informacije ili da pruže detalje o onome što se dogodilo. Kako bi se delo rasvetlilo a učinilac uhapsio, policiji su potrebni detalji u vezi sa događajem, uključujući vreme kada se krivično delo dogodilo i opis učinioca. Međutim, istraživanje pokazuje da je upravo ove informacije teško dobiti odmah nakon krivičnog dela (Christianson, 1992). Kada prođe neko vreme i žrtve povrate neku vrstu emotivne ravnoteže, deta- lji, koji su prethodno bili blokirani usled emotivnog stresa, počinju da izlaze na videlo (Christianson, 1996). Waller (1990: 141) navodi da, generalno gledano, policija ne razume značaj infor- macija koje žrtve mogu da pruže ili načine na koji pružanje tih informacija može da se poboljša. Prema Waller-u, policiji je potrebno bolje razumevanje toga na koji način mogu da pruže podršku žrtvi, koja pitanja mogu da dovedu do relevantnih informacija i kada i kako da postavljaju pitanja žrtvi. To bi povećalo kako brzinu prikupljanja, tako i kvalitet informacija koje se dobijaju od žrtve. Ponekada je i potrebno i prikladno da prvi kontakt sa žrtvom bude propraćen dodat- nom podrškom i pomoći tokom kasnije faze istrage. Od drugog kontakta žrtva može da ima koristi, ali to isto tako može da pomogne u istrazi u smislu omogućavanja žrtvi da pruži dodatne informacije u vezi sa krivičnim delom.

Ueše žrtve u sudskom postupku Kontakt žrtve sa policijom je, takođe, važan posmatrano i iz ugla pravosuđa. Bez in- formacija koje mogu da pruže žrtva i svedoci, policija ne bi imala saznanja za mnoga kri- vična dela, a bez njihove pomoći u istrazi, učinioci bi i dalje šetali slobodno. Shapland i drugi (1985) smatraju da, uprkos očiglednoj zavisnosti od svedočenja žrtve, policija propušta da vidi žrtvu kao centralni deo krivičnopravnog sistema. Osnovni problem leži u stavu policije prilikom susreta sa žrtvom – žrtve se posmatraju kao periferni deo sudskog procesa, te zato nemaju odgovarajući položaj u očima službenika policije. Nemački kriminolog Hans Joachim Schneider smatra da je uloga žrtve analogna ulo- zi čuvara na ulazu u pravosudni sistem, sa zadatkom da prijavi krivično delo policiji i da se pojavi u svojstvu svedoka u nekom od kasnijih sudskih postupaka (Schneider, 1991). Prema Joutsen-u (1991), žrtva se često igniriše nakon što pruži potrebne informacije ili ukoliko se smatra „lošim“ svedokom. Iako policija žrtvu često smatra „perifernom“, žrtva ipak ima velika očekivanja od policije. Iz vrlo očiglednih razloga, policija ne može uvek da izađe u susret tim očekiva- njima, što rezultira razmimoilažnjem koje pogađa veru žrtve u policiju i spremnost da ubuduće prijavi krivično delo (Glaser, 1974; Lindgren, 1997a, 1997b; Shapland i dr., 1985; Tontodonato i Kratcoski, 1995). S tim u vezi vredno je pomenuti da se u Zakonu

| 99 | o policiji Republike Srbije eksplicitno navodi da je zaštita žrtava kriminaliteta jedna od osnovnih dužnosti policije, što može da doprinese prevazilaženju ovih razlika. Isti Zakon posebno apostrofira zaštitu žrtve koja pruža ili bi mogla da pruži informacije važne za krivični postupak. To takođe može da doprinese podizanju svesti policije o potrebama žrtava i značaju uloge žrtve u utvrđivanju istine, kao i o tome na koji način su te dve stvari povezane.

Stavovi javnosti o policiji Kontakt između policije i žrtve može da utiče i na stavove javnosti o policiji. Kao što je pomenuto, javnost može da ima pozitivan stav prema policiji, te da polaže puno vere u njen rad. Ovaj stav je velikim delom zasnovan na ličnom iskustvu i načinu na koji mediji predstavljaju rad policije. Na ovaj stav utiču i razgovori sa drugim ljudima. Postoji svega par državnih službi o kojima se priča sa toliko interesovanja kao o policiji, pri čemu to interesovanje za policiju češće pokazuju oni koji su imali negativno lično iskustvo. Žrtve kriminaliteta čine veliki deo svih pojedinaca koji dolaze u kontakt sa policijom. To, pak, znači da žrtve imaju značajnu ulogu u kreiranju javnog mnjenja o policiji. Žr- tve koje su imale negativna iskustva o tome govore drugima, koji potom šire ovu priču širem krugu ljudi. Ukoliko opšta javnost smatra da policija zanemaruje određena kri- vična dela ili da ih smatra trivijalnim, onda postoji ozbiljan rizik da vera u pravosudni sistem opadne ili, čak, i nestane. Takva situacija znatno otežava rad policije i tužilaca na rasvetljavanju nekih relativno „lakih“ slučajeva.

Kolege Susret između žrtava i policije je, takođe, važan i za zdravlje i blagostanje policijskih službenika i organizaciju policije. To je posebno vidljivo u slučaju teških krivičnih dela poput ubistva. U poređenju sa drugim zanimanjima, policijski posao ponekada može da bude veo- ma stresan (videti, na primer, Miller, 1995). Policija može da se posmatra kao isturena ruka društva te da, između ostalog, uvek prva iskusi nove trendove u vezi sa nasiljem i drogama. Suprotno većini drugih ljudi, policija je stalno suočena sa tamnom stranom društva. Policajci su često suočeni sa bolom i patnjom, kao što je, na primer, slučaj u situacijama krivičnih dela ili nesreća u kojima žrtve mogu da budu teško povređene ili da umiru. Ponekada su suočeni sa pretnjama i nasiljem, sa čim mogu posebno teško da se nose. Istraživanja psiholoških reakcija pojedinaca na teške događaje pokazuje da radnici u hitnoj pomoći relativno često pokazuju psihičke simptome kao rezultat stresa koji dožive (videti, na primer, Holen, 1990; Holm, 1995; Karlsson i Cristiansson, 1999; | 100 | Lindström i Lundin, 1982). Flešbekovi, preživljavanje događaja u mislima, anksioznost i nesigurnost su uobičajene reakcije (Karlsson i Christiansson, 1999; Reiser i Geijer, 1984). Ponovljena izloženost ekstremnim emotivnim stresovima može da dovede do osećaja izgaranja. To može da dovede do situacije da, u pokušaju da zaštiti samog sebe, policajac izbegava da se emotivno unese u situaciju žrtve. Teške situacije poput ove zahtevaju da rukovodioci na svim nivoima uspostave politiku koja će obezbediti njihovim kolegama pristup savetovanju i podršci. Jedan mogući vid podrške bio bi rutinsko prikupljanje predloga i pozitivnih reakcija žrtava kriminaliteta u vezi sa procesom istrage.

Obaveze policije prema žrtvi

Meunarodna situacija U mnogim evropskim državama policija ima široku odgovornost u pogledu pružanja informacija žrtvama kriminaliteta (Wergens, 1999). Jedan takav primer je Holandija, koja ima posebne smernice o kontaktu policije sa žrtvama kriminaliteta (Wemmers, 1996). U njima se navodi da policija mora da informiše žrtvu o dostupnim vidovima podrške i pomoći u momentu kada se delo prijavljuje i, kada je pogodno, da posreduje u kontaktiranju službe za žrtve. Policija, takođe, mora da informiše žrtvu o nekim op- štim procedurama koje slede nakon što je delo prijavljeno, da pita žrtvu da li bi želele da bude obaveštavana o toku postupka, kao i da pita žrtvu da li je tražila naknadu štete od učinioca. Pružanje ovih informacija mora da bude pažljivo dokumentovano, a javni tužilac mora da bude uveren da je žrtva dobila odgovarajuće informacije u slučaju da nema ove dokumentacije. Sjedinjene Američke Države takođe imaju posebne državne i federalne smernice o postupanju policije i drugih državnih službi prema žrtvi. One podrazumevaju i odgo- vornost da se pruže informacije i podrška žrtvama kriminaliteta. U nekim državama je čak predviđeno da se informacije moraju pružiti u toku 24 sata od prvog policijskog izveštaja (Karmen, 1990; Waller, 1990). Nacionalna asocijacija službi za žrtve (NOVA) u SAD je razvila i poseban program obuke za policiju o odnosu prema žrtvama kriminaliteta. Sve veći broj policijskih aka- demija u SAD uključuje u svoje kurseve teme koje se tiču žrtava (Waller, 1990), a sličan razvoj se primećuje i u Kanadi (Karmen, 1990) i mnogim zemljama Evropske unije (Wergens, 1999). Danas mnoge policijske stanice ili njihovi odseci širom sveta imaju posebno obučene jedinice, koje imaju dvostruku svrhu: poboljšanje pomoći žrtvama i efikasnije rasvet- ljavanje krivičnih dela. Primeri ovog razvoja su uspostavljanje „jedinica za penzione- | 101 | re“, koje pružaju pomoć starim licima kao žrtvama razbojništva i prevare, i „jedinica za istragu seksulanih delikata“, koje su obučene za rasvetljavanje silovanja i zlostavljanja ali na način koji neće dovesti žrtve u situaciju da osećaju krivicu zbog onoga što im se dogodilo (Karmen, 1990; Wergens, 1999). Uz smernice na nacionalnom nivou, Ujedinjene nacije, Savet Evrope, Evropska po- moć žrtvama i Međunarodna asocijacija šefova policija su razvili dokumente u vezi sa odnosom između policije i žrtava kriminaliteta.

Ujedinjene nacije Kao što je napred već pomenuto, Ujedinjene nacije su 1985. godine usvojile Deklara- ciju o osnovnim principima pravde za žrtve kriminaliteta i zloupotrebe moći (General Assembly res. 40/34). U ovoj Deklaraciji se govori o tome na koji način državne službe, poput policije, treba da pruže podršku i zaštitu žrtvama kriminaliteta. Prema Deklara- ciji, prema žrtvama se treba odnositi sa saosećanjem i poštovanjem, te ih treba upoznati sa mogućnostima zdravstvene nege, socijalnih usluga i drugih vidova pomoći.

Savet Evrope Značaj koji policija ima za žrtve kriminaliteta prepoznat je i u Preporuci Saveta Evro- pe br. R (85) 11 iz 1985. godine, u kojoj se navodi da policija treba da bude obučena kako bi se prema žrtvama odnosila na human, fleksibilan i osnažujući način i kako bi žrtvama pružila sve potrebne informacije. Nadalje, u Preporuci se navodi da bi policija trebalo da obezbedi tužilaštvu sve informacije o gubicima i šteti koja je nastupila za žrtvu, kao i da pravni koraci koji se predizimaju treba da uključe i naknadu štete žrtvi. Žrtva takođe treba da bude obaveštena o optužbama protiv osumnjičenog, te da joj bude omogućeno da se žali u slučaju da optužni akt bude odbačen ili da je upućena na parnični postupak. U razgovoru sa žrtvom treba da se vodi računa o njenoj ličnoj situaciji, a, ukoliko slučaj dozvoljava, razgovor treba da se vodi u prisustvu osobe koja žrtvi može da pruži podršku. Sudu treba da bude data mogućnost da goni učinioca za naknadu štete. Treba omogućiti da se saslušanje odvija iza zatvorenih vrata kako bi se žrtva zaštitila od publiciteta, koji može da ugrozi njenu privatnost. Uz to, žrtva i njena porodica treba da budu zaštićeni od uznemiravanja i osvete.

Evropska pomo žrtvama Evropska pomoć žrtvama je usvojila dokument u vezi sa pravima žrtava tokom kri- vičnog postupka. U njemu se kaže da žrtvama treba dati mogućnost da, od momenta kada je krivično delo prijavljeno, traže informacije o krivičnom slučaju. Žrtve koje traže da budu kontinuirano informisane o toku slučaja, treba da dobiju ove informacije što je pre moguće, a informacije treba da budu što je moguće potpunije, sa jasnim objašnje- | 102 | njima donetih odluka i prezentovanjem osnova na kojima su odluke zasnovane (Victim Support Europe, 1996).

Meunarodna asocijacija šefova policija Međunarodna asocijacija šefova policija je razvila program koji se tiče uloge policije u radu lokalnih službi za pomoć žrtvama. Program apostrofira značaj pisanih informacija koje se dobiju prilikom prvog kontakta i donošenje smernica i procedura, koje treba da olakšaju rad policije i građana na pružanju podrške žrtvama.

Situacija u Srbiji U Srbiji su obaveze policije prema žrtvama predviđene zakonima i drugim aktima koji regulišu obaveze i odgovornosti policije. Zakon o policiji sadrži opštu odredbu o tome da policija radi bez bilo kakvih predrasuda, pružajući jednaku zaštitu svima bez bilo koje vrste diskriminacije. Policija je dužna da postupa u bilo koje vreme kako bi zaštitila živote ljudi i ličnu bezbednost ljudi i imovine; policijski službenik mora da postupa humano i da poštuje dostojanstvo, čast i druga osnovna prava svih građana. Takođe, kao što je već pomenuto, u Zakonu o policiji je kao jedna od policijskih odgo- vonosti navedena i zaštita žrtava kao svedoka. Konkretnije obaveze policije u pogledu neposrednog kontakta sa žrtvama predviđene su Kodeksom policijske etike. U Kodek- su policijske etike se predviđa da policija, bez bilo kakve diskriminacije, obezbeđuje žrtvama kriminaliteta potrebnu podršku, pomoć i informacije. Takođe je predviđeno da policija vodi računa o potrebama svedoka i primenjuje pravila i mere zaštite svedoka. Uz to, ako je žrtva maloletno lice, sa njom može da postupa samo policijski službenik koji je prošao posebnu obuku o pravima deteta, maloletničkom kriminalitetu i krivič- nopravnoj zaštiti maloletnih lica. Obaveze policije prema žrtvama su detaljnije regulisane samo Posebnim protokolom o postupanju policijskih službenika u zaštiti maloletnih lica od zlostavljanja i zanema- rivanja. I u ovom dokumentu se zahteva da sa maloletnim licima žrtvama zlostavljanja i zanemarivanja mogu da postupaju samo policijski službenici koji su prošli posebnu obuku o pravima deteta, maloletničkom kriminalitetu i krivičnopravnoj zaštiti malo- letnih lica. Takođe se zahteva da, kada policijski službenik uzima izjavu o zlostavljanju neposredno od deteta i to u policijskoj stanici, tome prisustvuju roditelj, drugo lice koje se stara o detetu, predstavnik centra za socijalni rad ili drugo stručno lice. Policija ima obavezu da obavesti roditelja, staratelja ili predstavnika centra za socijalni rad (ali ne i maloletnu žrtvu!) o različitim (državnim i nevladinim) službama za žrtve, koje pružaju pomoć deci/maloletnicma. Međutim, kada se zlostavljanje prijavi indirektno, putem telefona, policija nema nijednu obavezu u pogledu pružanja napred pomenutih informacija.

| 103 |  Takođe, ovaj Protokol ne predviđa mogućnost da maloletno lice prijavi krivično delo telefonom, pa stoga i ne reguliše ovu proceduru. Zapravo, Protokol se više bavi proce- durama nego odnosom policije prema žrtvi. Tako ne postoji nijedna obaveza policije vezano za način na koji treba da priča ili na drugi način komunicira sa maloletnom žrtvom koja prijavi zlostavljanje, bilo direktno ili putem telefona. Štaviše, Protokol niti reguliše proceduru niti predviđa obaveze policijskih službenika u odnosu na malolet- ne žrtve kada dođu na lice mesta, dok do detalja reguliše proceduru sa osumnjičenim licem. Slično tome, Instrukcija o postupanju policijskih službenika sa maloletnim i mlađim punoletnim licima detaljno reguliše obaveze policije i njen odnos prema ma- loletnom učiniocu, dok samo sporadično daje instrukcije o obavezama u odnosu na žrtve, čak bez ikakvog pominjanja vrste odnosa koji policijski službenik treba da ima u odnosu na maloletnu žrtvu.

Dosadašnja istraživanja Poslednjih decenija je pitanje položaja žrtava kriminaliteta i to u vezi sa radom po- licije privlačilo sve veću pažnju. To je, delom, rezultiralo i u većem broju istraživanja fokusiranih na stavove žrtava o policiji.

Meunarodna iskustva Viktimološka istraživanja su pokazala da, na početku, žrtve generalno imaju poziti- van odnos prema policiji. Čini se da to važi bez obzira na vrstu kriminaliteta ili zemlju u kojoj je istraživanje sprovedeno (videti, na primer, van den Bogaard i Wiegman, 1992; BRÅ 1999: 3; Shapland i dr., 1985; Wemmers, 1996). U slučajevima u kojima žrtva nije zadovoljna radom policije, primarni razlozi ne- zadovoljstva su: osećaj da policija nije uradila dovoljno (BRÅ 1999: 3), tretman žrtve od strane policije (Shapland i dr., 1985), nezainteresovanost policije (BRÅ 1999: 3; Maguire, 1982) i nedostatak informacija u vezi sa slučajem (Chambers i Millar, 1983; Maguire, 1982; Newburn i Merry, 1990; Shapland i dr., 1985). Jedno kanadsko istraživanje (Hagan, 1983) je pokazalo da je 89% intervjuisanih ispi- tanika smatralo da je policija uradila (veoma) dobar posao, dok je svega 56% njih to isto mislilo kada je u pitanju tužilaštvo. U ovom istraživanju, žrtve su intervjuisane dva puta – prvo kada je podneta krivična prijava, a potom ponovo kada je slučaj bio okončan. Kada su se uporedili stavovi ispitanika izneti tokom ova dva ispitivanja, uočilo se da, iako su žrtve još uvek imale veći stepen poverenja u policiju, ono je ipak opadalo tokom suđenja dok je poverenje u rad tužilaštva poraslo (Hagan, 1983). Shapland i drugi (1985) su došli do sličnih podataka u jednom istraživanju o žrtvama nasilničkog kriminaliteta u Engleskoj. Više od 75% žrtava je u početku bilo zadovoljno | 104 | radom policije. Većina je smatrala da je daleko važnije da policija pokaže saosećanje i da shvati žrtve ozbiljno nego da im pruži informacije o konkretnim rezultatima istrage. Kao i u kanadskom istraživanju, zadovoljstvo je vremenom opadalo. Objašnjenje za to neza- dovoljstvo je delom nađeno u odnosu policije prema žrtvama, ali daleko više u nedostaku informacija o samom slučaju. I druga istraživanja su došla do zaključka da nedostatak informacija predstavlja važan faktor koji utiče na postepeno opadanje žrtvinog odobravanja onoga što policija radi (Shapland i Cohen, 1987; Newburn i Merry, 1990). Od 1970-ih godina bilo je oko dvadeset istraživanja o iskustvima žrtava kriminaliteta u Švedskoj u vezi sa radom policije. Rezultati tih istraživanja su jedinstveni – žrtve, bez obzira na vrstu kriminaliteta, imaju generalno pozitivan stav prema policiji (videti, na primer, Dahlbäck, 1988; Hedlund, 1979; Lindgren, 1996, 1997a, 1997b, 1999; Lin- dgren i Christianson, 1994; Persson, 1990). Većina žrtava je, takođe, ukazala na poziti- van tretman od strane policijskih službenika koji su radili na rasvetljavanju dela (videti, na primer, Tiby, 1999). Ti policijski službenici su obično opisivani kao neko ko je od pomoći i saosećajan (Dahlbäck, 1988; Jonsson, 1995; Lindgren, 1996, 1997a, 1997b, 1999; Lindgren i Christianson, 1994). U onim slučajevima u kojima žrtve nisu bile zadovoljne, razlog tome je obično bio nedostatak informacija (Lindgren, 1996, 1997a, 1997b, 1999; Lindgren i Christian- son, 1994). Upravo taj nedostatak informacija je faktor koji doprinosi opadanju žrtvi- nog odobravanja rada policije, što je slučaj i u Švedskoj (Lindgren, 1996). S obzirom da je nedostatak informacija važan faktor koji utiče na (ne)zadovoljstvo žrtve, važno je znati koje su to informacije koje su potrebne žrtvama. Napred nave- dena istraživanja su pokazala da su žrtve, u najvećem broju slučajeva, zainteresovane za informacije koje se neposredno odnose na njihov slučaj. Mnoge žrtve, takođe, žele informacije koje se tiču mogućnosti kompenzacije i nadoknade troškova nastalih usled izvršenja krivičnog dela. Ovi nalazi su u skladu sa rezultatima drugih stranih istraživa- nja (videti, na primer, Maguire, 1985; Newburn i Merry, 1990; Shapland i dr., 1985). U jednom istraživanju o žrtvama kriminaliteta u Švedskoj, navodi se komentar jedne sredovečne žrtve provale u vezi sa dobijanjem informacija od policije:

„Ja nisam dobio nikakve informacije u vezi sa mojim pravima. Kao neko ko je po prvi put postao žrtva, nisam razumeo proceduru a, moram pri- znati, ni sada nisam mnogo pametniji.“ (Lindgren i Christianson, 1994: 38). Još jedan razlog za nezadovoljstvo žrtve je nezainteresovanost policije. Jedna žena, žrtva provale iz Gothenburg-a, opisala je svoja osećanja na sledeći način:

| 105 |  „Krivično delo koje sam ja doživela je policiji verovatno delovalo krajnje beznačajno. Ja nisam bila fizički u opasnosti, a nije bilo vrednih stvari koje bi provalnici ukrali. Ja sam zadovoljna načinom na koji je policija tretirala mene i moj slučaj. Oni su se prilagodili situaciji (podršku, udob- nost i slično). Nažalost, očigledno da policija i ja živimo u različitim sve- tovima. Ja svakodnevno živim i ponašam se u skladu sa zakonima koji postoje, baš kao i ljudi oko mene. Svakodveni rad policije je, pak, ispu- njen kriminalitetom – to je činjenica koja je bila sasvim očigledna kada su bili u mojoj kući (rutina – skoro spokojstvo) jer, kada sam pozvala da prijavim krivično delo, njihov odgovor je, u osnovi, zvučao ovako: Zaista je velika sramota što Vam je neko provalio u kuću. Poslaćemo patrolu čim budemo mogli, ali, petak je i znate kako je to. Moj odgovor je bio: Ne, ja ne znam kako je to, kriminalitet nije nešto uobičajeno za mene. Ali, pokušaću da razumem.“ (Lindgren, 1997a). Neretko, i sami policijski službenici dele mišljenje da malo toga čine za žrtve krimina- liteta (Ahlberg i Knutsson, 1996; Lindgren i Christianson, 1994). Pored napred opisanih potreba, mnogim pojedincima su potrebni i saveti u vezi sa merama zaštite i informacije o preventivnim merama kako bi predupredili ponovno izvršenje dela (videti, na primer, Lindgren, 1999).

Istraživanja u Srbiji U Srbiji nema puno istraživanja koja se bave iskustvima žrtava sa policijom. Dok su prva istraživanja koja su se bavila iskustvima žrtava kriminaliteta sa policijom sprovede- na još 1980-ih i 1990-ih godina, danas saznanja o tome prevashodno potiču iz istraži- vanja nasilja u porodici i trgovine ljudima, kao i iz izveštaja nevladinih službi za žrtve. Prvi kontakt žrtve i policije je posmatran a potom i analiziran 1980-ih godina u okvi- ru istraživačkog projekta o položaju žrtve kriminaliteta u krivičnopravnom sistemu, koji je sproveo Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja. Ovim istraživanjem se došlo do zaključka da prvi kontakt žrtve sa policijom predstavlja pre nastavak vikti- mizacije, nego pomoć, podršku i zaštitu. To je bila posledica neodgovarajućeg odnosa policije i neadekvatnih uslova u kojima su žrtve ispitivane – u policijskoj stanici i na licu mesta (Nikolić-Ristanović, Mrvić, 1988). Podaci Međunarodne ankete o viktimizaciji kriminalitetom, koja je 1996. godine sprovedena u Beogradu (Nikolić-Ristanović, 1998), takođe su pružili značajan uvid u spremnost žrtava da prijave krivično delo i u njihovo zadovoljstvo odnosom policije. Od ukupno 1094 ispitanika, 72.1% je reklo da je bilo žrtva nekog od ispitivanih oblika konvencionalnog kriminaliteta, dok je svega 33.3% njih to prijavilo policiji. Žrtve su najčešće prijavljivale krađu automobila, provalu i krađu iz automobila. Sa druge strane,

| 106 | najređe su prijavljivani seksualni delikti, dok je razbojništvo, sa stopom prijavljivanja od 38.3%, bilo negde između krivičnih dela sa najnižom i najvišom stopom prijavljivanja. Najčešće navođeni razlozi za neprijavljivanje krivičnog dela policiji bili su: „policija ne bi mogla ništa da učini“, „policija obično ne želi da se meša u ovakve slučajeve“ i „žrtva se plaši policije ili je ne voli“. U slučajevima nekih krivičnih dela, poput krađe iz auto- mobila ili seksualnih delikata, ovi razlozi su navedeni u više od 60% slučajeva. Razlog koji ukazuje na nedostatak efikasnosti policije („policija ne može ništa da učini“) je najučestaliji među žrtvama krivičnih dela sa veoma niskom stopom rasvetlja- vanja, kao što su krađa iz automobila, provala, razbojništvo i seksualno nasilje. Razlog koji ukazuje na nedostatak poverenja u policiju („policija neće ništa da preduzme“) bio je najučestaliji među žrtvama krađe iz automobila i seksualnih delikata. To je najvero- vatnije posledica malih očekivanja koja su povezana sa iskustvima same žrtve ili drugih ljudi, kao i sa široko rasprostranjenom slikom o policiji kao nekome ko ne želi da se meša u ovakve slučajeve. Na sličan način se može objasniti i strah od policije i odboj- nost prema njoj kao razlog neprijavljivanja, koji su najčešće navodile žrtve seksualnih delikata. Većina žrtava, koje su prijavile krivično delo policiji, rekla je da nisu bile zadovoljne načinom na koji je policija reagovala. Slično kao i u drugim (tranzicionim) državama, njihovo nezadovoljstvo je pre bilo povezano sa neefikasnošću policije u pronalaženju i hapšenju učinioca i povraćaju njihove imovine, nego sa tim na koji način se policija odnosila prema njima kao žrtvama. Ovi podaci reflektuju situaciju koja je vladala u državi tokom 1990-ih godina: visok stepen neefikasnosti policije u radu uz istovremeni rast stope kriminaliteta, sa jedne strane, i široko rasprostranjeno kršenje ljudskih prava građana od strane policije, sa druge strane. Podaci su sasvim jasno ukazivali na potrebu hitne, radikalne reforme u organizaciji, kontroli, obučavanju i obrazovanju policije a u vezi sa poštovanjem ljudskih prava uopšte i, posebno, prava žrtava, što bi trebalo pozi- tivno da utiče na poverenje građana u policiju. Nakon političkih promena 2000. godine, uloženo je puno napora da se promeni ne- gativan stav građana prema policiji i da se povrati poverenje ljudi u ovu službu. Kako Međunarodna anketa o viktimizaciji više nije sprovođena u Srbiji, ne možemo da na- pravimo nikakvo poređenje situacije koja je postojala i one kakva je danas u vezi sa širom grupom žrtava. Međutim, prikazaćemo postojeće podatke o zadovoljstvu žrtava policijom do kojih se došlo u okviru različitih, nedavno sprovedenih istraživanja, ili koji su dobijeni iz baza podataka ili izveštaja organizacija koje pružaju podršku žrtvama. Podaci dobijeni anketom o viktimizaciji nasiljem u porodici pokazuju da žrtve još uvek često nisu zadovoljne policijom. Anketa o viktimizaciji nasiljem u porodici u Voj- vodini, koja je sprovedena 2009. godine, pokazala je da je svega 23.2% žrtava prijavilo nasilje u porodici policiji, što je, zapravo, više nego što su pokazali podaci iz ankete o viktimizaciji nasiljem u porodici u celoj Srbiji, koja je sprovedena 2001. godine, kada | 107 | je stopa prijavljivanja iznosila 16.8%. Nasuprot Međunarodnoj anketi o viktimizaciji iz 1996. godine, istraživanje u Vojvodini je pokazalo da se razlozi neprijavljivanja koji se odnose na rad policije navode daleko ređe (27.1%) nego razlozi lične prirode. To nije bitno drugačije u poređenju sa istraživanjem na nivou Srbije iz 2001. godine kada je 34.6% ispitanica kao razloge neprijavljivanja nasilja policiji navelo upravo razloge koji se odnose na rad policije. Većina ispitanica koje su prijavile nasilje u porodici policiji nisu bile zadovoljne reakcijom i/ili odnosom policije prema njima. U istraživanju iz 2001. godine na nivou Srbije, čak 59.5% žrtava, koje su prijavile nasilje policiji, nije bilo zadovoljno policijom. Kao razloge nezadovoljstva one su navele: nezainteresovanost i pasivnost policije, neefikasnost i nastojanje policije da se ne meša, što je obrazloženo nedostatkom moći, stavom policije da je nasilje u porodici privatna stvar, da policija pre štiti nasilnika nego žrtvu, kao i da je žrtva bila napadnuta od strane policije na osnovu rodno baziranih stereotipa. Na primer, jedna žrtva koja je bila izložena seksualnom nasilju od strane muža je rekla da joj je policijski službenik rekao „trebalo je odmah da mu daš a ne tek posle batina“. Jedna druga žrtva je rekla:

„Razočarana sam u policiju, jer kada sam ih jednom prilikom zvala da intervenišu zbog fizičkog nasilja, oni su došli ali su rekli da ništa ne mogu dok se nešto konkretno ne desi. Jednom drugom prilikom je jedan po- licajac rekao mom mužu: ’E, znaš šta, nemoj ovo više da radiš, sledeći put ćemo da te privedemo!’ i na tome se završilo. Kasnije su odbijali da dolaze.“ (Ćopić, 2002) Kako 2001. godine u Srbiji nasilje u porodici nije bilo eksplicitno zabranjeno za- konom, interesantno je uporediti nalaze istraživanja iz 2001. godine sa onim iz 2009. godine, koje je sprovedeno u Vojvodini. Nalazi istraživanja iz 2009. godine pokazuju da je puno starih problema u pogledu odnosa policije prema žrtvama nasilja u porodici i dalje prisutno. Većina žrtava (56.8%) još uvek nije zadovoljna policijom. Kao razlog nezadovoljstva najčešće se navodi da policija ništa nije uradila ili da nije uradila dovolj- no kako bi pomogla žrtvi i zaštitila je. Uz to, jedan od razloga nezadovoljstva ogleda se i u neprijatnom odnosu policijskih službenika prema ispitanici, uključujući vikanje, ismevanje i okrivljavanje. Na primer, jednoj ispitanici je policijski službenik rekao da ona možda nije dobra supruga. Ispitanice, koje nisu bile zadovoljne onim što je policija uradila ili načinom na koji se odnosila prema njima, zamoljene su da kažu šta je, prema njihovom mišljenju, poli- cija trebalo da uradi u konkretnom slučaju. Većina njih (15 ili 60%) je očekivala da će policija da privede i pritvori učinioca, tj. da ga skloni iz kuće i fizički odvoji od žrtve te žrtvu na taj način zaštiti:

„Svaki put su dolazili i razgovarali s mojim očuhom, nakon odlaska po- licije on je bio nekad još gori.“

| 108 |  „Očekivala sam da ga odvedu, to je njegova kuća, a gde ja da odem dok sud to reši, na ulicu? Sigurne kuće još nema, šta da radim?“ (Ćopić i dr., 2010) Nekoliko ispitanica je reklo da je policija trebalo da odvede nasilnika na lečenje ili drugi program rehabilitacije. Ispitanice su, takođe, navodile da je policija trebalo da im obezbedi konkretne informacije o dostupnim oblicima pomoći, kao i da je policija trebalo da reaguje efikasnije, a ne tek nekoliko meseci nakon što je nasilje prijavljeno. Ispitanice koje su bile zadovoljne onim što je policija uradila u konkretnim slučaje- vima su navele sledeće razloge zadovoljstva: sveukupni odnos policije prema njoj, pru- žanje podrške i pomoći, i zaštita od nasilnika a tako i od novog nasilja. To ilustruju reči pojedinih ispitanica:

„Štitili su me, pratili su ga i zapretili da me pusti na miru.“

„Sprečili su ga, uspeli su da ga spreče da me i dalje zlostavlja, nasilje se više nije ponovilo i verujem da je i policija zaslužna za to.“

„U policiji je radila jedna žena koja mi je pričom i slušanjem onog što mi se dogodilo pomogla.“

„Bila sam zadovoljna brzinom i efikasnošću, očinskim stavom prema mojoj deci, autoritativnim stavom prema nasilniku.“

„Odveli su ga, a meni su rekli šta da radim i gde da idem, bili su fini.“ (Ćopić i dr., 2010) Rezultati jednog drugog istraživanja nasilja u porodici, koje je 2010. godine sprove- deno na teritoriji Centralne Srbije, potvrdili su napred pomenute nalaze: 46% žrtava nasilja je reklo da nisu bile zadovoljne reakcijom policije, 32% je navelo da im je policija pomogla, ali ne dovoljno, dok je svega 22% njih reklo da im je policija puno pomogla (Babović, Ginić i Vuković, 2010). Istraživanje o žrtvama trgovine ljudima u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, koje su sprove- li Viktimološko društvo Srbije, Fafo Institut i Sør-Trøndelag University College (Nor- veška), takođe je ukazalo na primere kako dobre, tako i loše prakse u pogledu odnosa policije prema žrtvama (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2005). Loša praksa podrazumeva ili direk- tnu uključenost policije u trgovinu ljudima ili, pak, njihov neodgovarajući način ispi- tivanja žrtve, uz stereotipizaciju, ponižavanje i stigmatizaciju, kao i druge vidove lošeg postupanja. Sa druge strane, dobra praksa uključuje uspostavljanje odnosa naklonosti, podržavajući odnos i pružanje žrtvama vremena da se opuste, postavljanje pitanja na odgovarajući način i na odgovarajućem mestu, ispitivanje žrtve od strane ženskih služ- benika policije, davanje informacija i pružanje pomoći i tako dalje. | 109 |  „Policajci iz lokalne stanice policije bili su redovne mušterije u gradu u kome je Draga12 bila pri nuđena na prostituciju. Radila je i u baru i na ulici. Policijske racije u baru sprovodili su isti oni policajci koji su bili njene mušterije i koji su tukli devojke. Draga kaže da su i nju mno- go mučili. Potvrdila je, takođe, da je policija znala da je ona u baru bila pod prisilom. Nesumnjivo, policajci su bili podmićeni time što im je bilo omogućeno da dobijaju besplatne seksualne usluge u zamenu za dozvolu vlasniku bara da nastavi sa svojim ilegalnim biznisom.“

„Sofija je rekla da je, ubrzo nakon što je izašla iz bolnice, shvatila da su informacije, koje je dala policiji nekoliko meseci ranije, procurile. Počela je da prima pretnje telefonom, kao i ’ponude’ da za novac povuče izjavu koju je dala policiji. Bila je uplašena, ali je ipak odlučila da obavesti po- liciju. Dva učinioca su, zatim, uhapšena. Nakon tih događaja, Sofija je dobila 24-časovnu policijsku zaštitu.“ Kada žrtva uspe da pobegne od trgovca, policijski službenici su obično prve osobe sa kojima ona dolazi u kontakt. S obzirom da trgovci često plaše žrtve pričama o policiji, veoma je važno da tokom tog prvog kontakta žrtve osete da su zaštićene i da steknu poverenje u policiju. Neke žrtve su imale loša iskustva u vezi sa načinom na koji ih je policija ispitivala, posebno kada su policijski službenici bili muškarci. Ubrzo nakon što je Tanja sletela na beogradski aerodrom, jedan stariji policajac ju je odveo u posebnu prostoriju i rekao joj: „Sram te bilo... Gde si to htela da odeš? Znam ja vrlo dobro šta sve vi hoćete da radite!“ Nazvao ju je prostitutkom. Tanja ga je upitala gde joj je majka i da li su obavestili majku o vremenu njenog dolaska. Odgovorio je: „Zaboravi sada majku, ti prvo ideš u policiju“. Baš u tom trenutku, Tanja je ugleda- la dvojicu policajaca sa automatskim puškama i pomislila je da su oni došli po nju: „Sledila sam se od straha i počela da se tresem kao prut“. Policajac ju je odveo u jednu kancelariju. Tamo je bio drugi policajac „koji je bio veoma fin“. Kratko je popričao sa njom, a zatim je ponovo pozvao prvog policajca i rekao mu da je odvede „dole“. Prvi policajac ju je zgrabio za nadlakticu i počeo ponovo da gunđa. Rekao je i njenoj majci da je ona ’kurva’“. Kada su istraživačice razgovarale sa visoko rangiranim policijskim službenikom u Be- ogradu, on je rekao da je policajac koji je postupao loše prema Tanji kažnjen. Nakon tog događaja, policijski službenici koji su dočekivali žrtve su unapred određivani. Prvi razgovor u policiji u Beogradu bio je neprijatno iskustvo za još jednu žrtvu tr- govine ljudima. Iako je pomenula da je istog dana razgovarala sa više policajaca, među

12 Imena nisu prava imena žrtava. | 110 | kojima su neke bile žene, Anitu je ispitivao inspektor muškog pola. Bilo joj je posebno neprijatno kada je pričala o silovanju koje je doživela jer je podsećanje i pričanje o tom iskustvu za nju bilo veoma teško. Uprkos tome, sve je ispričala:

„Umesto da me pitaju da li mi se nešto dogodilo, da li sam dobro, oni su me pitali da li sam uzimala drogu, zato što su opazili moje podočnjake i rite koje sam imala na sebi (a koje sam dobila u domu u Italiji). Smatram da me nisu tretirali sa poštovanjem. Podočnjake sam imala zato što dani- ma nisam spavala. Ipak, odgovorila sam na sva pitanja, ali drsko.“ Bilo je, takođe, i nekoliko slučajeva stranih i domaćih žrtava, koje su došle u kontakt sa policijom i u Srbiji i sa međunarodnim policijskim snagama u Bosni, a koji pokazuju kako podržavajući pristup policije može da učini da se žrtva oseća sigurno. Policija se prema žrtvama odnosila s poštovanjem, dala im je savete i informacije o skloništu i drugim nevladinim organizacijama koje pružaju pomoć žrtvama, uključujući i davanje informativnih brošura, organizovanje sastanaka sa predstavnicima NVO u policijskoj stanici, pružanje fizičke zaštite i uopšte vođenje brige o njima i tome slično.

„Posle pet dana zlostavljanja, Tatjana je krenula da beži preko balkona skočivši sa trećeg sprata. Odvedena je u bolnicu, operisana je, a potom smeštena u sklonište. Ovaj incident se dogodio nakon njenog jedno- mesečnog boravka u Srbiji. Savetodavka u skloništu nam je rekla da je Tatjana bolnicu doživela kao sigurno mesto. Kada je počela da hoda, po- licija joj nije dozvoljavala da prilazi prozoru, kako ne bi mogla biti viđena spolja. Našli su policajca koji govori rumunski i uspostavili kontakt sa IOM-om. Ona je policiji ispričala šta joj se dogodilo. Kada je došla do mesta na kome se incident dogodio, policija je pronašla čaršave koji su još uvek visili sa prozora, što je ubrzalo identifikaciju mesta na kome je bila držana. Policajci su se prema njoj ophodili dobro i ona im je bila veoma zahvalna. U bolnici, policija ju je čuvala i danju i noću.“ Rezultati jednog skorijeg istraživanja o muškarcima žrtvama trgovine ljudima u Srbiji (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2009) pokazuju da je aktivnost policije u vezi sa žrtvama trgovine mahom ograničena na upućivanje i hitni smeštaj žrtava. Istraživanje je, takođe, poka- zalo da policija žrtvama, odnosno potencijalnim žrtvama (na primer, žrtvama krijum- čarenja ljudi ili deci ulice) ne nudi druge oblike direktne pomoći (na primer, pružanje informacija ili distribucija informativnih brošura o pravima i postojećim oblicima po- moći), niti upućuje žrtve na širi krug institucija i službi koje mogu da pruže pomoć žr- tvama ako im je potrebna, kao što su opšte službe za žrtve, romske organizacije ili službe namenjene osobama s invaliditetom ili posebnim potrebama. Zapravo, samo u slučaje- vima u kojima žrtva, koju je policija prepoznala kao takvu, odbije kontakt sa Službom za koordinaciju zaštite žrtava trgovine ljudima ili sa nevladinom organizacijom, njoj se

| 111 | pružaju informacije o postojećim programima pomoći i o tome kome može da se obrati za pomoć ako joj ona bude kasnije potrebna ( Jovanović and Savić, 2008). Očigledno je da se ovakva praksa posebno negativno odražava na pružanje podrške i pomoći muš- kim žrtvama trgovine. Stoga bi upućivanje na službe opštijeg tipa moglo da doprinese izbegavanju njihovog čestog odbijanja da sebe prepoznaju kao žrtve uopšte, a posebno kao žrtve trgovine ljudima. To se odnosi i na decu žrtve unutrašnje trgovine ljudima, u kojim slučajevima je od posebnog značaja saradnja policije, centara za socijalni rad i šireg kruga nevladinih organizacija. Isto istraživanje je pokazalo da se protiv muškaraca žrtava trgovine ljudima još uvek podnose prekršajne prijave, iako je ova praksa odavno napuštena kada su u pitanju žene žrtve.13 Najzad, i iskustva službi za žrtve u Srbiji govore o visokom nivou nezadovoljstva žrta- va policijom (Branković, 2009; Nikolić-Ristanović, Kovačević, Ćopić, 2006; Kovače- vić, 2007; Kovačević-Lepojević, Radaković, 2008).

Informacije – pomo u nošenju s dogaajem Ovo poglavlje je pokazalo da žrtve kriminaliteta generalno imaju pozitivno mišljenje o policiji. Ali, ukazano je i na to da taj pozitivni odnos pokazuje trend opadanja tokom vremena, a važan faktor koji doprinosi tome je nedostatak informacija. Britanski istraživači Newburn i Merry (1990) identifikovali su dva osnovna tipa in- formacija koje žrtve očekuju od policije. Prvo su informacije koje se odnose na sam slu- čaj, kao što su informacije o tome da li je osumnjičeni uhapšen, da li je podneta otužba i koje su moguće sankcije. Druga vrsta informacija odnosi se na moguće vidove podrške i pomoći, kao što su nadoknada troškova nastalih usled izvršenog krivičnog dela i mo- gućnost dobijanja podrške od strane volonterskih organizacija. Biti meta krivičnog dela, za većinu ljudi predstavlja traumatično iskustvo, koje uklju- čuje gubitak poverenja i kontrole nad svojim životom. Informacije o toku istrage mogu da pomognu da žrtva povrati kontrolu i vlada situacijom (Lurigio i Resick, 1990; Ro- senbaum, 1987). Ljudi, takođe, žele da znaju zašto reaguju na način na koji reaguju, u kojoj meri su te rekacije „normalne“ i koliko dugo mogu da budu prisutni simptomi stresa. Istraživanja su pokazala da informacije o „normalnim“ reakcijama (kao što su flešbekovi i problemi sa spavanjem ili koncentracijom) umanjuju psihološki stres tako što omogućavaju žrtvi da razume da su njene reakcije potpuno normalne (Kilpatrick, 1986; Lurigio i Resick, 1990). S tim u vezi, važno je i da se razume da otvorene i detaljne informacije vode ma-

13 Važno je napomenuti da Instrukcija ministra unutrašnjih poslova o uslovima za odobrenje privremenog bo- ravka stranim državljanima žrtvama trgovine ljudima predviđa da se žrtve trgovine ljudima ne kažnjavaju za ilegalni ulazak i boravak u zemlji. | 112 | njoj anksioznosti u poređenju sa nejasnim, nesigurnim informacijama i pokušajima da se stvarnost preoblikuje u nešto manje traumatično (Lundin, 1992). Ova informacija nije važna samo za psihološki oporavak žrtve i njen odnos prema policiji, već je ona i preduslov da žrtva dobije pristup drugim vidovima pomoći. Istraži- vanja pokazuju da žrtve često nisu svesne svojih prava. One tako mogu da ne znaju da postoje službe za podršku ili da imaju mogućnost da dobiju državnu kompenzaciju za troškove koji su nastali usled krivičnog dela (Cozijn, 1988; Dahlbäck, 1988; Lindgren i Christianson, 1994; Maguire, 1985). Kao što je već pomenuto, policija u mnogim evropskim državama ima brojne obaveze prema žrtvama u pogledu pružanja informacija. Ali, pitanje je u kojoj meri žrtve zaista i dobijaju te informacije od policije. Jednim istraživanjem o žrtvama krivičnih dela, kod kojih je podignuta optužba a potom je doneta i osuđujuća presuda, došlo se do podatka da je manje od polovine (46%) žrtava bilo informisano o pravu na dobijanje informa- cija u vezi sa odlukama koje se tiču njihovog slučaja. Još manje (44%) ih je navelo da su dobili informacije o mogućnostima naknade štete prema Zakonu o povredama nasta- lim usled krivičnog dela (Lindgren, 1999). Neke informacije koje su potrebne žrtvama (a koje je policija obično u obavezi da pruži) dostupne su u raznim brošurama koje opisuju sudsku proceduru. One, takođe, sadrže dragocene informacije, poput adresa i brojeva telefona drugih službi i volonter- skih organizacija. Ovakve brošure bi trebalo da budu dostupne u policijskim stanicama i predstavljene žrtvama kriminaliteta. Međutim, istraživanja pokazuju da to nije uvek slučaj (Lindgren 1997a, 1997b, 1999). Jedno istraživanje o policiji i žrtvama krimina- liteta u Stokholmu je pokazalo da velika većina žrtava nikada ne dobije informacije u štampanom obliku od policije, dok je većina policijskih službenika navela da oni retko, ako uopšte, i daju ove brošure žrtvama. Pojedini policijski službenici čak nisu ni svesni da ovakve brošure postoje (Lindgren i Christianson, 1994). Dobijanje informacija, kao što su napred pomenute brošure, učvršćuje sposobnost žrtve da se bavi nastalom situacijom, a može pozitivno da utiče i na policiju. Istraživanja su pokazala da su žrtve, koje su dobile informativne brošure, imala pozitivniji odnos prema policiji (Lindgren 1997a, 1997b, 1999). To, naravno, nije nužno povezano samo sa dobijanjem informacija. Naime, verovatno su policijski službenici, koji su odvojili malo vremena da daju žrtvama brošure, postupali prema žrtvama drugačije i na drugači- ji način razumeli situaciju u kojoj se žrtve nalaze u poređenju sa onim službenicima koji nisu davali brošure. Istraživanja su, takođe, pokazala da su oni koji su dobili informacije u pisanom obliku, kasnije imali manje potreba za dodatnim informacijama u odnosu na one koji nisu dobili brošure (Lindgren 1997a, 1997b). To upućuje na zaključak da brošure ispunjavaju očekivanja žrtava u pogledu potrebe za informacijama. Ali, važno je istaći da nijedna brošura, bez obzira na kvalitet, ne može da zameni prijateljsko, na znanju zasnovano i podržavajuće postupanje policije. | 113 |  Zakljuci Tokom poslednje decije, učinjeni su značajni napori da se promeni negativna slika građana o policiji u Srbiji i da se povrati njihovo poverenje u ovaj državni organ. Uz to, značajan napor je uložen i u podizanje svesti policije o žrtvama, mada je to mahom bilo ograničeno na određene kategorije žrtava, kao što su žrtve nasilja u porodici i trgovine ljudima ili deca žrtve. Pa ipak, svi ti napori nisu bili dovoljno delotvorni, pa postojeća istraživanja pokazuju da većina žrtava u najvećem broju slučajeva i dalje nije zadovoljna radom policije i pristupom njima kao žrtvama. Štaviše, iz svih dokumenata koji regulišu obaveze policije, sasvim je očigledno da policiji nedostaju sveobuhvatne, konzistentne i precizne instrukcije u pogledu prava žrtava uopšte, a posebno one koje se tiču adektva- nog odnosa policije prema svim žrtvama, upućivanja zasnovanog na prethodno dobroj informisanosti i direktne pomoći i informacija koje policija može sama da pruži. Tako- đe, iako postoje neke dodatne obuke za policijske službenike o tome kako da postupaju sa određenim kategorijama žrtava, kao što su maloletna lica i žrtve trgovine ljudima, ono što ipak nedostaje jeste jedan opšti, obavezan trening o potrebama i pravima žrta- va, postojećim službama za pomoć žrtvama, kao i o tome na koji način policija može da učini položaj žrtve manje teškim. Dobro je da su barem neke procedure koje se tiču žrtava regulisane i da se žrtve ali i obaveze policije u odnosu prema njima pominju na jedan eksplicitniji način u aktima koji regulišu rad policije. Sledeći neophodan korak bio bi preciznije određivanje obaveza policije u odnosu na žrtve uopšte, i u odnosu na posebno ranjive kategorije žrtava (tj. žrtve nasilja u porodici, proganjanja, seksualnog nasilja, trgovine ljudima, potom decu žrtve, strara lica kao žrtve i tako dalje) posebno, kao i, s tim u vezi, razvijanje teorijskih i praktičnih obuka.

| 114 |  poglavlje 11

Javni tužilac i žrtva Kao i policija, i tužilac ima značajnu ulogu za žrtvu u sudskom postupku. Odluku o pokretanju istrage donose ili policija ili tužilac. Kada je istraga pokrenuta, sem u kraj- nje jednostavnim slučajevima, od trenutka kada postoji osnovana sumnja da je lice uči- nilo krivično delo, dalje rukovođenje istragom preuzima tužilac. Čak i kada je slučaj jednostavan, tužilac mora da preduzme istragu ukoliko osumnjičenom mora da bude određen pritvor ili ukoliko sud mora da donese neku odluku tokom istrage. Od tužio- ca može da se zahteva da preduzme istragu i u drugim slučajevima, kao što je situacija kada je slučaj posebno težak. Bez obzira ko rukovodi istragom, konkretne mere i radnje tokom istrage preduzima policija.

Uloga tužioca Osnovna dužnost tužioca je da utvrdi da li postoji krivično delo i da proceni da li ima dovoljno dokaza da se osumnjičeni osudi. Ukoliko tužilac utvrdi to, onda postoji obaveza da podigne optužnicu. U Srbiji ne postoji akt ili memorandum koji se eksplicitno bavi obavezama tužioca u odnosu prema žrtvi. Tužilac sarađuje sa policijom u pogledu prikupljanja dokaza, do- bijanja izveštaja o krivičnom delu od njih i donošenja odluke o pokretanju postupka ili odbacivanju krivične prijave, potom, podnosi zahtev za pokretanje istrage i/ili sudskog postupka. Tužilac može da primi krivičnu prijavu i direktno od žrtve. Ukoliko tužilac odluči da odbaci krivičnu prijavu ili da ne preduzme gonjenje u slučaju krivičnih dela koja se gone po službenoj dužnosti, dužan je da o tome obavesti žrtvu u određenom roku kako bi žrtva mogla da preduzme gonjenje i tako stekne svojstvo supsidijernog tužioca. Međutim, Zakonik o krivičnom postupku Srbije ne predviđa nikakvu sankciju za slučaj da tužilac propusti da obavesti žrtvu, iako u tom slučaju žrtva gubi napred pomenuto pravo ako propusti da uloži žalbu u određenom roku.

Dosadašnja istraživanja Istraživanja sprovedena u svetu su ustanovila da su žrtve kriminaliteta manje zadovoljne tužilaštvom nego policijom (Cozijn, 1988; Hagen, 1983; Shapland i dr., 1985; Smith 1988). | 115 |  Kontakt žrtve i tužioca bio je predmet tek nekolicine istraživanja u Švedskoj. Švedska nacionalna kancelarija za reviziju je sprovela jedno takvo istraživanje, koje se bavilo pre- prekama za efikasno korišćenje resursa u pravosudnom sistemu (Riksrevisionsverket, RRV 1997: 48). U izveštaju je ukazano na brojne situacije u kojima tužilac sedi veoma blizu žrtve, a da pritom ni jednog trenutka ne uspostavi kontakt sa njom. Do sličnih saznanja se došlo i u istraživanju o iskustvima žrtava u sudskom postupku (Fredriksson i Malm, 1995). Mnogi pojedinci, koji su bili intervjuisani u ovom istraživanju, rekli su da su imali potrebu da se sastanu sa tužiocem pre suđenja, ali da im to nije omogućeno. Druge žrtve su osećale da se tužilac ponašao snishodljivo ili da je, pak, upućivao nega- tivne komentare tokom suđenja. Tužilac je, takođe, kritikovan zbog ostavljanja žrtve same tokom pauza i dok se čeka na presudu. Neki od ovih problema su bili prikazani i u medijima. Jedna žena žrtva napada je opisala svoj susret sa tužiocem na sledeći način:

„Ušla sam u sudnicu u dogovoreno vreme i videla ženu sudiju i četiri ili pet sudija porotnika, kao i učiniočevog advokata. Tužilac je ušao ubrzo posle mene – on je taj koji će mene predstavljati. Ušao je, povukao sto- licu i seo – nije mi pružio ruku niti se predstavio (što sam ja smatrala nečim uobičajenim), čak me nije ni pogledao. Ja sam jednostavno bila kao vazduh! Ljuta i uznemirena, samo sam sela.“ (DN Debatt 3/3 1997) Kritika usmerena na tužioca je velikim delom fokusirana na prvi susret i tužiočevu pomoć u prezentovanju zahteva oštećene strane. Kao i drugim zemljama, ni u Srbiji nema dovoljno informacija o kontaktima žrtve sa tužiocem i iskustvima u vezi sa tim. Neki uvidu se mogu dobiti uglavnom od službi za podršku žrtvama i pojedinih istraživanja, koja se, na ovaj ili onaj način, bave položajem žrtve u krivičnim postupkom i njenim zadovoljstvom. Te informacije ukazuju na primere i dobre i loše prakse. Anketa o viktimizaciji nasi- ljem u porodici u Vojvodini (Srbija) je, na primer, pokazala da je većina od 17 žrtava, koje su učestvovale u suđenju, bila zadovoljna odnosom tužioca prema njima. Kao ra- zloge zadovoljstva one su navele sveukupan dobar odnos prema njima i profesionalno ponašanje. Žrtve koje nisu bile zadovoljne mahom su navodile da se prema njima nije odnosilo na odgovarajući način (Ćopić i dr., 2010). Istraživanje o praksi tužilaštava i sudova u slučajevima nasilja u porodici je pokazalo da, nakon prijema krvične prijave, tužioci obično uopšte ne razgovaraju sa žrtvama te tako propuštaju da im pruže važne informacije (Konstantinović-Vilić, Petrušić, 2007). U slučajevima u kojima je žrtva podnela krivičnu prijavu direktno tužilaštvu, primeće- no je da tužioci imaju običaj da zamole žrtvu da ponovo razmisli da li želi da učinilac bude gonjen. Tužioci obično pitaju žrtvu da li se pridružuje krivičnom gonjenju, iako za to ne postoji pravni osnov. Ukoliko se žrtva, usled straha od osvete nasilnika, ne pri- druži gonjenju, tužilac često donosi odluku o nepokretanju postupka zbog nedostatka

| 116 | dokaza, uprkos tome što su prezentovani i drugi dokazi (Petrušić, Konstantinović-Vi- lić, 2004 i 2007). Istraživanjem o ženama žrtvama trgovine ljudima u cilju seksualne eksploatacije se došlo do jednog slučaja koji je vođen pred Specijalnim sudom, u kome su i predsedava- jući sudskim većem i tužilac intervenisali pri svakom pokušaju branioca da diskredituje ili povredi žrtvu (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2005). Sa druge strane, pak, u službi za podršku žrtvama kriminaliteta Viktimološkog druš- tva Srbije došlo se do saznanja za sledeći primer negativnog iskustva žrtve sa tužiocem: Pre nekog vremena, žrtva koja je prethodno bila zlostavljana na radnom mestu, bila je fizički napadnuta. Ruka joj je bila povređena, a pet rebara polomljeno. Prijavila je slučaj policiji, ali učinioci nisu pronađeni. Žrtva je bila reviktimizirana od strane javnog tužioca, koji ju je iznova saslušavao čak pet puta.

Prvi kontakt sa tužiocem U mnogim državama ne postoji formalna obaveza tužioca da se sretne sa žrtvom pre suđenja. Generalno gledano, tužilac se sastaje sa žrtvom samo ako postoje razlozi koji dovode u pitanje pouzdanost žrtve. Neki tužioci vole da se sastanu sa žrtvom nekih posebno ofanzivnih krivičnih dela, dok drugi smatraju da, ukoliko se previše upuste u kontakt sa žrtvom, to može da naruši princip objektivnosti. U određenim slučajevima, do kontakta između ove dve strane dolazi na inicijativu žrtve. Kada se zapravo žrtve i tužioci sreću po prvi put? Itraživanje iskustava žrtava krimi- naliteta u Švedskoj (Lindgren, 1999) pokazuje da je većina ispitanika (68%) navela da je imala prvi susret sa tužiocem na dan suđenja, bilo neposredno pre suđenja ili tek u sudnici. Većina žrtava je bila nezadovoljna vremenom prvog susreta. Prema mišljenu žrtava, optimalno vreme za prvi susret je od nekoliko dana do nekoliko nedelja pre suđenja. Prema žrtvama, svrha ovog sastanka trebalo bi da bude iznošenje informacija vezanih za suđenje i mogućnost da se prodiskutuju zahtevi za naknadu štete i kompen- zaciju. Nije neuobičajeno da jedan tužilac vodi slučaj u fazi pripreme a da potom drugi pre- uzme slučaj u fazi suđenja. Ovo upućuje na to da žrtve, koje imaju pitanja, nemaju jed- nu osobu kojoj bi mogle da se obrate u tužilaštvu. Još jedan problem ogleda se u tome da se tužioci često premeštaju s jednog slučaja direktno na drugi, što znači da žrtve nemaju mogućnosti da se sretnu sa tužiocem pre samog ulaska u sudnicu.

Pomo tužioca u podnošenju zahteva za naknadu štete U javnim debatama i istraživanjima su izneta mišljenja u pogledu postupanja tužilaca u vezi sa zahtevom oštećenog za naknadu štete. Većina iznetih mišljenja odnosila se na

| 117 | nedostatak pomoći od strane tužilaca u pripremi zahteva za naknadu štete (videti, na primer, DN Debatt 3/3 1997; Fredriksson i Malm, 1995). Kao što je napred pomenuto, tužilac ima široke odgovornosti u pogledu pripreme i prezentovanja zahteva oštećenog. U praksi, tužioci imaju brojne različite načine da se bave ovim odgovornostima. Zajedno sa vladinom komisijom o žrtvama kriminaliteta, spovedeno je istraživanje o tužiocima (SOU 1998: 40). Tužioci su pitani u kojoj meri pomažu žrtvama prilikom formulisanja zahteva za naknadu štete. Odgovori su pokaza- li da većina tužilaca pomaže žrtvama ali tek kada to žrtve zatraže. U izveštaju je, takođe, navedeno da su mnogi tužioci krajnje restriktivni prilikom sugerisanja iznosa koje bi žrtve trebalo da traže na ime naknade, te da više vole da opišu kategoriju kojoj šteta pri- pada. Drugi tužioci, pak, upućuju žrtve na brojke koje sugerišu Služba za kompenzaciju i podršku žrtvama kriminaliteta, osiguravajuća društva i ranije donete presude. Neki tužioci pomažu žrtvi da dođe do razumnih iznosa, što podrazumeva davanje saveta u vezi sa veličinom nastale štete čiju nadoknadu oštećeni treba da traži. Pa ipak, neki tuži- oci su odgovorili da izbegavaju da pomažu žrtvama u vezi sa zahtevima za naknadu štete jer bi to uticalo na njihovu nepristrasnot, što je, takođe, jedan od važnih preduslova za njihov rad. Međutim, nepristrasnost ne sprečava tužioce da pomognu u određivanju visine naknade štete koja se traži. Istraživanje o iskustvima žrtava (Lindgren, 1999) je pokazalo da 40% njih smatra da su dobili premalo pomoći od tužioca. Glavni razlog za to bio je da žrtve nisu bile informisane o mogućnostima kompenzacije ili da tužilac nije mogao da iznese zahtev za naknadu štete u njihovo ime. Još jedan izvor nezadovoljstva bio je taj da žrtve često nisu bile upućene u to kako mogu da naplate dosuđenu naknadu štete. Još jedan uzrok kritike, što je primećeno i u samom istraživanju tužilaca, leži u či- njenici da mnogim tužiocima nedostaje znanja o parničnom postupku. Nadalje, uzrok nezadovoljstva leži i u tome što žrtve pogrešno percipiraju tužioce kao nekog ko će njih da zastupa na sudu, kao što branilac zastupa optuženog. Svi tužioci u Švedskoj su, u okviru zajedničkog programa Kancelarije glavnog tuži- oca i Službe za kompenzaciju i podršku žrtvama kriminaliteta, nedavno prošli dodat- nu obuku o parničnom postupku i odnosu prema žrtvama. U budućim smernicama i memorandumima u vezi sa etikom tužilaca posebna pažnja biće posvećena kontaktu između tužioca i žrtava, a postoji i puno razloga da se veruje da će švedski tužioci po- stati veštiji u razumevanju i prezentovanju zahteva za naknadu štete u odnosu na žrtve.

Zakljuci Sasvim je očigledno da u Srbiji postoji potreba da se na neki način regulišu obaveze tužilaca u pogledu njihovog odnosa prema žrtvama. Vredno je pomenuti da je, indirek-

| 118 | tno, ta potreba prepoznata u Posebnom protokolu o postupanju pravosudnih organa u zaštiti maloletnih lica od zlostavljanja i zanemarivanja, koji sadrži preporuku da uloga tužioca kao zaštitnika interesa maloletne žrtve treba da bude prvo razvijena u praksi, a tek potom da bude formalizovana i da postane obavezna.

| 119 |  poglavlje 12

Sud i žrtva U slučajevima u kojima policija uhapsi osumnjičenog i tužilac donese odluku o pod- nošenju optužnog akta, žrtva dolazi u situaciju da mora ponovo da se susretne sa uči- niocem i to na sudu. U svojstvu oštećenog kao tužioca (ili svedoka), žrtva bi trebalo da bude prisutna tokom celogu suđenja sem ukoliko prisustvo nije neophodno.

Uloga suda Dužnost suda je da u svakom pojedinačnom slučaju oceni sve iznete dokaze i donese odluku o krivici ili nevinosti osumnjičenog. Od suštinskog značaja je da oštećeni kao tu- žilac (ili svedok) ne oseća nelagodu zbog pojavljivanja pred sudom. Jedan način da se ovaj osećaj ublaži je da se obezbedi da pojedinac ili njegovi prijatelji ili rođaci ne budu izloženi pretnjama pre, tokom i nakon suđenja. Takođe je važno da se osigura da oni ne budu retraumatizovani neadekvatnim odnosom sudija, kao i tužilaca, advokata, veštaka i drugih učesnika u postupku. To može da se obez- bedi putem zakonskog regulisanja zaštite svedoka, kao i putem odgovarajuće obuke su- dija i drugih aktera krivičnopravnog sistema koji učestvuju u postupku. Tom obukom bi, između ostalog, trebalo da budu obuhvaćeni stereotipi i predrasude o rodno baziranom nasilju uopšte, a posebno o seksualnom nasilju i nasilju u porodici. Svi zaposleni u krivič- nopravnom sistemu bi trebalo da budu obučeni da razumeju posledice krivičnog dela koje nastaju za žrtvu i potrebe žrtava, kao i to na koji način njihov neadekvatan odnos može da retraumatizuje žrtvu, te na koji način oni mogu da umanje sekundarnu viktimizaciju žrtve tokom suđenja. Štaviše, žrtva može da se oseća nelagodno i ugroženo ako je sudnica mala i ona mora da bude veoma blizu učinioca i njegove porodice, ili ako mora da čeka početak suđenja u istoj prostoriji u kojoj su učinilac i/ili njegova porodica. Stoga je veoma važno da sud preduzme različite praktične mere, kao što su: način na koji se žrtve pozivaju da sve- doče, izbor sudnice, različiti ulazi za žrtve i učinioce i njihove porodice i druga bliska lica, kao i da žrtvama budu dostupne brošure sa potrebnim informacijama o sudu i krivičnom postupku i usluge službi za žrtve/svedoke.

| 120 |  Sud i žrtve u Srbiji Tokom proteklih godina, u Srbiji su učinjeni važni pomaci značajni za bolju zaštitu žrtava na sudu. Najznačajniji rezultat u vezi sa tim odnosi se na pravne reforme, mada su uloženi i određeni napori usmereni na obuku profesionalaca, uspostavljanje među- sektorske saradnje i neka praktična poboljšanja.

Zakonodavstvo relevantno za zaštitu žrtve tokom suenja Odredbe unete Zakonikom o krivičnom postupku Srbije iz 2001. godine trebalo bi da, ukoliko se dosledno primenjuju, omoguće zaštitu žrtava i svedoka od uvreda i za- strašivanja na sudu. Tako je predviđeno da će sud zaštiti svedoka, oštećenog i bilo kog drugog učesnika u postupku od uvrede, pretnje i svakog drugog napada, a učinioca će da opomene ili ga novčano kazni. U slučaju nasilja ili ozbljne pretnje, sudija je dužan da o tome obavesti javnog tužioca radi pokretanja krivičnog postupka. Takođe, na predlog istražnog sudije ili predsednika sudskog veća, predsednik suda ili javni tužilac mogu da traže od policije da preduzme posebne mere u cilju zaštite svedoka ili oštećenog (Niko- lić-Ristanović i Ćopić, 2006). Sledeća mera koja može da spreči dalju viktimizaciju, zastrašivanje i uticaj na ošte- ćenog u smislu svedočenja je mera zabrane prilaženja. U načelu, to je mera koja se pri- menjuje uz zabranu napuštanja stana ili mesta boravišta, koja ima za cilj da obezbedi prisustvo okrivljenog i nesmetano vođenje krivičnog postupka. Međutim, zakonodavac je nedavno predvideo širu upotrebu ove mere, predviđajući da mera zabrane prilaženja može da se izrekne i kao samostalna mera ako je to potrebno kako bi se obezbedila zaštita oštećenog. Kao i ostale mere predviđene članom 136 ZKP, primena zabrane prilaženja može da se kontroliše putem elektronskog nadzora. Privatnost oštećenog se štiti tokom celog suđenja. Od trenutka otvaranja glavnog pretresa pa sve do njegovog okončanja, sudsko veće može, u bilo kom momentu, po službenoj dužnosti ili na predlog stranaka, ali uvek nakon njihovog saslušanja, da is- ključi javnost za ceo glavni pretres ili jedan njegov deo. To može da bude učinjeno u cilju zaštite morala, javnog poretka, nacionalne bezbednosti, zaštite maloletnika ili privatnog života učesnika u postupku ili kada je to neophodno s obzirom na posebne okolnosti zbog kojih bi javnost tokom suđenja mogla da povredi interese pravde. Vred- no je pomenuti i odredbu koja predviđa proširivanje razloga za čuvanje tajne za koju se saznalo tokom istrage, i na zaštitu privatnog života oštećenog (Grubač i Beljanski, 2002). Dodatna zaštita privatnosti predviđena je Zakonom o organizaciji i nadležno- sti državnih organa u suzbijanju organizovanog kriminala, korupcije i drugih posebno teških krivičnih dela. Na obrazloženi predlog zainteresovanog lica, sud može doneti

| 121 | odluku o zaštiti ličnih podataka svedoka ili oštećenog. Pa ipak, ova mera može da bude primenjena samo u slučajevima organizovanog kriminala. Zakonik o krivičnom postupku iz 2009. godine sadrži odredbe o zaštićenom svedoku. Prema Zakoniku, lice može da stekne status zaštićenog svedoka ukoliko postoje okolno- sti koje očigledno ukazuju da bi usled svedočenja, svedoku ili njemu bliskim licima bili ugroženi život, telo, zdravlje, sloboda ili imovina većeg obima. Iako primena ovog rešenja nije ograničena u smislu vrste krivičnog dela ili propisane kazne, zakonodavac ipak po- sebno apostrofira njegovu primenu u slučajevima organizovanog kriminaliteta, korupcije i drugih izuzetno teških krivičnih dela. Status zaštićenog svedoka podrazumeva primenu posebnih pravila ispitivanja u cilju zaštite identiteta svedoka i primenu mere njegovog fizičkog obezbeđenja. Posebna pravila ispitivanja uključuju ispitivanje isključenjem javno- sti sa glavnog pretresa, prikrivanjem izgleda svedoka i svedočenjem iz posebne prostorije uz korišćenje video-linka. Sa druge strane, pak, Zakonik o krivičnom postupku ne preci- zira koje su to mere fizičke zaštite zaštićenog svedoka. Zakonik o krivičnom postupku, kao i Zakon o maloletnim učiniocima krivičnih dela i krivičnopravnoj zaštiti maloletnih lica, predviđa mere zaštite maloletnika. Zakonik o krivičnom postupku nalaže da se prilikom ispitivanja maloletnika mora postupati pažljivo tako da ispitivanje ne utiče štetno na njegov psihički razvoj. Kada je potreb- no, saslušanje maloletnika će se sprovesti uz pomoć pedagoga ili drugog stručnog lica. Isti Zakonik predviđa i mogućnost ispitivanja u stanu svedoka, ukoliko on nije u mo- gućnosti da dođe u sud zbog starosti, bolesti ili teškog telesnog invaliditeta. Zakon o maloletnim učiniocima krivičnih dela i krivičnopravnoj zaštiti maloletnih lica je od po- sebnog značaja za zaštitu maloletnih žrtava od sekundarne viktimizacije. Zakon nalaže da svi učesnici u postupku, uključujući i pravnog zastupnika žrtve, moraju da poseduju posebna znanja o dečjim pravima i zaštiti maloletnih lica. Uz to, sud i javni tužilac su posebno dužni da vode računa da ne povrede maloletnika tokom suđenja, kao i da is- pitivanje bude sprovedeno uz pomoć psihologa, pedagoga ili drugog stručnog lica. Za- kon zabranjuje suočavanje maloletnog oštećenog sa okrivljenim, predviđa da maloletni oštećeni mora da ima punomoćnika već od prvog saslušanja okrivljenog, a predviđa i posebna pravila saslušanja maloletnog oštećenog. Zakon predviđa da, umesto da se dete podvrgava ponovnom ispitivanju, tokom suđenja mogu da se koriste video zapisi ranije datog iskaza. On, takođe, predviđa da se, po pravilu, maloletni oštećeni može saslušati najviše dva puta, kao i mogućnost da se dete sasluša u svom stanu ili specijali- zovanoj ustanovi, uz primenu sredstava za prenos slike i zvuka, tj. putem video-linka. Uz to, Poseban protokol o postupanju pravosudnih organa u zaštiti maloletnih lica od zlostavljanja i zanemarivanja sadrži preporuku u pogledu senzibilisanog odnosa sudija i njihovih saradnika prema maloletnoj žrtvi. Zakonom o programu zaštite učesnika u krivičnom postupku (2006) je, po prvi put u Srbiji, uveden program zaštite svedoka. Ovaj zakon predviđa mogućnost primene

| 122 | programa zaštite u situaciji kada su ugroženi fizičko blagostanje, sloboda ili imovina učesnika u krivičnom postupku, uključujući i žrtvu. Zaštita se pruža pre, tokom i na- kon krivičnog postupka, i to u slučajevima političkih krivičnih dela, ratnih zločina i krivičnih dela protiv čovečnosti, kao i krivičnih dela organizovanog kriminala. Zaštita može da uključi primenu sledećih mera: fizičku zaštitu ličnosti i imovine, promenu prebivališta, uključujući i preseljenje u drugu zemlju, prikrivanje identiteta i podataka o vlasništvu, i promenu identiteta, uključujući i promene fizičkih karakteristika lica kome se pruža zaštita. Najzad, važno je pomenuti da su Zakonikom o krivičnom postupku iz 2006. godine bile predviđene odredbe o zaštiti posebno osetljivih žrtava od sekundarne viktimizacije, koje su bile relevantne za mnogo širu grupu ranjivih žrtava, ali koje nikada nisu našle svoju primenu u praksi a uz to nisu našle ni svoje mesto u Zakoniku iz 2009. godine. Na primer, postojala je mogućnost da se žrtva ispita van zgrade suda ukoliko je to bilo neophodno za zaštitu njenog zdravstvenog i emotivnog stanja, potom, postavljanje punomoćnika žrtvi tokom ispitivanja, posredno ispitivanje, ispitivanje uz pomoć psi- hologa, socijalnog radnika ili drugog stručnog lica, mogućnost ispitivanja uz primenu sredstava za prenos slike i zvuka. Bila je predviđena i zabrana suočavanja žrtve i učinoca, dok je prepoznavanje moglo da se sprovodi samo na način da okrivljeni ne može ni da vidi ni da čuje žrtvu. Štaviše, bila je predviđena zabrana postavljanja pitanja oštećenom ili svedoku u pogledu njegove/njene seksualne, političke ili ideološke orijentacije, ra- sne, nacionalne i etničke pripadnosti, moralnih kriterijuma i drugih ličnih i porodičnih prilika, osim ako odgovori na ta pitanja nisu neposredno i očigledno povezani sa potre- bom da se razjasne važna pitanja u vezi sa krivičnim delom koje je predmet postupka. Odredbe o zaštiti osetljivih svedoka su ponovo unete u tekst Zakonika o krivičnom postupku 2011. godine. Viktimološko društvo Srbije je tokom javne rasprave uputilo predlog da se u novi Zakonik o krivičnom postupku unese zabrana postavljanja pitanja, ali ovo zalaganje nije urodilo plodom.

Iskustva žrtava i službe za svedoke u Srbiji Iako su nova zakonska rešenja stvorila važne preduslove za bolju zaštitu žrtava pred sudovima u Srbiji, skorija istraživanja ipak pokazuju da u praksi žrtve još uvek nisu valjano zaštićene (Ćopić, 2011). Problem leži u tome što je nivo svesti o žrtvama kri- vičnih dela i njihovim potrebama još uvek na niskom nivou kod većeg broja sudija, kao i u činjenici da je još uvek široko rasprostranjeno uverenje da su podrška i zaštita u vezi sa suđenjem potrebni samo određenim kategorijama žrtava, kao što su žrtve trgovine ljudima i ratnih zločina. Međutim, čak i veći problem predstavljaju neadekvatne sudnice, u kojima se žrtve osećaju ugroženo jer moraju da budu veoma blizu ne samo učinioca, već i njegovih rođaka i drugih njemu bliskih lica, pa su često izložene neprijateljskim komentarima i

| 123 | uvredama. Žrtve se veoma često osećaju ugroženim još dok čekaju na suđenje u hod- nicima zajedno sa učiniocem i/ili negovom rodbinom. Štaviše, rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na problem sa tzv. curenjem informacija, posebno informacija u vezi sa identi- tetom žrtve, što dodatno ugržava žrtvu i negativno utiče na njenu spremnost da svedoči (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2005; Nikolić-Ristanović, 2009). Jedini sud koji je izgrađen na način koji omogućava odvajanje žrtve od učinioca i njegove porodice je tzv. Specijalni sud u Beogradu. Ovaj sud ima velike sudnice, visok nivo bezbednosti i svu opremu potrebnu za zaštitu žrtava. On je od posebnog značaja za žrtve ratnih zločina i organizovanog kriminala, s obzirom da se samo suđenja za ova dela odvijaju u ovom sudu. Međutim, poslednjih godina su slučajevi trgovine ljudima veoma retko bili tretirani kao dela organizovanog kriminaliteta (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2011), što znači da ranjive žrtve poput žrtava trgovine ljudima često treba da svedoče u krajnje neodgovarajućim uslovima u „redovnim“ sudovima u Srbiji. Naredni primer pokazuje koliko teško može da bude to iskustvo za žrtvu:

„Optuženi je, pred sudijom, žrtvi rekao da će joj „j..... majku“ i da će je ubiti. Advokat odbrane je vikao na punomoćnicu žrtve. Na kraju saslu- šanja, pretnje i vika su se nastavili. Optužena je vrisnula: ’Pusti me da pogledam kurvu u lice!’, ’Ti, kurvo!’, ’Ubi me, ali ja ne izlazim napolje’, itd. Obezbeđenje je reagovalo i izbacilo ih napolje. Obe svedokinje su bile očigledno uplašene. Policajac je bio uz njih sve vreme. Dok je izlazio, optuženi je uzviknuo žrtvi: ’Samo se ti smej, kurvo!’”(Nikolić-Ristano- vić, 2005) Međutim, važno je pomenuti na koji način pojedini sudovi ulažu napore da se su- oče sa neadekvatnim prostorom i zakonima a u korist žrtava. Kako pokazuju nalazi istraživanja o žrtvama trgovine ljudima, u nekim sudovima je dogovoreno da se tokom glavnog pretresa žrtva ispituje u odsustvu optuženog, kao i da se konačna odluka suda mora zasnivati na odvojeno datim izjavama optuženog i žrtve. Takođe, u nekim sluča- jevima su sudije dozvoljavale žrtvama da budu u njihovim kancelarijama dok čekaju da budu pozvane u sudnicu, tako da ne čekaju u hodnicima i ne susreću se sa porodicom i prijateljima optuženog. I žrtve drugih krivičnih dela se suočavaju sa različitim problemima prilikom pojavlji- vanja na sudu. Istraživanja nasilja u porodici u Srbiji, kao i iskustva različitih službi za žrtve ukazuju na sledeće razloge nezadovoljstva žrtava kriminaliteta sudovima: dugo trajanje postupka i neefikasnost suda uopšte, neodgovarajuća primena zakona, neefika- sne sankcije, okrivljavanje žrtve ili postupanje sudije na drugi neadekvatan način prema žrtvi, nedostatak senzibilisanosti za potrebe žrtava uopšte, a posebno za potrebe žrtava rodno baziranog nasilja, diskriminacija žrtava iz manjinskih grupa i mizoginija (Ćopić, 2002; Branković, 2009; Ćopić i dr., 2010; Nikolić-Ristanović, 2011; Nikolić-Ristano- vić, 2011a; Nikolić-Ristanović, 2011b). | 124 |  „Sudinica je vikala na mene, pitala zašto živim sa njim i što ne odem.“

„Muž me je zlostavljao, ali su mene tokom sudskog postupka tretirali kao da sam ja prestupnik, a ne žrtva.“ (Ćopić i dr., 2010).

„Moje dete je dalo izjavu u krivičnom postupku, iznenadio sam se lošom praksom suda jer sa njim nije pričao ni psiholog ni pedagog.“ (Radako- vić, Kovačević-Lepojević, 2008) Neadekvatna primena zakona u slučajevima rodno baziranog nasilja je posledica ne- dostatka znanja kod sudija o nasilju i njegovima posledicama za žrtve. Nedavno praće- nje primene zakona u vezi sa nasiljem u porodici u Srbiji, i to kako prema muškarcima, tako i prema ženama, pokazalo je da žrtve nisu zaštićene na odgovarajući način, kao i da se dešava da se zakon primenjuje protiv samih žrtava. To su slučajevi u kojima se ka- žnjavaju i nasilnik i žrtva, a u kojima sud nije prepoznao razliku između primarne žrtve, koja reaguje u odbrani, i sekundarne žrtve, tj. nasilnika (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2011b). Sa druge strane, žrtve nasilja u porodici koje su bile zadovoljne načinom na koji je sud postupao prema njima, mahom su navodile da se sudija prema njima odnosio po- državajuće i da je odluka suda bila odgovarajuća (Ćopić i dr., 2010). U takvim situaci- jama, pojavljivanje žrtve pred sudom može da bude manje stresno, pa čak i osnažujuće iskustvo. Pored pravilnog odnosa i odgovarajuće primene zakona, žrtvi je potrebna i podrška od strane osoba koje su joj bliske i/ili od strane nevladinih i državnih službi za žrtve (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2005; Nikolić-Ristanović, 2009). U Srbiji pojedine ženske nevladine organizacije, kao i Viktimološko društvo Srbije, pružaju podršku žrtvama na sudu ili im, besplatno, obezbeđuju pravne zastupnike, bilo da to čine ad hoc ili kao deo redovnih aktivnosti. Međutim, kako položaj osoba koje pružaju podršku na sudu još uvek nije zakonski regulisan, ovaj vid podrške svedocima je uglavnom ograničen na pružanje žrtvama informacija i praćenje suđenja. Osobama koje pružaju podršku nije dozvoljeno da budu pored žrtve kada ona svedoči, niti da govore na sudu. Naredni primer slučaja, koji je pratilo Viktimološko društvo Srbije, može da posluži kao dobra ilustracija značaja ovog vida podrške, posebno kada se suđenje odvija u nea- dekvatnoj sudnici:

„Sudnica je bila prilično mala. U njenom začelju bilo je 15-ak stolica poređanih u tri reda. I. i ja smo sele u poslednji red. Dvojica optuženih sedeli su u prvom redu. Ušla je i Bilja i najpre sela u drugi red, trudeći se da sedne što dalje od optuženih. Kada je pretres već otpočeo, ona me je prepoznala i upitala: ’Mogu li da sednem tu, kod vas?’ I. i ja smo napra- vile mesto između nas i ona je tu sela. Iako je pretres već počeo i nismo

| 125 |  bile u prilici da razgovaramo, mogla sam da osetim njenu napetost, kao i da primetim da joj je lice bilo upadljivo bledo (ruke je držala na krilima, šake su joj bile uvučene u rukave jakne). Kada je vlasnica prodavnice u kojoj je Bilja nekada radila počela da svedoči, Bilja je počela da plače. Slu- šajući njeno izlaganje o pretnjama koje je upućivao jedan od optuženih, Bilja je počela da se trese bukvalno celim svojim telom. Upitala sam je da li može to da izdrži i da li želi da izađe napolje. Ona je najpre odgovorila da ne zna, a potom je rekla da bi radije ostala. Predstavnica Službe za koordinaciju zaštite žrtava trgovine ljudima i ja smo je držale za ruke, gr- lile smo je i hrabrile, no Bilja je sve veoma teško podnela, plačući tokom čitavog pretresa.“ (citat volonterke VDS koja je pratila suđenja, prema Nikolić-Ristanović, 2005) Nalazi istraživanja pokazuju da sveukupno iskustvo žrtve u vezi sa pojavljivanjem na sudu i svedočenjem umnogome zavisi od toga koliko podrške žrtva dobije i na koji na- čin sudije i tužioci postupaju prema njoj. Čak i pod veoma zastrašujućim okolnostima i bez valjane zaštite identiteta, žrtva može da izađe sa suđenja jača i osnažena ukoliko je imala neku osobu pored sebe tokom suđenja, koja joj je pružala podršku, i ako su se sudija i tužilac dobro odnosili prema njoj. Štaviše, u ovakvim situacijama, neke žrtve imaju i dodatni interes da se utvrdi istina i da se tako spreči patnja drugih žena. Neke žrtve su rekle da su pristale da svedoče jer su očekivale da će se osećati bolje nakon toga, kao i zato što su bile svesne da njihovo svedočenje može da pomogne u spašavanju dru- gih žrtava. Sledeći primer žrtve trgovine ljudima može da bude dobra ilustracija toga:

„Uprkos kršenju pravila o zaštiti njenog identiteta, Anita se nije osećala loše zbog svoje odluke da svedoči. Štaviše, veoma je žudela za tim da se utvrdi prava istina tokom suđenja. Anita je svoje interese vrlo aktivno branila u toj fazi. Nije bila inertna; pratila je suđenje veoma pažljivo i kaže da se nije bojala ni prisustva optuženih, niti suočavanja sa njima. Čak je s nestrpljenjem čekala da se pred sudom suoči sa njima, tako da bi svi mogli da ’vide što pre ko je taj ko laže’“. (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2005) Službe za podršku svedocima su još uvek retke u Srbije. Iako je postojalo nekoliko inicijativa, a nedavno je usvojen i Poslovnik o radu suda (Poslovnik o radu suda, 2009), koji predviđa osnivanje službi za svedoke u svim sudovima, jedina do sada osnovana služba za podršku svedocima u Srbiji je služba za podršku žrtvama ratnih zločina, koja je smeštena u Specijalnom sudu. U ovom sudu postoje dve sobe za svedoke u kojima žrtve mogu da čekaju suđenje i da se ne susretnu sa optuženima i njihovim porodica- ma. Pozivanje na suđenje se vrši tako da se vodi računa da žrtve ne budu dovedene u opasnost, a pre pojavljivanja na sudu, one dobijaju sve potrebne informacije (Nikolić- Ristanović, 2011c). Međutim, nedavno su i neki drugi sudovi otpočeli sa uređivanjem

| 126 | prostorija za žrtve i svedoke u sklopu pripremnih aktivnosti za uspostavljanje službi za podršku svedocima.

Zakljuci Nedavne pravne reforme u Srbiji postavile su dobar osnov za poboljšanje položaja žrtve na sudu. Međutim, ta poboljšanja su uglavnom značajna za nekoliko najranjivi- jih kategorija žrtava, kao što su žrtve organizovanog kriminaliteta i ratnih zločina, kao i maloletne žrtve. Uz to, praktična rešenja, poput tehnike i odgovarajućih prostorija, koja su naophodna kako bi se postojeće mere primenile u praksi, još uvek nedostaju ili su nedovoljna/neadekvatna. Iako su u poslednje vreme činjeni napori da se ovi uslovi obezbede, službe za podršku svedocima još uvek uglavnom nisu dostupne u sudovima, pa se žrtve osećaju nesigurno, te su podložne sekundarnoj viktimizaciji već od prvog pozivanja u sud. Veliki problem je i što na većini pravnih fakulteta i Pravosudnoj aka- demiji nedostaju obuke o žrtvama. Slično kao i policijski službenici, sudije i tužioci su prošli neke treninge u vezi sa pojedinim kategorijama žrtava, ali im ipak i dalje ne- dostaje odgovarajuće razumevanje viktimizacije, posledica kriminaliteta i opštih po- treba žrtava. Stoga postoji očigledna potreba za razvijanjem sveobuhvatnijeg pristupa žrtvama kriminaliteta kada se pojavljuju na sudu. Taj pristup zahteva dalje unapređe- nje relevantnih zakonskih rešenja, razvijanje odgovarajućih obuka za sudije i tužioce, kao i praktičnih mera i uslova za adekvatnu primenu zakona. Ovo poslednje posebno uključuje razvijanje usluga za svedoke, koje mogu da pružaju kako državne službe, tako i nevladine organizacije. To bi ujedno trebalo da bude i garancija za, koliko god je mo- guće veće, smanjivanje sekundarne viktimizacije žrtava na sudu, kao i za to da se o svim žrtvama vodi jednaka briga bez bilo kakve diskriminacije.

| 127 |  poglavlje 13

Sistem zdravstvene zaštite i žrtva Svakoga dana se odigravaju događaji, koji zahtevaju medicinsku intervenciju. Neki ljudi imaju saobraćajne nezgode, drugi mogu da padnu niz stepenice, dok neki moraju da idu u bolnicu jer su postali žrtve nasilnog krivičnog dela. Uopšte uzev, ne postoji razlika u postupanju prema žrtavama nesreće i žrtavama kri- minaliteta. Pa ipak, žrtve kriminaliteta se po mnogo čemu razlikuju od drugih pacije- nata sa kojima sistem zdravstvene zaštite dolazi u kontakt. Jedna važna razlika je ta da oni nerado govore o uzrocima nastalih povreda. Uprkos dobro dokumentovanog uzajamnog odnosa između psihičkog i fizikog sta- nja, žrtva kriminaliteta, generalno, dobija samo polovinu pomoći u odnosu na onu koja joj je potrebna. Fizičko preživljavanje je, generalno, obezbeđeno u bolnici, ali je žrtva često ostavljena da se sama nosi sa psihičkim posledicama. Zato je od krucijalnog značaja da zaposleni u sistemu zdravstvene zaštite razumeju reakcije i potrebe žrtava kriminaliteta kako bi izbegli pogoršavanje ionako neizvesne situacije. Žrtve obično traže pomoć u slučaju fizičkih povreda. Za dalji rad policije na rasvet- ljavanju pojedinih krivičnih dela, poput silovanja i napada, posebno je važno da se žrtva podvrgne detaljnom medicinskom pregledu. Ovaj pregled je dobrovoljan, ali je od ve- likog značaja za nastavak istrage.

Uloga sistema zdravstvene zaštite Pravo na zdravstvenu zaštitu u Srbiji regulisano je Zakonom o zdravstvenoj zaštiti. Međutim, ovaj Zakon uopšte ne reguliše obaveze zdravstvenih stručnjaka u odnosu na žrtve kriminaliteta. U njemu se žrtva pominje samo u odredbi o stranim državljani- ma, kojom je propisano da stranci kao žrtve trgovine ljudima imaju pravo na besplat- nu zdravstvenu negu. Sa druge strane, međutim, obaveze zdravstvenih stručnjaka su definisane u dva protokola: Posebnom protokolu za zaštitu dece od zlostavljanja i za- nemarivanja i Posebnom protokolu Ministarstva zdravlja Republike Srbije za zaštitu i postupanje sa ženama koje su izložene nasilju. Prema Posebnom protokolu za zaštitu dece od zlostavljanja i zanemarivanja, svaki lekar je dužan da zaštiti dete od zlostavljanja i da prijavi sumnju na zlostavljanje ili | 128 | zanemarivanje. Zbog složenosti ove vrste viktimizacije, posebna savetodavna i koor- dinaciona uloga dodeljena je novoosnovanim stručnim timovima za zaštitu dece od zlostavljanja. Obaveza je svake zdravstvene institucije za osnuje ove timove. Posebni protokol detaljno reguliše proceduru prepoznavanja, dokumentovanja i izveštavanja o zlostavljanju ili riziku od zlostavljanja. Međutim, Posebni protokol za zaštitu dece od zlostavljanja i zanemarivanja se uopšte ne bavi time na koji način zdravstveni radnici treba da priđu zlostavljanom detetu, iako, uopšteno gledano, on prepoznaje moguću ulogu zdravstvenih stručnjaka u psihološkom oporavku deteta. Sa druge strane, Posebni protokol Ministarstva zdravlja Republike Srbije za zaštitu i postupanje sa ženama koje su izložene nasilju daje prioritet detaljnim instrukcijama za zdravstvene radnike u pogledu podržavajućeg pristupa, komunikacije, davanja infor- macija i zaštite žrtava, kao i o tome kako dokumentovati nasilje, a, istovremeno, i dobro opisuje procedure. Ovaj Protokol sadrži i formular za dokumentovanje nasilja, koji bi trebalo da koriste zdravstveni radnici.

Dosadašnja istraživanja Prema istraživanju nasilja u porodici, koje je u Beogradu sproveo Autonomni ženski centar – Centar za promociju ženskog zdravlja, a prema metodologiju Svetske zdravstve- ne organizacije, traženje pomoći od zdravstvenih službi u vezi sa nasiljem u porodici od strane žena dolazi na drugo mesto, odmah nakon traženja pomoći od policije. Međutim, istraživanje je, takođe, pokazalo da je procenat žena koje su se obratile zdravstvenim in- stitucijama prilično nizak. Dobijeni podaci su pokazali da je 9.6% žena imalo kontakte sa zdravstvenim institucijama zbog nasilja kome su bile izložene (Đikanović i dr., 2011). To je manje nego što pokazuju podaci anketa o viktimizaciji nasiljem u porodici, koje je spro- velo Viktimološko društvo Srbije u Srbiji 2001. godine (14,8%) i Vojvodini, 2009. godine (30%) (Ćopić, 2002; Ćopić i dr., 2010). Ovi podaci mogu da budu interpretirani kao trend povećanja spremnosti žrtava nasilja u porodici u Srbiji da se obrate zdravstvenim službama, ali, isto tako, mogu da govore i o tome da posledice nasilja u porodici postaju ozbiljnije pa žrtve moraju da se obrate zdravstvenim institucijama za pomoć. Prema istraživanju Autonomnog ženskog centra, skoro tri četvrtine žena, koje su se obratile zdravstvenim službama, bilo je zadovoljno njihovom uslugom (Đikanović i dr., 2011), što je slično nalazima istraživanja Viktimološkog društva Srbije u Vojvodi- ni, gde je 87% žena pokazalo zadovoljstvo. U ovom istraživanju, 44.7% žena koje su bile zadovoljne, bile su zadovoljne sveukupnim podržavajućim odnosom zaposlenih u zdravstvenim službama prema njima. Prema njima, medicinsko osoblje je bilo ljuba- zno, strpljivo i sa puno razumevanja za njihove teškoće. Druge ispitanice su navele da su bile zadovoljne medicinskim tretmanom, kao i time što su dobile potvrdu o nastalim povrdama. Sa druge strane, žene koje nisu bile zadovoljne, kao razloge nezadovoljstva

| 129 | navodile su: nezainteresovanost medicinskog osoblja za uzroke povreda, nedostatak podrške, kao i nekorektno postupanje doktora koji je zbijao neprimerene šale na račun događaja (Ćopić i dr., 2010). Jedan od krajnje negativnih primera neodgovarajućeg po- stupanja prema žrtvi nasilja u porodici je identifikovan u istraživanju Viktimološkog društva Srbije o nasilju u porodici u Srbiji iz 2001. godine. Žrtvi je rečeno da se takve stvari događaju ženama koje imaju „dugačak jezik“ (Ćopić, 2002). Većina ispitanica iz istraživanja Autonomnog ženskog centra (82%) je odgovorila da su očekivale da dobiju pomoć od zdravstvenih radnika, pri čemu se žene koje su iskusile nasilje (94%) očekivale pomoć daleko češće u poređenju sa onima koje nisu tokom intervjua potvrdile takvo iskustvo (80%). Žene koje su bile nezadovoljne uslugama zdravstvenih službi su češće navodile da ne očekuju da zdravstveni radnici pomažu u slučaju nasilja (17% naspram 7%). Prema mišljenju ispitanica, očekivana pomoć može da dobije nekoliko formi. Najčešće pominjan vid pomoći bio je pružanje informacija i savetovanje; to je bilo praćeno pružanjem podrške i razumevanjem, kontaktiranjem drugih institucija i službi koje pružaju pomoć, sprovođenjem medicinskog pregleda i kontaktiranjem policije. Svega nekoliko žena je bilo svesno značaja dokumentovanja nasilja, pa je to bilo i jedno od njihovih očekivanja. Žene koje su smatrale da zdravstveni radnici ne mogu da pomognu u slučaju nasilja nad ženama (18% žena), navele su sledeće razloge za to: to je izvan njihovih profesionalnih obaveza ili doktori jednostavno ne mogu da pomognu, dok je značajno manji broj žena naveo da je nasilje u porodici privatna stvar, te stoga doktori i ne treba da se bave time. Re- zultati ovog istraživanja pokazuju da, u slučaju nasilja u porodici, žene od lekara očekuju podršku i pomoć i da je najvažniji faktor za to (ne)stručnost i spremnost lekara, mnogo više nego lični stavovi, zatvorenost ili predrasude žena da govore o nasilju. Takođe, podaci dobijeni ispitivanjem zdravstvenih radnika u okviru jednog drugog istraživanja Autonomnog ženskog centra (Đikanović i dr., 2011) pokazali su da većina njih smatra da zdravstveni stručnjaci imaju generalno podržavajući odnos prema ženi koja je prepoznata kao žrtva nasilja. Oni su istakli značaj pružanja podrške ženi u smislu razumevanja njene situacije, ohrabrivanja i podrške, kao i ukazivanja na mogućnosti dobijanja dodatne pomoći. Zdravstveni stručnjaci opažaju svoju ulogu kao kariku u lancu podrške. Ali, oni se ne osećaju dovoljno stručnim za uspešan odgovor na problem nasilja nad ženama. Većina učesnika je mišljenja da zdravstvenim radnicima nedostaju jasne smernice u pogledu pružanja pomoći ženama žrtvama nasilja. Nedovoljno razvijena mreža pomoći ženama u zajednici i nedostatak sistemskih reše- nja prepoznati su kao važne prepreke za efikasan odgovor na uočeno nasilja:

„(…) treba da pokrenemo točak, a mora da postoji razvijen sistem koji će taj točak dalje da kotrlja, jer džaba ćemo mi da pokušavamo da sprečimo požar… ali on se neće ugasiti.“ (Đikanović i dr., 2011)

| 130 |  Zdravstveni radnici su naveli da su postojeće prakse i mreže podrške nedovoljne i nekoordinisane. Oni su izrazili zabrinutost da žena žrtva nasilja može lako da se izgubi u neefikasnim administrativnim procedurama, što samo komplikuje njenu situaciju u vezi sa nasiljem i dodatno je obeshrabruje da traga za rešenjima. Zdravstveni radnicu su često kao prepreke u pružanju podrške ženama žrtvama na- silja identifikovali nedostatak obuke i zvanično distribuiranih informacija koje bi im pomogle da budu efikasniji u svom radu. Stoga je posebno važno istaći da su rezultati pomenutih istraživanja postavili okvir i dali smernice za izradu Posebnog protokola za zaštitu i postupanje sa ženama koje su izložene nasilju, koji, uz obuku o primeni Protokola, može da predstavlja suštinsku podršku zdravstvenim radnicima u njihovim kontaktima sa žrtvama (Đikanović i dr., 2011). Uz to, vredno je pomenuti da nedavno istraživanje o odnosu zdravstvenih stručnjaka prema zlostavljanoj deci, koje je sprovedeno u Beogradu, pokazuje da je nedostatak edukacije prepreka za prijavljivanje i odgovarajući pristup žrtvama. Ovo istraživanje je, takođe, pokazalo da još uvek ima zdravstvenih stručnjaka koji nisu svesni svoje zakon- ske obaveze da prijave sumnju na zlostavljanje deteta, kao i kome to treba da prijave. Istraživanje je, naime, otkrilo pozitivnu korelaciju između edukacije i svesti stručnja- ka o ovoj obavezi. Istraživanje je, takođe, pokazalo da većina (dve trećine) ispitanih zdravstvenih stručnjaka nije bila svesna toga da u svojim institucijama imaju timove za zaštitu dece od zlostavljanja, dok je svega jedna petina njih sarađivala sa ovim timovi- ma. Većina zdravstvenih stručnjaka je kao glavne probleme navela: nedostatak obuke, nedostatke zakonskih rešenja, kao i nepostojanje standardizovanih protokola za prijav- ljivanje slučajeva zlostavljanja dece (Mišić, 2011). Ovo poslednje očigledno govori o tome da oni nisu informisani o Posebnom protokolu za zaštitu dece od zlostavljanja i zanemarivanja, te da su neophodni efikasna i sveobuhvatna obuka kao i dalje razvijanje samog Protokola.

Zakljuci I pored očiglednog napretka u razvoju svesti o žrtvama među zdravstvenim stručnja- cima u Srbiji, uočljivo je da je, kao i kod drugih napred pomenutih stručnjaka, njihova svest još uvek ograničena na određene kategorije žrtava. Zdravstvenim stručnjacima, takođe, nedostaje osnovno viktimološko znanje što, očigledno, predstavlja prepreku da se na adekvatan način odnose prema ženama i deci žrtvama nasilja – dvema katego- rijama za koje su i sami zdravstveni radnici, barem za sada, svesni da su im potrebni podrška i zaštita. Zato, postoji jasna potreba za opštijim viktimološkim obrazovanjem zdravstvenih stručnjaka i instrukcijama koje bi im pomogle u pogledu pružanja odgo- varajuće pomoći žrtvama. Posebni protokol za zaštitu i postupanje sa ženama koje su izložene nasilju bi mogao da bude dobar model koji bi trebalo pratiti u daljem razvoju

| 131 | obuhvatnijeg ili jednog opšteg protokola za postupanje sa žrtvama. Takođe, partner- stvo između nevladinih organizacija i zdravstvenih stručnjaka, koje je dovelo do ovog protokola, može da se iskoristi i za razvijanje opšteg protokola.

| 132 |  poglavlje 14

Nevladine organizacije i žrtva Postati žrtvom krivičnog dela je za većinu ljudi veoma snažno iskustvo. Ono je obič- no praćeno brojnim negativnim posledicama kao što su materijalni gubici, fizičke po- vrede, psihičke reakcije, socijalne posledice i praktični problemi. Tokom poslednjih godina, promene u strukturi porodice su uslovile porast rizika za pojedince da ne dobiju potrebnu pomoć i podršku. Imajući u vidu ovaj problem, nevladine organizacije, poput službi za podršku žrtvama i skloništa za žene, postale su neprocenjiva dopuna zvaničnih državnih programa i socijalnih mreža koje čine prija- telji i porodica. U ovom poglavlju će se ukazati na nevladine organizacije u Srbiji, koje rade sa žrtva- ma kriminaliteta.

Skloništa Skloništa ženama pružaju sigurno mesto na kome mogu da budu, savetovanje, podr- žavajući razgovor, emotivnu podršku, informacije i druženje. Ona, takođe, nude prav- no savetovanje i podršku ženama u kontaktima sa pravosudnim sistemom i drugim or- ganima. Ukoliko postoji potreba, skloništa će se postarati da žene dobiju odgovarajuću medicinsku pomoć. Skloništa mogu da imaju i grupe samopomoći za žene koje su bile izložene seksualnom zlostavljanju u detinjstvu. Većina skloništa ima jednu ili nekoliko zaposlenih žena i volontere/volonterke. Sklo- ništa sama plaćaju zaposlene, dok se u nekim državama plata za neke zaposlene obezbe- đuje iz državnih programa. U pojedinim zemljama, skloništa imaju i telefon za krizne situacije, koji je otvoren u određeno vreme. Ukoliko pored telefona za krizne situacije nema nikog od osoblja, postoji „telefonska sekretarica“ na kojoj žene mogu da ostave poruku. Takođe, u skloništima obično postoji obaveza da se ženama koje traže pomoć odredi „žena za kontakt“. Žena za kontakt podržava žene koje dolaze u sklonište na ra- zličite načine, kao što je praćenje žene tokom njenih kontakata sa državnim organima. Kako bi pružila odgovarajuću pomoć ženama, kojima je pomoć potrebna, skloništa zavise od funkcionisanja saradnje sa policijom i socijalnim službama. Skloništa često | 133 | ukazuju na to da ova saradnja nije uvek onakva kakva bi trebalo da bude, pri čemu je opšte zapažanje da je saradnja sa policijom bolja nego saradnja sa socijalnim službama. Prvo sklonište za zlostavljane žene (i decu) u Srbiji14 otvoreno je u Beogradu 1994. godine. Pored zlostavljanih žena, u sklonište su smeštane i žene žrtve rata (silovane žene, izbeglice i tako dalje), koje su činile čak 22.38% žena koje su provele neko vre- me u skloništu između 1994. i 1999. godine (Ćetković, 1998). Kasnije su skloništa za zlostavljane žene otvarana i u drugim delovima Srbije. Takođe, nakon 2000. godine su otvarana i skloništa za žene žrtve trgovine ljudima. Od samog početka su broj skloništa i njihovi kapaciteti bili mali, te daleko od toga da su mogli da izađu u susret potrebama žrtava. Takođe, skloništa koja vode nevladine or- ganizacije bore se sa finansijskim teškoćama, tako da su neke od njih morale da prekinu svoj rad ili da ga prepuste institucijama sistema socijalne zaštite. Istovremeno, otvaraju se i državna skloništa za zlostavljene žene i decu. Prema raspoloživim podacima, u vreme pisanja ove knjige (jesen 2011. godine), u Srbiji su postojala četiri skloništa i jedna privremena kuća, koje vode nevladine organi- zacije: tri skloništa za zlostavljane žene, jedno za strane (žene) žrtve trgovine ljudima i jedna privremena kuća za žene, domaće državljanke, žrtve trgovine ljudima. Podaci ne- vladinih organizacija pokazuju da su tokom 2010. godine skloništa i privremena kuća, koje vode nevladine organizacije, došli u kontakt sa oko 220 žena i 200 dece.

Viktimološko društvo Srbije: VDS info i podrška žrtvama Kao što je već pomenuto, VDS info i podrška žrtvama je prva opšta služba za žrtve kriminaliteta u Srbiji. Osnovana je 2003. godine kao poseban deo Viktimološkog društva Srbije. VDS info i podrška žrtvama nudi pomoć žrtvama svih vidova kriminaliteta, kao i njihovim porodicama, i to kako ženama tako i muškarcima. Služba je prevashodno name- njena osobama starijim od 14 godina, dok se pomoć deci ispod 14 godina pruža posred- stvom njihovih roditelja. Ovo poslednje uključuje podizanje svesti roditelja o detetu kao žrtvi uopšte, a posebno o njihovim specifičnim reakcijama i procesu oporavka. Služba, takođe, pruža pomoć i podršku zlostavljanim ženama koje su ubile svoje nasilnike i koje se nalaze u zatvoru. Žrtvama se pružaju emotivna podrška, informacije, upućivanje na druge službe, pravna i psihološka pomoć, podrška u kontaktima sa institucijama, uklju- čujući podršku na sudu, i hitna finansijska pomoć. Posmatrano prema ciljnoj grupi (žene, muškarci i zlostavljane žene koje se nalaze u zatvoru), VDS info i podrška žrtvama je jedinstvena služba kako u Srbiji, tako i u regionu. U svom radu, Služba primenjuje evrop- ske i svetske principe i standarde predviđene međunarodnim dokumentima, uključujući posebno dokumenta Evropske pomoći žrtvama, čiji je član od 2004. godine. Standardi

14 Takođe je vredno pomenuti da se, u cilju razlikovanja ženskih udruženja od ratnih skloništa, u Srbiji češće upotrebljava termin »sigurna kuća« nego »sklonište«. | 134 | koji se primenjuju u radu se posebno odnose na: besplatne usluge, poverenje, poštovanje žrtve, njenih prava, potreba, osećanja i autonomije, kao i poverljivost informacija. Svake godine, nova grupa volontera prolazi obuku i uključuje se u rad službe, a tokom rada im se obezbeđuje redovna supervizija. Obuke su bazirane kako na teorijskim znanjima, tako i na praktičnom iskustvu - sopstvenom i iskustvu drugih službi za žrtve, kao što službe iz Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Holandije i Belgije, koje su organizovale obuke za osoblje VDS. Od 2005. godine, VDS info i podrška žrtvama je pružila pomoć za 1181 žrtvu. To- kom 2010. godine pomoć je pružena za 302 žrtve, od kojih 70% čine žene i 30% muš- karci. Žrtve koje se javljaju službi VDS info i podrška žrtvama su iz raznih delova Srbije. U 2010. godini, većina žrtava je tražila pomoć u vezi sa zlostavljanjem na radu (64%) i nasiljem u porodici (18%), dok su ostatak činile žrtve različitih oblika kriminaliteta, kao što su: napad i tuča, nasilje u školi, pretnje, prevara, uznemiravanje, provala, pro- ganjanje, otmica deteta, viktimizacija vezana za rat, kao i zlostavljane žene koje su ubile nasilnike.

Specijalizovani SOS telefoni i savetovališta Prvi SOS telefoni u Srbiji bili su SOS telefoni za žene i decu žrtve nasilja u porodici, koji su prvo osnovani u Beogradu i Kraljevu 1990. godine, a potom i u Nišu 1993. godine. To je bilo praćeno osnivanjem drugih SOS telefona i savetovališta, koji su pru- žali pomoć ženama i deci žrtvama nasilju u porodici, ali i žrtvama seksualnog nasilja, trgovine ljudima, kao i žrtvama torture i nasilja na radnom mestu. Pored SOS telefona i savetovališta za žrtve različitih oblika kriminaliteta, takođe po- stoje i specijalizovani SOS telefoni sa pojedine ranjive grupe, kao što su Romkinje i romska deca, žene sa invaliditetom, kao i lezbejke. Prema raspoloživim podacima skorijih istraživanja (Branković, 2009) i nedavnim in- formacijama o prestanku rada pojedinih službi, procenjuje se da je u jesen 2011. godine u Srbiji bilo oko 20 specijalizovanih SOS telefona i savetovališta. Najrazvijenije službe tog tipa su: Autonomni ženski centar, Savetovalište protiv nasilja u porodici, I.A.N., Iz Kruga, Dečiji romski centar i ASTRA (Beograd), Fenomena (Kraljevo) i DamaD (Novi Pazar). Većina specijalizovanih SOS telefona i savetovališta pruža emotivnu podršku, infor- macije i upućivanje. Neki nude i pomoć u kriznim situacijama, pravnu i psihološku pomoć, materijalnu pomoć, praktičnu pomoć i pomoć u kontaktima sa institucijama i/ ili podršku na sudu, kao i podršku u procesu socijalne reintegracije. Pored pružanja podrške žrtvama, specijalizovane službe za žene sprovode i informa- tivne i edukativne kampanje u cilju informisanja javnosti o raspodeli moći u društvu, koja vodi opresiji žena, i koja je povezana sa nasiljem. Ove organizacije su, takođe, ini- cirale redovno obeležavanje 25. novembra – Međunarodnog dana borbe protiv nasi- | 135 | lja nad ženama, kao i 16 dana aktivizma protiv nasilja nad ženama. One su, takođe, uključene u edukacije onih koji, u obavljanju svojih profesija, dolaze u kontakt sa vik- timiziranim ženama, kao i u razne druge aktivnosti koje imaju za cilj podizanje svesti i poboljšanje društvenog odgovora na muško nasilje prema ženama.

Dosadašnja istraživanja Viktimološko društvo Srbije je, tokom septembra i oktobra 2010. godine, sprovelo eksplorativno istraživanje aktivnosti nevladinih organizacija koje pružaju pomoć žrtva- ma kriminaliteta i rata (Nikolić-Ristanović, 2011a). Tokom 2009. godine, broj žrtava kriminaliteta koje su dobile pomoć od nevladinih organizacija obuhvaćenih uzorkom se veoma razlikovao i kretao se od 17 do 1696 žrtava. Većina žrtava je dobila pomoć od strane službi za žrtve nasilja u porodici i drugih formi nasilja nad ženama i decom, dok ih je manje dobilo pomoć od službi koje pružaju pomoć deci ulice i žrtvama trgovine ljudima. Dobijeni podaci pokazuju da organizacije obuhvaćene istraživanjem nude veoma ši- roku lepezu različitih oblika pomoći. Organizacije namenjene žrtvama kriminaliteta nude sledeće oblike pomoći i podrške: emotivnu podršku, informacije i upućivanje na druge službe; stručnu pomoć (pravnu, psihološku, medicinsku), različite oblike prak- tične pomoći (na primer, upis dece u vrtić ili školu, prevoz, finansijsku pomoć u hit- nim situacijama), humanitarnu pomoć, porodično savetovanje i posredovanje, smeštaj (sklonište, dnevni centar), podršku na sudu i podršku u kontaktima sa drugim insti- tucijama; grupe samopomoći, podizanje svesti o nasilju i mogućim oblicima zaštite, kao i pomoć u procesu reintegracije i socijalne inkluzije (poslednje se odnosi na žrtve trgovine ljudima i decu ulice). Dobijeni podaci pokazuju da se broj plaćenog osoblja u organizacijama koje pružaju podršku žrtvama kriminaliteta kreće od 0 do 34, dok još uvek postoje organizacije koje uopšte nemaju plaćeno osoblje. Podaci ukazuju i na postojanje značajnih razlika izme- đu organizacija u pogledu angažovanja plaćenog osoblja, kao i na činjenicu da postoje organizacije kojima finansijska situacija ne dozvoljava da angažuju plaćeno osoblje. Sa druge strane, sve službe za podršku žrtvama imaju volontere. Podaci, takođe, pokazuju da je osoblje većine organizacija prošlo nekoliko treninga za rad sa žrtvama. Kada su zamoljeni da preciziraju koje su to forme edukacija prošle osobe koje rade sa žrtvama, većina je navela različite oblike edukacija za rad sa žrtvama, tj. traumatizovanim licima. Nekoliko organizacija je navelo programe obuka za otvara- nje, tj. otpočinjanje službe za žrtve, dokumentovanje slučajeva, vođenje grupa samopo- moći, sprečavanje i prevazilaženje sindroma izgaranja, rad sa klijentima koji su suočeni sa višestrukim problemima i tako dalje.

| 136 |  Podaci dobijeni ovim istraživanjem su pokazali da se organizacije za podršku žrtvama u Srbiji još uvek oslanjaju na strane izvore finansiranja, dok je finansijska pomoć drža- ve uglavnom simbolična. Ukazano je i na nekoliko problema u vezi sa odnosom drža- ve prema organizacijama za podršku žrtvama, pri čemu je posebno istaknuto sledeće: nedostatak sistematske i redovne finansijske podrške, neodgovarajući finansijski status nevladinih organizacija zbog koga one moraju da plaćaju poreze uprkos neprofitabilnoj prirodi svojih aktivnosti, problem održivosti projekata nakon što se okonča finansijska podrška donatora, nedostatak finansijskih izvora za opstanak i održivost organizacija, nedostatak sredstava za iznajmljivanje odgovarajućeg prostora, nedostatak sredstava za unapređenje postojećih i otpočinjanje novih programa, ali i kašnjenje u isplatama od strane lokalnih vlasti. Zbog nedostatka društvene podrške, samo tokom šestomesečnog perioda u 2010. godini, sa radom su prestala četiri SOS telefona (Mreža Žene protiv nasilja, 2011). Ankete o viktimizaciji nasiljem u porodici su jedinstven izvor informacija o svesti građana, kao potencijalnih ili aktuelnih žrtava, o nevladinim službama za podršku žrtvama. Na primer, istraživanje nasilja u porodici u Vojvodini, koje je 2009. godine sprovelo Viktimološko društvo Srbije, pokazuje da značajan procenat žena zna za po- stojanje službi za žrtve koje vode nevladine organizacije (65.7%), što je slično situaciji na nivou cele Srbije iz 2001. godine (66.9%). Međutim, oba istraživanja Viktimološkog društva Srbije, kao i istraživanje Autonomnog ženskog centra pokazala su da samo mali broj zlostavljanih žena zapravo koristi ove usluge (redom, 4.4%, 2.4% i 2.1%). Istraživanje u Vojvodini je pokazalo da samo jedna žena, koja se obratila nevladinoj službi za žrtve, nije bila zadovoljna dobijenom pomoći. Ostale žene su bile zadovoljne pristupom i dobijenom pomoći:

„Bila sam zadovoljna načinom na koji sam bila prihvaćena.“

„Osećala sam se snažnijom i sigurnijom.“

„Bila sam zadovoljna kompletnom informacijom do najsitnijeg detalja.“ Analiza rada službe VDS info i podrška žrtvama, takođe, pokazuje da žrtve cene emotivnu podršku i napore koje čine nevladine organizacije kako bi im pomogle:

„Mnogo Vam hvala što ste me saslušali. Sada neke stvari vidim mnogo jasnije...“

„Znam da imate mnogo slučajeva, a toliko se angažujete oko mene. Hva- la Vam što mislite na mene. Ovi razgovori mi mnogo znače.“ (Nikolić- Ristanović, Kovačević i Ćopić, 2006)

| 137 |  Zakljuci Razvoj nevladinih službi za žrtve u Srbiji je, na početku, uglavnom pratio trend koji je postojao u svetu. Prvo su ženske nevladine organizacije osnovale specijalizovane službe, a znatno kasnije je osnovana prava i, za sada, jedina služba za žrtve kriminaliteta koja je opšteg tipa. Međutim, ukupan broj službi za žrtve je simboličan, te može da opsluži ve- oma mali deo žrtava. Smanjenje stranih izvora finansiranja nije praćeno sistematskom i sveobuhvatnom podrškom nevladinim službama od strane države. Posledica toga je da se dobro utemeljene službe za žrtve danas bore da prežive i, nažalost, sve više njih ili pre- staje da pruža podršku žrtvama ili se preusmerava na druge aktivnosti. Sa druge strane, državnim službama koje su osnovane nedostaju znanje i iskustvo, kao i entuzijazam i fleksibilnost nevladinih organizacija. Sasvim je jasno da država mora da gleda na službe za žrtve na jedan obuhvatan način i da razvije jasnu predstavu o tome kako namerava da iskoristi postojeće kapacitete u najboljem interesu svih žrtava. Novi Zakon o socijalnoj zaštiti može da bude značajan pravni osnov za naredne korake u tom pravcu.

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| 167 | | 168 | ISBN 978-86-85207-74-7