Engendering Sustainable Growth in Zambia : A Gender Strategy for Promoting Economic Effectiveness

Document of The World Bank FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY CONFIDENTIAL .. Report No. 12472-ZA ENGENDERING SUSTAINABLE GROWTH IN ZAMBIA A Gender Strategy for Promoting Economic Effectiveness May 1994 FILE COPY CONFIDENTIAL Report No: 12472 ZA Type: SEC • • Population and Human Resources Division Southern Africa Department Africa Regional Office Tim document ha a restricted disCributlon and may be used by recipients only in lhe performance of their official duties. Us contents may not otherwise be disclosed without World Bank authorization.  .. CURRENCY EQUIVALENTS (May 1994) Zambia US Dollar Kwacha 1973 US$1.00 = K0.643 Jan. 1984 US$1.00 = Kl.60 June 1989 US$1.00 = K42.00 Oct. 1992 US$1.00 = K300.00 Oct. 1993 US$1.00 = K660.00 Apr. 1994 US$1.00 = K720.00 .. GOVERNMENT FISCAL VEAR 1 January to 31 December WEIGHTS AND MEASURES Metric System ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ARPI' Adaptive Research Planning Team CBO Community Based Organization CEM Country Economic Memorandum CPI ~onsumer Price Index cso Central Statistics Office FHH Female Headed Households GDP Gross Domestic Product GNP Gross National Product GRZ Government of tbe Republic of Zambia MMD Movement for Multiparty Democracy NCDP National Commission for Development Planning NGOCC Non-Government Organizations Coordinating Committee PAM Program for the Alleviation of Malnutrition PIC Price and Incomes Commission PUSH Program Urban Self-Help SIDA Swedish International Development Authority UNDP United Nations Development Programme • UNZA University of Zambia UTH University Teaching Hospital YWCA Young Women's Christian Association ZARO Zambia Association for Research and Development ZDHS Zambia Demographic and Health Survey  BASIC DATA SHEET Area ....................................................................................•. 752,600 sq. Ian Population (1992) ........................................................................ 8.2 million Proportion in Urban Areas ..................................................................... 42% Population Growth Rate ....................................................................... 3.2% Total Fertility Rate ................................................................................ 6.7% GNP per Capita (1981 US$ Atlas) .......................................................... 720 GNP per Capita ( 1991 US$ Atlas) ......................................................... .420 Health and Nutrition Life Expectancy at Birth (1990) Male ............................................................................................ 52.9 Female ........................................................................................ 55.0 Maternal Mortality .................................................................................. 200 Infant Mortality Rate ............................................................................... 105 Chronic Malnutrition 0-5 years ............................................................. 40% Access to Safe Drinking Water ( 1990) Rural .......................................................................................... 47% Urban ......................................................................................... 66% Low Birth Weight (less than 2500 g) ................................................. 11.9% Education No Education (15+ years) {1.990) Male ........................................................................................... 25% Female ....................................................................................... 34% Primary School Gross Enrollment Ratio ............................................ 88.4% Percent Female ................................................................................... 48.2% Female Headed Households ................................................................... 16% Sources: .2ambia Demographic and Health Survey 1992; .2ambia Priority Survey 1991 ; World Bank Country Economic Memorandum 1993. ii  ENGENDERING SUSTAINABLE GROWTH IN ZAMBIA EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ..................................................................................... vii - xv CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. l The Development Challenge .................................................................................... l Purpose of the Report .............................................................................................3 CHAPTER 2: GENDER AND ECONOMIC EFFECTIVENESS ..................................................5 The Division of Laoor .............................................................................................6 The Division of Labor in Agriculture ..........................................................7 The lnfonnal Sector................................................................ ................... 11 Households and Economic Effectiveness .............................................................. 13 Trends in Household Incomes and Expenditures .......................................17 CHAPTER 3: GENDER, POVERTY REDUCTION AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT ...... 20 Raising the Asset Base of the Poor - Human Resources ...;....................................20 Human Resources ......................................................................................21 Education ................................................................................................,..24 Health, Nutrition and Population ...............................................................36 Increasing Returns to Assets - Agriculture ........................................................... .41 CHAPTER 4: MAKING ADJUSTMENT WORK FOR WOMEN IN ZAMBIA ..........................51 Introduction ...........................................................................................................51- Economic Adjustment in Agriculture ....................................................................54 The InfOirnal Sector ........................................................................................·.......60 Access to Institutional Credit.................................................................................64 lnfrastlucture .........................................................................................................69 CHAPTER 5: CIVIC AND POLmCAL PARTICIPATION .....................................................71 Introduction ...........................................................................................................71 Legal and Regulatory Framework..........................................................................72 Political Participation ............................................................................................76 Non-Governmental Clrganizations .........................................................................78 iii  CHAPTER 6: ENGENDERING POLICY REFORM ............................................................... 82 .Public Policy .......................................................................................................... 82 Research and lnformation ......................................................................................83 Appendix A: Engendering Policy Refonn ........................................................................ 87 . ·• Appendix B: Regulatory Environment and Constraints ...................................................92 Appendix C: Gender Issues in Project Identification and Design .....................................94 Appendix D: Sample of an Action Plan: Population, Health, Policy Refonn ................. 96 Appendix E: Total :Labor Force ........................................................................................ 97 Appendix F: GDP by Sector 1980-1991 ........................................................................... 98 Appendix G: High Income Urban CPI by Expenditure ltem ............................................99 Appendix H: Low Income Urban CPI by Expenditure Item ........................................... 100 Appendix I: Current Contraceptive Use ....................................................................... 101 Appendix J: Public Expenditure by Economic Activilies .............................................. 102 Bibliography ................................................................................................ .................... 103 iv  LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1 Stress Calendar in Child Development ........................................................ 9 Table 2.2 Summary of Comparative Productive Time Allocation in Zambia ........... 10 Table 2.3 Comparative Estimates of the-Percentage Share of Female Households, by Province ......................................................... ...... 15 Table 3.1 Selected Social Indicators .......................................................................... 22 fable 3.2 Total Monthly Income by Education Status .............................................. 26 Table 3.3 Complementary Approaches to Programming for Early Childhood Care and Development .................................................. .35 Table 4.1 Characteristics of Fann Units in Zambia ................................................... 56 Table4.2 Average Distance to Basic Facilities - Kilometers ..................................... 69 Table 5.1 Num~r of Women and Men in Top Political Positions ............................77 Table 5.2 Service Areas of NGOs in Zambia ............................................................79 LIST OF BOXES Box 2.1 Gender Issues in Economic Effectiveness ................................................... 5 Box 3.1 Colombia: Hogares de Bienestar, A Home Based Approach .................... 34 Box 3.2 Green Zones ............................................................................................... 48 Box 4.1 Input Supply in Gainbia .............................................................................59 Box 4.2 Principles of Financially Viable Lending to Poor Entrepreneurs .............. 68 LIST OF CHARTS Chart 2.1 Households and Economic Effectiveness .................................................. 14 Chart 3.1 Human Capital Diainond ...........................................................................21 Chart 3.2 Infant and Child Mortality .........................................................................25 Chart 3.3 Participation and Survival Rates in Primary School. ...... :..........................28 Chart 3.4 Factors Affecting Educational Participation of Girls ...... :......................... 29 Chart 3.5 Infant Mortality Rate ................................................................................. 37 V  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report is based on several background papers prepared by Mark Blackden (AFTIIR), Maryam Salim (AF6PH), Josephine Muchelemba. Gladys Mutukwa. Suzanne Raswant and Allison Evans. Other written inputs came from a team organized and managed by the Academy for Education Development that comprised Lynn Ilon, Micere Mugo, Marcia Ellis, .. Jeanne Koopman, Peg Sutton, Mary Young and Luis Crouch. Several workshops to discuss the report preparation involved government agencies, the NGO sector and the donors. The report was prepared by Ruth Kagia (Task Manager). Valuable comments were received from Steen Jorgensen and Helena Ribe, Alexandria Valerio, assisted with the preparation of statistical tables. Cathy Lamb and Audrey Cox assisted with document processing and enhancement. Roger Grawe is the managing Division Chief and Stephen Denning, the Departmental Director. This is a draft report for discussion with the Zambian Government and participating agencies. The action plan for this report will be developed jointly with the Zambians at a workshop pl~ned for the end of May. vi  EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Overview One of the outcomes of the economic and human crisis that faces Zambia today1/ is that the interdependence between the macro-economy and the micro-economy is much more pronounced and its influence on economic growth and poverty reduction much more critical. On the one hand, the success in switching productive resources and rearranging consumption . . priorities (so necessary to bring inflation down), depends on the underlying resource base of the household members and the degree of flexibility in intra-household resource allocation. The col!apse of incomes and the decline in social sector services during the last two decades has reduced the capacity for microeconomic adjusbnent in Zambia. On the other hand, because of pervasive poverty, growth stimulating strategies that are the essence of the reform program must go hand in hand with poverty reduction - they cannot . be sequenced. So far, commitment by government to vigorous reform is not being matched by tangible gains on the ground. While this is due to lagged effect, 'there is also increasing evidence that pervasive poverty is creating an under-tow which is neutralizing and/or distorting many of the policies. It is important, therefore, to work with the "people behind the statistics" and to investigate how the incentive framework can be made to work better for them and to identify the effects of macroeconomic policy beyond the bounds of the officially recorded economy. At the nexus of this interdependence are the women of Zambia, whose production and reproduction roles have converged to become the single -most important lever for stimulating poverty-reducing growth in Zambia. Poverty-reducing growth depends crucially on raising the asset base and returns to assets of the poor through investment in human capital and by pursuing strategies that promote a productive use of the poor's most abundant asset - labor (WDR 1990). In this report, we take this argument further to demonsrrate that by raising the asset base and returns to assets of women and by promoting a productive use of their time, it is possible to simultaneously stimulate economic growth and achieve a significant reduction in poverty. The corollary is also demonstrated to be true - unless women in Zambia become an integral l/ GNP per capita has maintained a negative trend since 1988 - the annual growth rate in 1991 was negative 7.0; lhe country has an external debt pf US$7 billion and a debt-to-export ratio of about 6:1; the population growth rale is at 3.2 percent, with high levels of adolescent pregnancy - over one quarter of girls 15-19 are mothers; 66 percent of Zambians are classified as poor or very poor, child survival rates arc lower than they were ten years ago- 45 percent of the under fives are 6 chronically malnourished. Primary school enrollment rates have dropped more lhan JO percentage poinls in the last ten years. vii part of the economic process, the undertow will become much stronger and the adjustment program will falter. These conclusions are premised on several realities. Tue first one is agriculture which is projected to be the main source of growth in the medium term. Growth is expected from increasing the land under cultivation and from increasing crop diversification. The success of these two strategies criticalJy hinges on women, the first because it is intricately related to women's farm labor constraints and the second because it builds on one of women's comparative advantages in agriculture. Subsistence agriculture, predominantly maintained by women, accounts for 50 percent of agricultural output It is instructive to note in this context that in 1983-1990, agriculture recorded a seven percent growth at a time when agriculture terms of trade were worsening, the main reason being that because of the high proportion of smallholder production in agriculture, the sector is less sensitive to price incentives than to non-price factors and was, therefore, able to weather the economic crisis of that period. The cushioning effect that subsistence agriculture provides to commercial agriculture and its role in ensuring food security are two of the many reasons why it has to be developed as an integral part of poverty- reducing-growth. The second is that a fast reduction in fertility rates is one of the most powerful levers for ensuring economic growth and of sustaining it. Increasing population doubling time from 20 to 45 years, for example would result in a population that is 3 percent lower after 10 years. In pe.r capita income this is numerically equivalent to having 3 percent more output or 0.3 percent per year higher growth. Over 20 years and assuming a 50 percent contribution to increased output, the population would be 13 percent smaller and per capita output 6.5 percent higher. Such a reduction cannot take place until infant mortality rates (IMR) decrease. IMR is however, on the increase driven mainly by high levels of child malnutrition. Constraints on women's time, their lack of the requisite nutritional information and a generally low level of education contribute more to malnutrition than does a lack of food per se. The third is the informal sector. Government recognizes the infonnal sector as vital for future economic gro:wth and employment. In addition, businesses with short lead times and flexible production can help to control inflation by maintaining supply even as input prices increase. Businesses dependent on manufactured inputs, especially fixed capital, and long production lead times are more vulnerable to the effects of inflation and supply and can be easily constrained by shortage of working capital. Women tend to occupy the former and, while in the long term ·they need financial and training support for expansion, in the short- term, they can be effective in .assisting inflation control if improvementc; are made in regulatory conditions, support from local councils and transport. Increasing output and employment potential of women is, therefore, critical for expanding the viability of the sector. viii  The fourth and final reason is the role of human resource development on poverty- reducing growth. People are the means and the ends of development and improvement in their quality of life is the ultimate chaUenge of development. This implies higher incomes, better education, higher standards of health and nutrition, and more equality of opportunity. The components of human resource development programs are linked in a mutually reinforcing manner. Education is a sine qua non of development in that it is linked to virtually all important indicators of development which are both ifl'lra and inter-generational. Better health and nutrition releases resources that can then be used to achieve other development goals, it raises workers' productivity, influences children ability and motivation to learn, and has beneficial effectc; on labor productivity. Policies that accelerate income growth and reduce poverty make it possible for people to afford better diets, healthier living conditions and better health care. Similarly, policies to expand education opportunities for girls help households achieve healthy lives by increasing their access to information. When all these policies are combined they create a virtuous cycle of sustainable growth and development. The poor social indicators, especially on nutrition and child survival, are symptomatic of a fundamental erosion of the foundation on which Zambia needs to build the capacity to bring about change and to manage it. Women need to be enabled to become more effective managers of family welfare through education and through greater access and control of income. The report addresses these issues in the context of'adjustment and poverty reduction and discusses the constraints that currently make it difficult to achieve poveity-reduction growth before outlining 'broad strategies for achieving it. It is hoped that many of the strategies highlighted here will be incorporated into the ongoing refonn program. It is expected that this report will assist policy makers in: (i) identifying the influence of gender on access to labor. product and factor markets and on the relationship between investments in human capital and poverty reduction; (ii) evaluate the differential jmpact of policy changes on the economic effectiveness of women and men, and their capacity to respond to new incentives; (iii) recommend areas for policy action and for filling data gaps to reduce gender differentials in economic participation and enhance the capacity of men and women to respond to macroeconomic change. Summary Recommendations The compounded nature of poverty in Zambia requires equally compounded interventions. This report identifies several poverty chains that are closely intertwined and which are the source of the undertow mentioned earlier: (i) women's labor constraints re.duce output in the formal and the informal sectors, and also undennine the capacity to promote household welfare; (ii) malnutrition exacerbates morbidity, and is a cause of the increases in }MR. In addition, it has long term effects that truncate physical and mental development; ix  (iii) high infant mon:ality and morbidity rates act as a disincentive to reduce family size, they reduce women's time and also stress the health budget; (iv) high fertility levels undermine economic growth because of direct costs to social services as well as the high dependency ratios; (v) the gender gap in education reduces the potency of education for men and women, and effectively slows down social and economic change; and (vi) high transport costs and poor infrastructure raise transaction costs to the extent that it becomes a disincentive to manufacturers, entrepreneurs and farmers, large and small. These are the constraint'i that bind the nation. They are also the constraints that bind women. They can be, systematically addressed through simple, carefully coordinated packages and through strategic interventions that remove underlying constraints. Constraints on Women's Time This is one of the most binding constraints to productivity. Women spend more time processing grain than growing it because the process is so arduous. Time and wastage issues associated with processing are the basic reason that not even emergent fanners in Zambia will give up producing the lower yielding local maize. Poor infrastructure. adds to these constraints. Seventy-four percent of the traffic carrying fuelwood to Lusaka consists of women with head loads transporting a lot more than bicycles and vehicles. Distances to qiarkets average 20 kilometers. in the rural areas while escalating costs of transport are . reducing profit margins of enterprises to the point of rendering them non-viable. Trading in fish has become too expensive for small-scale traders because of transpon costs. Transportation of persons is so expensive that women are cutting down on hospital visits either for themselves or for their children. This bas contributed to an increase in the number of women delivering babies at home (about 60% of babies are born at home) and in a reduction on the proportion of fully immunized children. The critical intervention is to release women's time in a multifaceted manner that includes improvements in infra~tructure, providing child care facilities, making available simple and effective processing and production technology. Botswana has developed an inexpensive hand-mill that bas reduced the time required to mill daily sorghum supplies from several hours to a few minutes. · The time so released can be used to promote household welfare or to raise agricultural or indus·trial production. Analysis done for the poverty assessment shows that in FHH, reducing farm labor from 20 to 16 days per female adult equivalent per month results in a 29 percent drop in household incomes and that when women fall ill between November and • February, land cultivation declines by as much as 20 percent for FHH. Analysis done for this report quantifies the value of releasing women's time. The results show that by releasing as little as l O percent of women's time, and using 30 percent of the time so released for agricultural production, the value of agricultural production would increase by an annual X  US$26 miHion even assuming no increase on the value of labor and discounting other interrelated gains. Coordinated Policy Packages Effective poverty-reducing growtb. needs to be "bundled", and to be leveraged in order • to create a catalytic impact. This is because the interlinked nature of the problems makes it difficult to achieve intended impacts when only one dimension is addressed. Additionally, it is also a more efficient way of delivering support. In Zambia In Zambia, there are too many uncoordinated activities that individually, are relevant and useful, but which do not have. the catalyti.c effect ·they .would otherwise have were they packaged or leveraged. Secondly, there is unnecessary duplication of effort as people attend to the various needs of donors, NGOs and government agencies all with different, though related development messages. Well coordinated and leveraged, these scattered interventions could create synergies that have a much higher impact. · The current policy for raismg agricultural productivity in Zambia is based on increasing land under cultivation. As long as such cultivation depends on fann labor, and as long as women continue to do most of the planting, weeding, harvesting, storage and marketing, their labor constraints need to be addressed first at the same time as processing and storage bottlenecks are removed. ARPT studies show that untimely and minimal weeding reduces yields by almost 50 percent. The same studies also shows that with the right combination of crop husbandry, fertilizers and improved seed, yields could improve fourfold in smallholder agriculture. Innovations which improve yiel~ must be accompanied by Jabor saving methods to process and store the increased output. In addition, extension services need to provide these services as a package that deals with livestock, other crops besides maize as well as technology issues. Issues of on-farm processing and storage have not been adequately addressed in Zambia. Growth with food security requires that a concerted effort be made to link agricultural research on food crops with processing and storage issues. The Ministries of Agriculture and Industry should develop institutional responses and collaboration with the objective- of identifying, manufactu:ring (or importing), and distributing appropriate processing and storage technology for Zambia's major food staples. To raise effective demand for credit the priority should be on improving infrastructure, transport, training and human capital, with women entrepreneurs, traders a major target group. Increasing the percentage of spending on an integrated or coordinated package of infrastructure, small enterprise development, and social sector investment in the • short to medium tenn the impact on: (a) output growth; (b) accumulation of assets and sayings; (c) self-financing investment; and eventually (d) expansion of enterprise, xi employment and tax.able profits and assets and quality demand for credit, will be much larger than any program for increasing credit a.vailability through further cuts in fiscal spending. For example, other packages could be developed by leveraging and by building· on what is already providing nutrition information to mothers as part of food subsidy programs. transmitting legal knowledge in the context of adult literacy classes, or using community transfer of knowledge in agricultural extension. • Well packaged, early childhood education and development programs are an important part of this packaging. Early childhood education programs free women's time. generates income; promotes child health and development and can be a useful community organization channel. Child development programs should constitute an important component of the SRF/Micro-projects support. There are other synergies that are less ob.vious but which need to be leverage in order to maximize impacts. For example: women's comparative advantage in agriculture is well known but its catalytic impact is not always appreciated in: (i) cropping where they generally have a more diversified cropping strategy. This has broader advantages in that inter-cropping can be used effectively to integrate conservation techniques and to improve environmental management; (ii) in non-fann activity women have a much lower Kwacha output ratio (much higher pay offs in household welfare); (iii) increasing women's income is related to wider strategy of development - women can become users of substitute fuels, can afford to spend time on land and soil conservation, can participate in community projects such as fuelwood lots, infrastructure improvements and with time, become major demanders of local goods and services. Public Expenditures The adjustment program is unlikely to have robust results until basic infrastructure and the basic human condition improves. Much of 'the erosion in the quality of services was triggered. by a resource starvation to the social sectors during the last decade. Maintaining increased allocations to basic services is an essential step towards enabling the reform process. Within the sectoral allocation, it is necessary to establish core and non-core expenditures, with a system to protect core expenditures against re.venue shortfalls. Core should include expenditures with low development costs but high rates of social return - primary health care, MCH, AIDs awareness/counseling, programs for retaining girls above . grade 4, family life education for boys (and girls) in primary schools, agricultural extension and research. . xii  In addition, GRZ needs to institutionalize and make more systematic the role of communities and the private sector in the provision of basic services. In the health sector, NGOs have become an integral part of health delivery with clearly defined rights and obligations. The same needs to be done for education, nutrition, and water supply. Private Sector Development The private sector strategy needs to be broadened to embrace and coordinate large- medium scale business development (significant employers of women) and small infonnal sector enterprise development (significant own-account women workers). Such a strategy needs ,to address: (i) the regulatory framework with special attention to improvements in regulatory conditions that hamper women's small-scale enterprise (working from borne, access to public utilities and investment capital. This should be combined with training for local government officials on combining concerns for public health and safety with a less discriminatory stance on infonnal sectors; (ii) encourage private sector development of kindergarten and day care centers in urban areas possibly with means tested fee structure · and/or non-fee arrangements for particular target groups; (iii) and the correct balance of public and private provision of marketing facilities, basic infrastructure and land building for enterprise development where economies of scale of input-use/utilities and distribution exist. Given the importance of women'.s incomes and the importance of their full representation in private. and public sectors, retrenchment packages, contracts, job descriptions, career development paths need to be carefully screened for gender equity, especially if large proportion of women employees are non-unionized. The Social Impact Department at Zambia Privatization Agency needs a more clearly articulated terms of reference and a mandate for sc.reening gender work place issues. In addition improvements need to be made to the current job search and labor market information services. Presently labor exchanges are barely functioning. The Ministry of Labor needs capacity building support and one priority should be getting labor exchanges to operate more efficiently in order to: (a) reduce the time costs of job search and employee search, particularly v-aluable for women with high opportunity cosLli of search time; (b) monitoring the openly unemployed; and (c) of improving the spee.d with which labor can respond to needs of the labor market especially to meet needs of investors. Re.search Zambia has well developed data collecting mechanisms both at the central level as well as at the sectoral level. The Central Statistics office (CSO) has established an impressive set of data bases that include the Priority Household Survey, the Demographic and Health Survey and several data bases to monitor household food security and malnutrition. In a~dition, most issues in Zambia are well studies by the research community. What has not xiii been done quite so effectively, however, is that the data has not been systematically utilized as an instrument for informing and guiding policy. The major changes taking place in Zambia today make it imperative to have empirical evidence that enables judicious decisions especially when faced with policy dilemmas and conflicts. The proposals below highlight some of the strategies that need to be adopted in order to make research a sharper instrument for guiding policy. Update: existing data much of which was collected in the 1980s when the economic situation was different in order to evaluate how economic and social changes have impacted on issues such as time use and time allocation; division of Jabor, or community participation. Disaggregate: macrolevel analysis is essential for establishing broad trends for planning and policy but microlevel analysis is essential for: (i) targeting and removing implementation bottlenecks especially with decentralized systems- the education tables used in this report demonsrrate the importance of disaggregating data to identify distributional issues; (ii) to verify claims - Maternal mortality in Mongu district is four times as high as the national average. Policy action will depend on whether this is a widespread trend or whether it is a problem peculiar to the district. Define Trends and Patterns: for example (i) in formal employment to understand changes in labor tum over by sex, impact of privatization and retrenchment; (ii) on use of credit maintain sex disaggregated data on who uses it, for what purpose, repayment schedules require banks to keep gender to enable improvements in these programs; Monitoring: of public sector budgets beyond the provincial level. Monitoring includes how monies were spent and_ indicators of qualitative change - ·requires gender/age disaggregated education/health statistics, employment, housing, water generated by simple but effective infonnation systems. Providing indicators of qualitative change should be a condition of coRtinuing disbursements/capacity building support. Monitoring information feeds into post-budget evaluation process which then directs the next round of budget priorities and program allocations. Also monitoring of the impact of adjustment on various sub-groups to enable policy makers to objectively evaluate the adjustment program - census data needs to obtain infonnation on income and expenditure, not just of household head, but also of all other income producing members of the household; micro-level analysis of rrends in consumption patterns to identify short term versus Jong term effects, both positive and negative. Coordination: Too much energy is currently going into c.ollecting data that already exists. CSO could indicate in the country profile publication what data bases exist, donors should liaise more closely with CSO before commissioning new research so that the funding • goes to sharpening the analysis instead of repeating what has been done; the WID department xiv should document and disseminate best practices, for example what made the drought effort so successful and conversely why did the Social Action program not work out? Role ofGRZ While the general thrust of the reform program is to ha.ve "Jess government" there are important areas where government intervention and action continues to be critical. The main role of GRZ in ·the reform process is to: (a) improve on implementation • know how policy impacts on the ground and use that knowledge to increase implementation effectiveness: (b) reduce the distortionary impact of policy by introducing counter-balancing measures Government should have an essential informational role, for example, collecting price and supply data and disseminating information on both local and national market conditions widely or synthesizing and disseminating in a manner that the semiliterate person can understand, major changes in the regulatory framework. Some of the specific interventions identified in the report include (i) in smallholder agriculture, GRZ needs to_keep an eye on those traders that will want to exploit the farmers in, for example producer-into-mill prices or by becoming monopolies; similarly, in reestablishing food marketing system on a private basis, GRZ needs to guard against monopolistic tendencies especia11y during market gluts and/or shortages; (ii) leveling playing field for smaJI scale entrepreneurs by removing restrictive regulations, enabling women to participate in economy by facilitating the development of ch.ild care programs improving access to markets; (iii) coordination of critical services such as input supply and of course delivery of basic social services. Role of the WID Department The location of the WID department at NCDP strategically enables it to manage gender issues in an integrated manner. Recent strength.ening of staffing in the department as well as the appointment of several gender coordinators at the sectoral level should further position the department to deal with issues raised here and elsewhere. A further enhancement of capacity, is however required particularly for analysis and dissemination. Specific roles identified in the report include: (i) coordination of the various verti~al programs that are compartmentalized by sector and disseminate best practices especially of pilot programs that have potential to be expanded; (ii) identify and highlight critical gender issues - adolescent pregnancy is such an issue that the department could champion and involve the donor and NGO community in addressing; (iii) identify critical gaps in gender analysis; (iv) act as a clearing house and resource center for gender analysis, and become the recognized focal point for gender issues; and (iv) provide guidance, on what is urgent and important, to NGOs and donors with funds earmarked for gender work. xv  CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION THE DEVELOPMENT CHALLENGE "Development is like a jigsaw puzzle: it is easier to fit in a particular piece when the adjoining pieces are already in place; the pieces that are hard to find are those with only one neighbor in place." Albert Hirschman 1958 ... 1. 1 Over the last quarter century the distribution of income among the developing· countries has changed markedly. The East Asia countries account for the largest gain~ their share of developing country real income rose from 22 to 37 percent. All other regions had lower shares by the 1980s but Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa slipped furthest, by 6 and 5 percentage points respectively. Although South Asia .still harbors the largest population of the world's poor, during the past twenty five years Sub- Saharan Africa's share of the world's poor has continued to increase. 1.2 Why have some countries perfonned so much better than others? Which pieces are missing in Africa that faster growing economies have been able to put together? Are there unique structural constraints in Africa that have not been sufficiently addressed? ls there a long tenn vision that is both achievable and energizing? In the end, the battle against poverty depends on the answers to these types of questions. 1.3 Africa's continuing economic crisis presents an extraordinary development challenge. To achieve food security, provide jobs and register a modest improvement in living standards, Sub-Saharan economies must grow at an annual rate of 4. 7 percent in aggregate consumption to reduce the number of poor people in the continent. 1 This is much higher than the 0.8 percent achiev·e d in the 1980s and well above the 3 .3 percent projected for 1993-2000. In the medium tenn, the primary source of this growth will be agricultural production. Food production must expand twice as fast if Africa is to feed itself and slowly overcome malnutrition. While sound macroeconomic policies and an efficient infrastructure are essentiaJ to provide an enabling environment for the productive use of resources, they are not sufficient to foster growth. It is also necessary to build the capacity to produce a better trained, healthier population and to strengthen the institutional framework within which development must take place. For growth to be sustainable effective linkages must be forged between macroeconomic policies and human resource development. 1.4 Economic adjustment policy measures are designed to improve the incentive • framework and encourage a more efficient allocation of human and physical resources . The success of the strategy largely depends on the willingness and capacities of producers and consumers to respond favorably. The conditions affecting individual and 1994 Adjustment in Africa: Refonns, Results, and the Road Ahead. A World Bank Policy Research Paper. Orlord University Press. 1 institutional supply-response are, therefore, crucial. Greater technical and institutional capacity makes it easier to adjust policies to changing conditions while stronger adjustment efforts increase the returns on investment and speed up development. This is rarely the situation in Africa where the general worsening of basic Jiving conditions and · a weakening of institutions has placed considerable strain on the capacity and productivity of the human resource base. 1.5 This report illustrates ways in which the adjustment program could embrace at its very heart some of the fundamental problems affecting economic and human performance, in Africa geneta11y, and more specifically in Zambia, by tackling difficult trade offs and stressing commitment to a human resource centered, poverty-reducing growth strategy. 1.6 A recent World Bank report reflects an important shift towards such a strategy: "Economic growth is not important in itself. Growth is a means to an end. The improvement in the standard of living of all Zambians, in particular, those living at or near subsistence, is the end being sought. Al] observers of the Zambian . scene should be encouraged to monitor as best as they can actual living standards and well being of individuals rather than relying only on national economic · statistics ..." (1993 Prospects for Sustainable and Equitable Growth: 13). 1. 7 Zambia is at a watershed in its economic adjustment program. Commitment by government to vigorous reform programs is not being matched by tangible gains on the ground . While this is partly due to lagged effect, there is little evidence of a reversal in the downward spiral in Jiving standards and for some indicators, the deceleration has increased. Sixty-six percent of Zambians are classified as poor or very poor, and the proportion of the poor appears to be growing (1993 Priority Survey). The success of many of the adjustment measures depends largely on the underlying resource base of household members and the degree of flexibility in intra-household resource allocation. The collapse of income,s and the decline in social sector services during the last two decades has greatly weakened the resource base. This has in tum reduced the capacity for microeconomic adjustment in Zambia and weakened the resilience of household economies. 1. 8 How then are policy makers to respond to such a huge population living under poverty, to such a large scale decline in basic services constrained as they are by uncertain prospects for robust economic recovery? The choices are difficult - the concept of targeting vulnerable groups is rendered virtually meaningless and a real tension exists between long tenn growth strategies and short term needs, for example: (a) How to protect the incomes and consumption levels of the poor alongside the need for price liberalization, and controls on wage inflation? 2  (b) How to defend social sector and infrastructure spending amidst severe budget constraints? (c) How to promote employment alongside reductions in public and private investment? (d) How to expand economic and social infrastructure to support rural livelihoods and provide key incentives to invest and settle in rural areas? .. 1.9 One way of tackling these policy dilemmas is to recognize that "there are people behind the statistics" (WDR 1990) and to investigate how the incentive framework - markets, assets, returns to assets - can be made to work better for poor women and men in the small scale agricultural sector and the self.employed infonnal sector, and to identify the effects of macroeconomic policy beyond the bounds of the officially recorded economy and narrow monetary and fiscal aggregates. This paper addresses some of these issues. PURPOSE OF THE REPORT 1.10 Poverty-reducing growth depends crucially on raising the asset base and returns to assets of the poor through investment in human capital and by pursuing strategies that promote a productive use of the poor's most abundant asset - labor (World Bank 1990). This report goes one stage further to demonstrate that such growth is made sustainable through greater social equity in access to assets and increased participation by individuals and communities in their own development. More specifically, the report argues that an effective poverty-reducing growth strategy must also be a gender· responsive strategy. The quotation below summarizes the essence of the report: "The agenda for the 1990s is to invest more in women - and to broaden their opportunities. Investing in wider opportunities for women, in health, in education, in formal and informal work and in decision-making at all levels - is far more than an investment in women, for it is an investment in their families and societies. It is a. way to hft people out of poverty. It is a way to slow population growth. It is a way to protect the environment. And it is a way to get onto a path of equitable, sustainable development" (United Nations 1991 ). 1.11 Three interrelated goals underlie the report.. The first is to develop the linkages between gender and economic effectiveness. While strategies on poverty and adjustment have been refined in recent years, they are rarely differentiated by gender and yet, the success of these strategies hinges on a clear understanding of the differences in response between major sub·groups in the population, in particular, between men and women. 1.12 The second is that key defining characteristics of the poor (they lack assets, have low incomes, have a lack of self-sufficiency, are mainly in subsistence economy in 3 agriculture and the informal sector) are equally applicable to women. While the poor are not synonymous with women, women are disproportionately represented among the poor. More importantly, the report demonstrates that because women are the critical nexus of developm·ent, strategies that are gender specific have much greater multiplier effects than those that are gender neutral. 1.13 Finally, the report demonstrates that by taking advantage of the reform process that comes with adjustment, it is possible not only to reconcile many of the inherent tensions between Jong term growth and short term needs but to also make them mutuaUy .. enhancing. 1.14 Zambia is very well studied on virtually all key issues. In addition to data bases from sector ministries, the Central Statistics Office has compiled several comprehensive data sets, the most important of which are the Demographic and Health Survey (1992) and the Priority Household Survey (1991 and 1993). This report does not, therefore, provide extensive country data except where such data is relevant to the discussion, but rather, demonstrates how such data can be utilized in a gender-responsive strategy. The report also draws widely from international experience especiaJly to demonstrate strategies that have proved effective. Zambia also has very good examples of innovative practices to improve quality of life. They include monitoring indicators for household food security, crop forecasting and high quality agricultural research. The report, therefore, does not introduce too many new initiatives but rather, demonstrates how the coordination and "bundling" of existing activities could have a momentum-catalyzing impact that is not possible with any one single intervention. 1.15 It is expected that this report will assist policy makers in: (a) identifying the influence of gender on access to labor, product and factor markets and on the relationships between investments in human capital and poverty reduction; (b) evaluating the differential impact of policy changes on the economic effectiveness of women and men and their capacity to respond to new incentives; (c) recommending areas for policy action and for filling of data gaps to reduce gender differentials in economic participation and enhance the capacity of women and men to respond to macroeconomic change. ... 4  CHAPTER 2: GENDER AND ECONOMIC EFFECTIVENESS 2.1 To understand the full implications of changes in the incentive framework, policy analysis must focus on the terms and conditions under which women and men, poor and • non-poor make decisions over the allocation of scarce resources . The box below summarizes factors that are critical in influencing economic. effec.tiveness~ how they are differentiated by gender; how they impact on poverty and implications for adjustment. Box 2.1: GENDER ISSUES IN ECONOMI EFFECTIVENESS NB (i) = key gender differences; (ii) ro]e in poverty alleviation; (iii) implications for adjustment. 1. Investment in human capital: (i) reproductive health; family welfare; gender gap in education: (ii) improves quaJity of labor; raises productivity: creates development synergies; (iii) core public expenditures for sociaJ service; broaden acces and utilization of basic services. 2. Access to productive assets: (i) men in formal, women in informaJ economy: informal economy "invisible"; women have weak access and control: (ii) increases potential for e panding the productive base; women's income more highly correlated with hou ehold welfare; (iii) economic incentives to strengthen women's productive and reproductive roles; remove regulatory barriers to access and control. 3. Access to infrastructure, information and institutional credit: (i) women poorly served by public goods and services; (ii) releasing women's time exponentially increases production (iii) improve access to basic infrastructure. 4. Legal and political representation: (i) women's voice muted in defining needs (ii) participatory development is internalized and sustainable (iii) evaluate policies and programs on the basis of differential impact on gender. . 5. Asymmetrical division of labor: (i) women's time pre-committed by reproduct1on ~(ii) enhancing quality of women's labor enhances both reproduction and production;(iii) evaluate impact of new programs on women's time. These factors are all important elements of the general framework for addressing poverty reduction. 2.2 The framework should provide the analytical tools needed by policy makers to evaluate the distributional impact of macro-policy changes and to design policy 5  interventions for maximizing supply-side response with maximum social and economic equity. THE DIVISION OF LABOR 2.3 As a major social organizing principle, the gender division of labor is critical in shaping patterns of human resource development and resource allocation in households and markets. Differences in market access, in resource mobility and labor flexibility affect capacity to adjust to transitional costs and respond favorably to changes in the incentive framework. It is well documented in Zambia that women, and poor women especially, have problems of low quality human capital, constrained access to product and factor markets and a disproportionate share of the unpaid work of domestic and reproductive activities. These conditions constrain the productivity of female labor supply and distort women 1s capacity for favorable supply-response. While it is certainly the case that problems of low endowment and restricted market access affect both poor men and women. the quantitative and qualitative significance of these problems are not the same for women and men, nor are the solutions for overcoming them. 2.4 The size of the domestic labor overhead is not the same for all women, some are· able to trade domestic labor for market work by substituting in hired labor or other family members, particularly girls. Nevertheless, for the majority of women and poor women especially, domestic labor responsibilities are a major 'fixed' addition to their farm work, trading or employment and influencing the allocation of labor time and the number of choices women have to -switch labor and resources to new and more productive uses (Palmer 199 I). The implication is that labor supply elasticities will differ significantly for women and men and that responses to changes in the incentive . framework will depend on (a) how changes in incomes and prices affect the size and intensity of the domestic labor overhead and (b) the opportunities for women to trade non-market and market work through changes in public services, child care support, and infrastructure. 2.5 The process of reproduction and maintenance of human resources is different from the production of any other resource. It does not respond to economic signals in the same way. If the price of a crop falls far enough, it may be uprooted or left to rot, if there is insufficient demand for a manufactured good, the factory is closed, but if the demand for labor falls, if unemployment rises, and wages fall, mothers do not "scrap" their children or leave them to rot untended. Human resources have intrinsic not merely instrumental value and this influences all other roles that women might have (Elson 1987). 2.6 In addition to the physical demands of biological reproduction, women have the primary role for food processing and preparation, caring for sick family members, child care, and in rural areas and low-income urban sectors, there are the demands of collecting water and fuelwood . All this represents a domestic labor overhead, a time and 6 resource contribution that women must make simultaneously" with their extra-domestic responsibilities. At the heart of gender asymmetry lies the division of labor. The Division of Labor in Agriculture 2. 7 To understand the paradoxes (i.e., crisis of malnutrition amid land abundance, women are the majority of fanners, but are not factored in production) that characterize the agricultural sector in Zambia, one must understand the traditional gender division of labor, rights, and responsibilities in rural Zambian households. Men are usually responsible for land clearance and preparation, working with oxen. Women are responsible for planting, weeding, keeping animals and birds out of fields, transporting harvested crop home and to the market. Crops grown for home consumption are generally regarded as "women's crops." These include local maize, legumes and vegetables that make up the "sauce" consumed with maize, and small grains or tubers depending on geographical location. The proportion of women's input to these activities represents 19-27 percent of the total family productive work and 34-43 percent of women's total productive work (Due and others 1984). These calculations need to be updated in light of all the socioeconomic changes that have affected women's lives. 2.8 As a cash crop, hybrid maize is largely controlled by men who call upon fami.ly labor, especially of their wives, for weeding and harvesting, but who control the disposition of the resulting income. When hybrid maize is added to the household cropping pattern, women must hurry to plant local maize at the very first rains and then move on to help their husbands with hybrid maize. Hybrid maize creates extra stress because it involves greater attention to specific operations (fertilizing and weeding) that need to be done within short spaces oftime, putting pressure on the other tasks (farm and non-farm) that women are expected to carry out (Young and Evans, 1988). 2.9 Expansion of maize production compromises the time available for other crops, because labor shortages force women to neglect some aspect of their farming activities. In Northern Province, it is the millet and beans that are neglected - two of the crops that provide protein. Women either neglect weeding their millet crop or have to prepare a much sma11er plot of beans or groundnuts than they would have liked, or do not complete the first weeding, or fail to do a second weeding of the maize crop. In other cases, they try to substitute fertilizer for labor to overcome the negative impact on yields of late planting and inadequate weeding. As long as fertilizer was heavily subsidized, this was a rational strategy. With the removal of the subsidies, the "coping strategy" is no longer feasible. 2.10 The allocation of labor time has serious implications for agricultural production, productivity, and, in consequence, for household income, welfare, nutrition, and (e~peciaJJy women 1s) health. Since few families have more labor than that of husband, wife, and one or two older children or relatives farming pa.rt time, and since Zambia has only one rainy season, and women cannot abandon either subsistence crop production or the long and arduous daily labor of food preparation (including maize pounding) during the peak agricultural labor season, women are highly stressed. Neither the local crops, 7 including maize, nor the hybrid maize receives what is often referred to as "adequate crop husbandry." Several studies in Zambia have shown that rising male incomes from hybrid maize production do not translate to improved household nutrition. 1 In fact, some evidence suggests that when the household takes up hybrid maize cultivation, malnutrition in young children tends to increase. Box 1 below clarifies this apparent contradiction. 2.11 The seasonal stresses highlighted in this table work against women in several interrelated ways that result in significant reduction in household welfare and in agricultural production. During the rainy season, November to April, there is a shortage of staple food and relish foods . ln cassava-eating areas, processing is difficult because of the rain . It is also during this same period that disease rates, especially malaria, are high and access to services in health and agriculture, low - the roads become impassable with the rain . As discussed above, this is also the period when labor stress levels for women are at a peak, data from Eastern Province reveal a 2.5 kg weight loss during this season with more women being underweight than men (Saito 1992). 2.12 Recent analysis using a rural household model (Alwang, 1994) indicates that in FHH, reducing farm labor from 20 to 16 days per female adult equivalent per month results in a 29 percent drop in household incomes for the traditional farmer. The same anaJysis also shows that when women are ill in November to February, land cultivation declines by as much as 20 percent for FHH but the decline is lower for MHH. These are critical months to concentrate targeted assistance to households that are so weak that such strains and stresses push them deeper into poverty. See for example, World Bank 1993 , Towards Improved Household Food Security in Zambia. 8  Table 2.1: STRESS CALE DAR IN CHILD DEVELOPMENT J F M A M J J A s 0 N D A. Staple food low X X X X X X X Relish food low X X X X X X Agriculture labor peaks Weeding Harvesting Planting Fuel low X X Water low X X Processing X X X X X X X X X X X X Cash income low B. Malaria peaks X X X X X X Diarrhea X X X X X X X X X X X X Coughs X X X X X Worms X X X X X .x X X Vitamin A Deficiency X X X X X X X X X X X X Anemia X X X X X X X X X X X C. Access to services, low X X X X X X <5 Clinic/eveI)' rnonth X X X X X X X X X X X X D. Malnutrition <5 X X X X X X X X X Energy low X X X X X X X Protein low X X X X X X X Source: Luhila Women and Nutrition Issues in Child Development, 1991 mimeo. 2.13 Agricultural production is further constrained by the fact that womeo spend a larger share of their time on household chores. Whereas there are clear inconsistencies in the results report.e d in Table 2.2 below, what the data reveals is that (i) in aJl cases, .. women work longer hours than men; (ii) women spend about 50 percent of their time on household activities, while men are hardly involved in these. An important outcome of the heavy household workload is that mothers use their daughters to assist with household chores. Keller 1990, reports that the average girl child spends more time on household chores than an average adult man. 9 2.14 Women's unpaid labor is not infinitely elastic - a breaking point may be reached and women's capacity to reproduce and maintain human resources may collapse. Even if a breaking point is not reached the success of the macro-economic policy in achieving goals may be won at the cost of a longer working day for many women. This will be an invisible cost but the cost will be revealed in indicators of family welfare. Moser's study on the effect of the introduction of income generating activities in Ecuador was to increase the working day of the women. Many analyses associate high rates of child malnutrition, whether strictly related to inadequate food intake or exacerbated by diseases with the extremely long working hours of rural women who, during peak agricultural labor seasons, simply have no time to prepare more than one meal a day and cannot feed toddlers and young children, who should have nourishment several times a day. Table 2.2: Summary of Comparative Productive Time Allocation in Zambia (in Hours/Day) Men Women Province/Area Farm HH 0th Total Farm HH 0th Total s Mambuka (South) 8.9 1.4 n.d. 10.3 9.1 4.6 n.d 13.7 A Mumbwa (Center) 6.9 1.0 n.d. 7.9 9.7 5.6 n.d 15 3 A Mpika (North) 6.2 0.5 n.d. 6.7 6.8 5.I n.d 11.9 A Market Families n.d 0.0 4.0 4.0 n.d. 2.9 8.3 11.2 A Mabumba (Luapula) 0.8 0.0 1.4 2.2 2.2 3.4 0.9 6.5 B Kefa (Eastern 2.7 0.5 1.7 4.9 2.0 5.6 0.6 8.2 C Notes: F == Fan11 work; HH = Household work; 0th = Other employment where defined; S = Source of Data; n.d. = not defined. The time allocations presented in this table exclude identifiable ''leisure" or "rest" time and focus on comparing "productive" daily time use of men and women. Owing to different methodologies, definitions and data classification, studies are not directly comparable with one another. Source: A: Due and others 1984; B: Allen 1988; C: Skjonsberg 1989. 2.15 Grain processing of both coarse grains like maize and smaJI grains like millet and sorghum is an extremely labor intensive process with traditional shelling, pounding and winnowing technology. Zambian women typically spend more time in processing grains than in producing them. Time and wastage issues associated with processing are the basic reason that not even emergent or medium scale farmers in Zambia will give up 10  producing the lower yielding local maize for rural household consumption. Hybrid maize is simply too difficult to process by hand. 2.16 Processing issues, as well as the labor time required for bird scaring, are also relevant to women fanners' substitution of maize for millet and sorghum even in areas where drought probabilities pose a threat to maize harvests. The 1992 drought demonstrated the great danger of such shifts to food security. Now that improved varieties of sorghum are available, it is very important to increase the availability of small grain mills, such as the inexpensive hand-mil/ developed in Botswana that reduced the time required to mill daily sorghum supplies from several hours to a few minutes. 2.17 Women's access to technology can increase productivity by making production faster, savings in labor time, freeing unpaid household labor time for other purposes. shifting labor to higher valued uses, improving efficiency in actual crop cycle which will eventually lead to lower product prices to consumers through increased output. Some of the options for increasing access to technology are discussed in para 3.92-3.95. 2.18 Increased access to infrastructure will result in greater marketing independence, greater farm-level processing and value-adding, and eventually better organization of marketing to expand information on prices and customers or reduce transactions costs. 2.19 While an obvious solution to the labor constraints is a "rationalization" of the household labor burden through a relaxation of the traditional sexual division of labor such changes cannot be mandated. They are, however more likely to occur as a result of technological and other types of structural change in the farming system. They are also more likely if such changes are developed and promoted with the strong participation of women fanners themselves. 2.20 ARPT studies in Zambia show that untimely and minimal weeding reduce yields by almost 50 percent and better husbandry practices is more important to increase yields than utilization of fertilizer. The same studies also show that with the right combination of crop husbandry, fertilizers and improved seed, yields could improve fourfold in smalJholder agriculture. If policy can help achieve even half this improvement, while simultaneously working to improve marketing infrastructure and conditions for small scale traders, as well as grain storage and processing facilities at household and community levels, both food security and agricultural growth could be significantly improved. 2.21 It is hoped that some of these concerns will be addressed in the evolving agricultural strategy. .. The Informal Sector 2.22 Women's responsibilities for bearing and caring for children and for maiataining the home may constitute the most significant, widely applicable explanation for the small size and slow growth of their enterprises. Women's household responsibilities influence 11 their businesses by: i) limiting the amount of time that can be devoted to the business (which reduces the scale that can be managed. and reduces the rate of return to capital investment); ii) restricting women's geographic mobility in conducting business activities (particularly important for market access); and iii) causing women to invest a high proportion of business profits in household welfare relative to business expansion. These restrictions clearly influence the frequent decision to locate businesses in the home, and sh well with household tasks. In her study of Madras, to select sectors of activity that me- Naponen found that many women were attracted to the retail food sector because it ' allowed them to intersperse household chores, especially family cooking, with income generation (the provision of cooked meals for sale). Rubio and Downing and Daniels reached similar conclusions in analyzing subsector choices in the Dominican Republic and in Southern Africa. More generally 1 women's allocation of large shares of their time to household and child maintenance, allowing less time for income-generation, has been well documented (e.g., Evans and Young, 1988; Fong, King and Evanson, 1983). 2.23 The implications of this to the informal sector are further discussed in para 4.37 and 4.38. 2.24 The implications for policy are clear. To increase women's productivity, more of their time needs to be released so that they can devote it to productive activities. Preliminary analysis that has been done for this report shows that by releasing as little as 10 percent of women's time and using 30 percent of the time so released for agricultural production, the value of production would increase by an annual $26 m. 2 This is in addition to other gains in better household management, and more time for leisure and civic participation. Such gains would accrue through improvements in infrastructure, provision of child care, access to appropriate agricultural technology, a reduction in fertility that are discussed in other parts of the report. 2.25 Secondly, changes in the incentive mechanism need to take into account how these differences affect women's participation in the labor markets. The private sector strategy needs to be broadened to embrace and coordinate large-medium scale business development (significant employers . of women) and small informal sector enterprise development (significant own-account women workers). Such a strategy needs to address: (a) the regulatory framework with special attention to improvements in regulatory conditions tbat hamper women's small-scale enterprise (working from home, access to public utilities and investment capital. This should be combined with training for local government officials on combining concerns for public health and safety with a less discriminatory stance on informal sectors; l This is a base estimate that assumes that the time so released is used to do more of the same. If it was, however, used for higher value activities, such as participation in extension service presentations, attendance al ante-natal clinics, releasing girls to remain in school longer or for income generating activities, the net gains are exponential The final report will present a comprehensive analysis of these gains and their likely impact on economic growth. 12  (b) encourage private sector development of kindergarten and nursery schools in urban areas possibly with means tested fee structure and/or non-fee arrangements for particular target groups; and (c) the correct balance of public and private provision of marketing facilities, basic infrastructure and land building for enterprise development where economies of scale of input-use/utilities and. distribution exist. 2.26 Most of these issues are discussed in greater detail later in the report. HOUSEHOLDS AND ECONOMIC EFFECTIVENESS 2.27 Four principles underlie the discussion in this section. The first is that the provision of welfare takes place at the household level, and public services must support households in this effort. The second is that the response of households to economic incentives defines the pace and direction of change. An appreciation of this reciprocity is critical in understanding and predicting the supply-side response and in making policy analysis and fonnulation better focused. The third is that the assumption in a gender neutral framework is that all factors of production (including female labor) have the same capacity to respond to economic signals and to shift into more productive avenues of economic activity, ignoring gender differentials in these factors constrains women's participation. The fourth is that structural adjustment programs affect household income in many important ways which in tum affects supply conditions affecting labor and production. These vary greatly by gender, spatial and institutional dimensions. For example, fonnal and informal sectors may produce similar kinds of output (such as maize produced by small-scale farms and by commercial farms), but underlying production functions are very different, as are the supply conditions of male and female labor, the constraints affecting land use and access to technology by small and commercial farms and by women and men famters. The process of supply response is, · therefore, complex and likely to be importantly differentiated by gender, by location and by sector. The relationship between households and economic effectiveness is presented in graphic form below. " 13  MACRO LEV'EL Sector Policies Pricing Policies Wage Policie,s Trade & Monetary Policies Political Environment Regulatory Framework Response to incentives differ by: Gender Socioeconomic Status Place Age Production Activities Consumption Reproduction Health Care Socialization Child Care HOUSEHOLD LEVEL Chart 2.1: Households and Economic Effectiveness 2.28 There exists great diversity in household characteristics and patterns of residence - nuclear and extended; consumption units and housing units; male headed and female headed; monogamous and polygamous - and this makes the concept of household as a statistical unit highly variable. Polygamy, high fertility, marital instability and multiple marriages for men and women further complicate residence patterns and competition amongst children for parental and familial resources. There are, however, common characteristics of households that are pertinent to this discussion which include: (a) women have the responsibility for household management and of household welfare and the poorer the household the higher the share of contribution of women's income to family income; 14  (b) neither joint deci ion making nor equal sharing of resources within households is at all common, households are characterized by intra-household gender asymmetry that varies from culture to culture and which can be magnified by sharp swings in socioeconomic conditions· (c) on the whole, female headed households are poorer than male headed households, although there are important exceptions to the generalization, Table 2.3 demonstrates the relationship between headship and poverty in Zambia; (d) data from Zambia indicate that households headed by widowed or divorced women are likely to constitute the poorest in the population; and (e) when household incomes fall and prices rise as has happened in Zambia 1t 1s women who must devise survival strategies for the family. The section on coping strategies below, discusses the implications of this in some detail. Table 2.3: Comparative Estimates of the Percentage Share of Female Households, by Province 1993 Absolute Priority Poverty urvey Line Province/Source %Female- Headed Household Very Poor Poor Non-:Poor Central 19 82 7 11 Copperbelt 13 52 19 29 Eastern 21 86 6 8 Luapula 16 89 7 4 Lusaka 12 35 20 45 Northern 14 85 9 6 Northwestern 14 88 8 4 . Southern 14 85 7 9 Westem 21 89 6 5 Average 16 I Sources: Zambia Priority Survey 1993 72 11 17 15 2.29 Households can reinforce or distort public policy in at least four ways. The first is that the success in switching productive resources and rearranging consumption priorities depends on the underlying resource base of 1he household members and the degree of flexibility in intra-household resource allocation. The success of policy measures to control inflation depends to a significant degree on the adjustments of households and finns to changes in relative prices and incomes. Where small-scale household-enterprise dominates the rural sector and the urban informal sector, production and consumption decisions are closely related to one another through the division of labor and resources within the household. The collapse of incomes and particularly of urban purchasing power during the late 1980s and early 1990s and the decline in social sector services over the same period, has reduced the capacity for microeconomics adjustment in Zambia. Households are dissaving, productive assets are shed to cover .financial or consumption overhangs, health and education investments are threatened. Internal shocks such as the drought have further weakened the resilience of household economies in Zambia. The question is which households and individuals are most or least able to retain their capacity for response when underlying inflation conditions improve? The speed and direction of their response will be a vital component of the long tenn fight against inflation in Zambia. 2.30 The second is that impact of public policies on households depends on the way the policie.s are applied at the household level. The utilization of public services, for example, is determined by decisions made at the household level. When schools or hospitals are made available, it is the decisions that are made at the household level that determine who uses them and under what circumstances. Thirdly, making incomes available to the households does not necessarily mean that the resources will be used by those who need them most. Several studies have demonstrated that income within the control of the wife is used differently from income contro11ed by the husband with women spending a higher share of the income on household welfare. It is instructive to note in this respect that the 1991 priority survey indicates that whereas female headed households are generaJly poorer, children from these households are generally less malnourished than their poverty level would imply. It is possible that there are other explanations for this (these households are also more risk averse and, therefore, have a more diversified cropping pattern that includes legumes and vegetables) the nutritional implications of putting resources in the hands of women are clear. Census data needs to obtain information on income not just of household head but also of all other income producing members of the household and also gather information on how it is used in order to get a full understanding of incomes and expenditures. 2.31 A study in the Eastern Province of Zambia, reveals that women retained full control of 87 percent of the produce from their independent plots. Jointly worked plots .. and produce arising are usually regarded as belonging to the household head who gets 70 percent of the proceeds. In Northern Province, women also have control over their independently generated labor products, including income from sales and have control over decisions of how to dispose of the products (Geisler and others). An important policy implication is that when promoting non-traditional export crops on commercial 16 farms or· agro-industries with outgrower schemes for small farmers. women should be integrated into such projects not as unpaid family labor or low paid casual labor for larger farmers, but as self-account producers, as cooperative members, or as organized outgrowers with the protection of group solidarity. The cooperative movement in Kenya has been an effective and sustainable strategy for bringing women into the formal agricultural economy, especially in dairy farming. 2.32 Finally, whether households respond to economic incentives or not depends largely on whether the incentives are perceived to meet their felt needs. In an economy, such as Zambia, where survival is at risk, development poJicy must be targeted, in the first instance, toward getting people fed, housed and providing them with basic resources such as food and basic health services. Once these basic needs are met, community services can and will begin to fonn. People will see it in their best interests to begin to trade, to participate in agricultural extension programs and to send children to school. 2.33 This principle is borne out by data from the urban poverty survey which reveals that in the urban sites, there is a cluster of very basic assets that are associated with the capacity and ability to attain a minimum standard of living, and this standard is defined by quality of housing and ownership of basic commodities for cooking, washing and dressing. A broader category of assets is very much secondary in people's perception of poverty - those of ownership of farms, businesses and other similar enterprises, tools and vehicles (Poverty Assessment 1994). The implications for policy is that programs need to meet felt needs of households first even as they address their secondary and tertiary needs. It is important therefore not just to seek the views of communities about their perceived needs but to also use that information to modify development support. In this context, it is interesting to note that whereas participatory assessment findings in Zambia indicate that the felt needs of communities are water, transport and health facilities, these are not the areas that communities have sought support in through the microprojects unit. It is important to identify where this distortion occurs - communities might think that the microprojects only support school rehabilitation, or the community leaders might be imposing their own perceptions on the communities. An important role of the W1D department is to identify such distortions between what beneficiaries want/need and what is being made available to them and to correct them. Chart 2.1 summarizes this reciprocity. Trends in Household Incomes and Expenditures 2.34 The very sharp increase in consumer prices after the final elimination of price controls and subsidies in 1992 has had the near ·universal effect of raising the food share in household budgets. Low expenditure elasticities for maize meal and roller meal in low-income urban and rural households limited opportunities for switching consumption pa~ems, although some switching clearly has taken place as demands for non-cereals such as cassava have increased in urban areas. Low-income households already devoting 60 percent of their total expenditure to food have had little 'slack' to cushion the effects 17 of rapid inflation. 3 The result has been a squeezing out even of essential non-food expenditures in order to maintain consumption levels. The share of total expenditures devoted to human capital for example - health and education - is proportionately small in monetary terms but there seems to be evidence of a major decline in the share of medical and education purchases in the budget of high-income households. In the very poorest households the ability to maintain nutritionally adequate consumption levels is in doubt, as the cost of a nutritionally adequate food basket escalated above average per capita expenditure and income levels. .. . 2.35 The impact of increasing food prices, therefore, differs by sub-group. Increased food prices is good for food producers but net effect on welfare depends on whether the household is a net purchaser or producer of food. Households that are net producers benefit. Programs such as PAM need to carefully monitor consumption insecure households when food prices increase and provide subsidization to prevent them from falling below the safety net. Food for work programs and supplementary feeding of malnourished under-fives would be more effective than actual handouts. In addition, microlevel analysis of trends in consumption patterns needs to be undertaken either by PAM or the PIC to identify short term versus long term effects, both negative and positive. It is such data that will help policy makers to make a true evaluation of the adjustment program. Coping Strategies 2.36 Several studies (Munachonga, NFNC, poverty assessment) indicate that in response to rising prices, household members were attempting to smooth consumption either by borrowing money, reducing ·the frequency of buying foodstuffs, particularly protein foods, reducing the number of meals per day and substituting foods consumed at each meal with the cheapest (sometimes inferior) items they could find on the market. 2.37 Such coping strategies have a price at the human or economic level which further erodes the basis of survival. People sell assets - goats or cows which take years to accumulate, when the next crisis hits, they have no resilience. The crisis is such that almost everyone is poor and remittances from urban to rural areas are no longer feasible because those in the urban areas have no spare income for relatives. Households are surviving because women's contributions close the resource gap by taking on additional income generating activities such as breaking stones. The result is a longer working day, in some cases stretching to 14 hours. The implications on women's health and that of their children has yet to be gauged. Government and NGOs should build upon the more productive coping strategies that are emerging such as vegetable gardening or petty trading and support women to channel their energies to these activities that give a higher return to labor. Mealie meal prices rose from K14.85 per 2S l:g bag in 1988 to KJ,500 per bag in 1993. Whereas real prices calculation shows that this is a rise of only KJ (from K7.23-KI0.46). this does not reflect consumer reality given that salaries of farm workers rose no more 1han I 00 percent during the same period. 18  2.38 Evidence on the differential impact within households and between household types is less forthcoming, but no less important. The visible signs of coping hinge on the invisible contributions of women. Munachonga suggests that the pattern of income allocation and control in joint households actually added to the financial strain on women. Reporting on systems of money allocation, Munachonga found that no wife was in total control of all the family income, while a large proportion had no access to a. • husband's income. The majority of wives received fixed allowances in which the amounts were fixed by the earners (husbands). Unless negotiations over allowances .. could be made many wives had to find alternative strategies for maintaining consumption levels, either by taking on additional business or by substituting cheaper and often inferior foods into the diet. In other cases, consumption levels had to be reduced. This finding reiterates the point made earlier about the importance of making women own/account producers . • 19  CHAPTER 3: GENDER, POVERTY REDUCTION AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT RAISING THE ASSET BASE OF THE POOR - HUMAN RESOURCES 3.1 People are the ends and the means of development and improvement in their quality of life is the ultimate challenge of development. This implies higher incomes, better education. higher standards of health and nutrition, and more equality of opportunity. The components of human resource development programs are linked in a mutually reinforcing manner. Education is a sine qua non of development in that it is linked to virtually all important indicators of development which are both intra and inter- generational. Education improves the quality of life, it promotes health expands access to paid employment, and increases productivity in market and non•market work. Increasing the average amount of education by one year raises GDP by 9 percent (WDR 1990). This holds for the first three years of education then the returns diminish to about 4 percent. These benefits are especially large for women. Studies confirm that failing to raise women's level of education closer to men's detracts from the social benefits of raising men's. 3.2 Better health and nutrition releases resources that can then be used to achieve other development goals, it raises workers' productivity, influences children ability and motivation to learn. and has beneficial effects on labor productivity. What people do with their health depends on income and knowledge factors that are shaped by education and access to physical assets. Policies that accelerate income growth and reduce poverty make it possible for people to afford better diets healthier living conditions and better health care. Similarly, policies to expand education opportunities for girls help households achieve healthy lives by increasing their access to information. When all these policies are combined they create a virtuous cycle. Family planning improves maternal and child health: healthier children are more likely to attend and remain in school: mothers education is inversely related to child mortality; and raising the educational level enhances agricultural. productivity. . 20  HUMAN CAPITAL DIAMOND EXTRANEOUSFACfORS Appropriateness Quantity Political Stability Mix Macroeconomic Stability Distribution Economic and Social Policies Timeliness R • Employment opportumtles Higher incomes Higher output per capita Decline fertility Longevity/Physical strength Increased household income Entrepreneurship Affordability Literacy Awareness (KAP) Immunization levels Cultural Values Hospital Admission Chart 3.1: Human Capital Diamond Human Resources 3.3 The ability to accumulate human capital in Zambia is detennined. to a large extent by conditions in the provision of public health and education services, family planning and nutrition information, sanitation and water services. It is also determined by income and resource conditions affecting individuals and households seeking human capital. Both of these sets of conditions are currently in crisis in Zambia. During the last ten years, for every indicator, the soc.ial service indicator declined or worsened except for slight increases in access to safe water and sanitation for rural populations (see Table 3.1 below). The impact on the stock of human capital resources is only beginning to he felt, but clearly if the process continues many of the small but effective gains made in the past two decades will be lost. 3.4 Benefits from heavy public investment in the social sectors during the first decade after independence are beginning to come on stream in the shape of improvements in lower total fertility levels, a delay of about two years in the average marriage age, a narrowing or the gender gap in primary education, significant rise in the participation of women in the labor market and an increase in life expectancy. Indirect 21  evidence also suggests that the existing core of reasonably well educated cadre of Zambians, were able to devise effective survival strategies during the period of steep economic decline which created a buffer against even greater erosion in the quality of life. Table 3.1: Selected SociaJ Indicators .. SOCIAL INDICATOR I SELECTED \'EARS I SELECTED \'EARS % low birth weight 10.2 (1986) I 1.9 (1988) % underweight 13.6 (1985) 23 (1990) % immunized for :measles 80.0 (1987) 69 (1992) :DPT 83.0 (1987) 67 (1992) Daily calorie intake 2,227 (1980) 1,881 (1991) % trained antenatal coverage 84.1 (1985) 80 (1990) % access to safe water :urban 70 (1985) 66 (1990) :rural 41 47 % access to sanitation :urban 76 (1985) 66 (1990) :rural 34 37 Per capita public expenditure on 25.6 (1982) 8.2 (1990) education (1985 $) Source: Seshamani,V. et al 1993 Zambia: Constraints to Social Service Delivery. A World Bank Commissioned Study. 3.5 Hardly had these benefits taken root, however, than they began to be subverted by the general economic decline which now threatens the solid base that had been established. A somber conclusion from the I992 OHS is that child survival is much worse today than it was ten years ago; there has been a decline in overall school enrollment ratios as well as in the quality of education; the gender gap in education has begun to widen and new health problems such as chloroquine resistant malaria and AIDS absorb resources that would otherwise be spent on improvements in general health. lousehold incomes have fallen dramatically as a result of the contraction of the overall resource base and a reduction in the absorptive capacity of the labor market and this has in turn exacerbated the quality decline in living standards. Unless urgent action is taken • to protect the human resource base from further erosion, there is sufficient evidence to indicate that economic recovery will be much slower and that the future stock of human capital may be unable to attain its full potential. 3.6 During the years of prosperity, 1964-1974, government invested heavily in the social sectors. As a result, school enrollment showed marked improvements in total 22  enrollment and the proportion of girls to boys enrolled at primary level. Between 1964- 78 primary, secondary, technical vocational grew at J 55, 520, and 336 percent .respectively. Between 1964-1977, the number of hospitals increased by about 80 percent and in-patient accommodation nearly doubled. Health institutions grew from 48 hospitals and 306 health centers in 1964 to 82 hospitals and over 900 health centers in 1990. 3.7 During the last two decades, however, the compounded effect of overall decline in government expenditure, a fast population growth, and intra-sectoral distributions that are skewed in favor of the tertiary sectors, has been a real decline in the provision for social sectors. Between 1975-1989, GRZ recurrent expenditure declined by 25 percent while capital expenditure declined by 65 percent. Between 1984 to 1990, the proportional expenditure in education dropped from 16.8 to 9. l percent and in health it dropped from 7.6 to 6.3 percent. Secondly, the distribution of those resources across regions and across the sectors, is badly skewed - 76 percent of the physicians are still in urban areas as are 80 percent of the nurses. Similarly, in 1992, 20.5 percent of the MOH budget was allocated to the university teaching hospital (UTH) and unit costs primary: university were I: 162. Although there has been a significant donor replacement input that has somewhat narrowed the resource gap, poor coordination and utilization of donor funds have reduced the impact. 3.8 . The result is that since 1985, there is virtual stagnation in the expansion of physical health and education facilities . Available data suggests that there has been no new Government hospital built since 1980 in spite of the fact that the population has increased by 2 million. UTH which was redesigned in 1971 as a 600 bed facility now has a capacity of up to 1835 beds. In the same way, fewer than ten new schools have been built in Lusaka in the last decade in spite of an urban growth rate of about 6 . percent. The result is a decline in quality of service delivery due to the absence of resources for essential running costs and supplies as well as severe congestion in these facilities. Many urban primary schools have triple and quadruple shifts: patients are expected to take food, blankets and even writing paper {for their prescriptions), when they are admitted to hospitals. 3.9 Today the quality oflife of people in the rural areas, as well as those in the urban areas is much worse than it was in 1968. Data sets from the 1992 ZDHS and the Priority Survey indicate a stagnation in improvements of social infrastructure. The data also re.ve.als reversals in social indicators. Primary school enrollments have declined from a high of 96. l percent in 1985 to about 70 percent in 1991 , the infant mortality rate has increased from 97 per 1,000 live births in 1980 to I 05 in 1992 while 40 percent of children 0-5 years are chronically malnourished. In addition, new p.roblems have emerged that further undermine the quality of life. They include AIDS and drug resistant malaria. Specific sectoral issues are discussed in greater detail below. 3. IO Starting J 992, Government has embarked on a series of programs aimed at improving social service delivery. They include increased public sector allocation to the 23 social sectors~ with specific increases for basic services and for recurrent departmental charges (RDC); decentralization of services to the provinc,ial and district levels as well as greater involvement of communities and the private sector in the delivery of services. The task at hand is, however, a difficult one because the erosion has been so severe. 3, 11 It is important to defend core expenditures against revenue shortfalls and to build in contingencies to ensure expenditure protection. The definition of core expenditures needs to be refined to identify expenditures with low kwacba or development costs but high social rates of return. These include primary health care, MCH, AIDS _ awareness and counseling family life education, agricultural extension and research. This involves more than inter-sectoral reallocations. It implies a fundamental shift in public sector analysis to reflect these priorities. 3.12 The monitoring of budgets needs to be improved beyond the provincial level. Monitoring should include how monies are spent and indicators of qualitative change that are disaggregated by gender. The monitoring process should feed into a post-budget evaluation ·process and guide the next round of budget priorities. Education Formal Education 3.1.3 At the very heart of efforts to assist the world's most impoverished people in their struggle to obtain the essentials of livelihood - food, shelter and a secure future - lies education. An impressive and incontrovertible bond of evidence links educational attainment to virtually all development indicators of significance. 3.14 Evidence is conclusive that a mother's education is easily the single most important determinant of a family's health and nutrition. Deterioration in education standards and worsening maternal health and infant mortality has serious consequences for individual and household well being and for the entire adjustment effort. 3.15 Urgent attention to the human capital needs of women is justified by evidence showing: (a) High social rates of return to improvements in female education and health in terms of positive impact on fertility and infant mortality. The education of young girls provides not only security for them, but also empowers them to make considered decision about their reproduction. Women's education is indirectly related to fertility and infant mortality levels, the higher the level of education of women, the lower the fertility and infant mortality rates. The 1993 World Development Report (WDR) indicates that demographic health surveys in 25 countries show that all else be.ing equal, even one to three years of schooling reduces child mortality by about 15 percent whereas a similar level of paternal schooling achieves a 6 percent reduction. Studies in 24  India and Kenya, show that two maternal deaths and about 45 infant deaths would be averted for every 1000 girls provided with one extra year of schooling. Data from the Zambia 1992 Demographic HeaJth Survey (OHS) supports most of these claims. As can be seen from figure 3.2 below~ child and infant mortality are particularly sensitive to mother's education. Children of mothers with no education are more likely to die than those whose mothers have had some education and the survival rates increase with the level of their mother's education (under-5 mortality, 204.4 deaths per 1,000 live births for women with no education, 181.7 for those with primary education and 134.8 for secondary educated mothers (OHS 1992). Infant and Child Mortality Child lntwit Neonatal Postnatal Incidence by Age I. none 0 pri!Dllry • secondary and above I Chart 3.2: Infant and hild Mortality (b) Positive correlations between female human capital endowment, employment, labor productivity and earnings. In Zambia, female labor force participation has increased but lags behind gains in education. The relationship between women's education, employment and earnings status is not straightforward complicated, firstly, by the low proportion of women workers in the "formal sector" labor force where data on earnings and education are most comprehensive, and secondly, until recently, by legal restrictions on women's entry into jobs in primary industries and by implicit wage and occupationaJ discrimination in the formal labor market. Low absorptive capacity of the labor market further diminishes the gains to education especially for women whose numbers in the labor market were just beginning to swell. 25  Table 3.2: Total Monthly Income by Education Status No Education Primary School Secondary School Higher Education Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) 0 1.58 1.60 0.20 0.10 0.08 0.00 0.00 0.00 < IOOO 49.43 48.04 30.16 29.98 17.78 16.08 7.09 4.26 1,001-5,000 31.14 32.32 36.60 36.54 33.02 32.27 15.01 22.51 5,001-10,000 8.59 8.60 16.19 16.14 22.37 23.87 22.63 22.88 10,001-15 .000 3.37 3.17 6.59 6.52 10.21 11.27 17.55 15.50 15,001-20,000 1.37 1.50 2.72 3.18 4.80 4.90 13.87 8.74 >20,000 4.52 4.77 7.55 7.56 t 1.74 11.60 23.85 26.12 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 I00.00 100.00 100.00 ]00.00 100.00 Table 3.2 above summarizes data on education and incomes. These data suggest that at the middle and lower levels, male earnings are higher than female earnings but that at the higher income levels, fomale earnings are on a par or even higher than male earnings. What this implies is that once women break through certain education and training as well as employment barriers, the playing field levels off But getting to the stage of breaking the barriers is made difficult by the school differentials of access performance and attainment discussed above. Clearly Zambian women are not reaping the full benefit of their education because of the general contraction of formal employment and the economy generally. This in no way negates the centrality of female education if anything it makes it imperative to strengthen it since this is what will finally spur economic growth. (c) Performance shortfalls between girls and boys in school due to inadequate attention being given to the needs of girls at school and to the specific problems of retaining girls. (d) Higher private opportunity costs of girls education, especialJy in poor households where the contribution of girls to non-market activities makes it expensive to invest in them. While there is little hard evidence that this is a 1 widespread problem in Zambia: the home care need of AIDS patients is impacting on girls school attendance. (e) Linkages between reproductive health and the impact on the quality of the stock of the next generation. About 90 percent of a child's brain is .fully developed by the time they are five years old. Malnutrition in utero and 26  during the first few years of life pennanently impairs brain development, thereby undercutting the productive potential of the individual. Secondly, malnourished girls often have small bone structures and this sometimes results in low birth weight babies. It is also a major cause of complications during delivery. In addition, education is inversely related with fertility rates and with birth spacing both of which have an impact on child health and on population growth. The annex contains a bar chart showing the relationship between education and contraceptive use. 3.16 In Zambia, primary school enrollments have stagnated, and in some districts, declined since 1985. Regional equity is a major concern. Available data also indicates that survival rates from grade 1 to 7 have worsened - survival rates for those who graduated from grade 7 in 1989, were 100 percent of the boys and 88 percent of the girls wttile in the 1993 cohort, it is 90 percent of the boys and 82 percent of the girls. These rates would be much lower if repeaters and overage pupils were not included. The Priority Survey indicates that net enrollments have dropped to 70 percent of the relevant age group which is a decrease of about l O percentage points in a period of ten years. 3.17 As primary school enrollments grew, the gender gap in education decreased. At the primary school level, enrollment rates of girls are virtually at par with those of boys. Girls comprise about one third of secondary school enrollments while at the post- secondary level, the gap is wider with women representing about 23 percent of enrollments at the technical and vocational institutions and at the university. Recent data indicates that the gender gap has began to grow again as the reversal trend has set in. More importantly, the gender gap in quality is wider with very low representation of women in the sciences and technical fields and with lower attainment levels in examinations. 3.18 The tables below highlight regional equity concerns that are usually masked by nationally aggregated data. They demonstrate several important points. The first is the bi-modal nature of education participation. Copperbelt Lusaka and Central Province, which are well endowed, have hi gh enrollment and retention rates. Jn contrast, Eastern. Western, Northwestern and Luapula have low enroUment and high wastage rates for boys and girls. Secondly, in the provinces where enrollments and retention rates are high, there is virtual gender parity again, in sharp contrast to the low participation provinces. The high gender gap in Northwestern, Eastern, and Luapula needs careful investigation. Further data. disaggregation is necessary in order to identify districts or even communities that are most severely affected. Pulling these areas out of poverty will be slowed down unless the bottlenecks in education, male and female, are removed. 27  Chart 3.3: PARTICIPATION AND SURVIVAL RATES IN PRlMARY SCHOOL . -. ... . ,- I I I '1 I I -,I I I ,I I I ·, I ".~ ·'' I I I I I ·-:a , f .••. .1 •• I • I ,I ··: 1 I ti .. .I 1 . :·1 ;1 ~'I -1 ._ r:: ~I I I I I I I .I I ,1 ·= I I I :~:= ,. :1 I I :1 ·:·i I ,I j .I ·I . "' I I ,...... ZAMBIA NORTHERN PROVINCE I I I I •• -~~· • ;1 . ~ 'I I I I I ] ·I I :· 1 I I I I •• 'I J,• . • ~ I i ·- I I ·I :I I I -~I I Tl ·.1 I I -I :1 I .I I I I I ·.,, - ·1 - I I ~ I I I .'. I •• I I ·1 " '~I LUSAKA WESTERN PROVJNCE I I I ] :1 I I I I 'I ~ C 'I . • I I I I I I I I I I •• I '1 ' I I ·: 1 :.I 1 1 .I ·111 I · I I I I I I ,I I I I I "! -1 I I ·1 ·1 i CENTRAL PROVINCE NORTHWESTERN PROVINCE .- -.- .I I • • . . I . I •• :'.·1 I '- I I I I I I I I 1"·"' I •• I -=i I I I I I I I I = I I I I I I I I 1,111 I I I ·I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I •• :I :1 ,I :1 I i ] 1 I I I •• I :1 I ~• ., II •• •• I COPPERBELT PROVINCE SOUTHERN PROVINCE I ·II , I ·;· -:I I , I I I lI ,I -. .. " I I I I I EASTERN PROVINCE I ·I • • • "'.'I .I • • !I ,I I :1 -I I I I • • I •• I I "I I ·I I I •• I LUAPULA PROVINCE • • • I I I 'I ~ · ":I ·. ', I I I .,( -'· II I BOYS GIRLS Source: MOE Statistics, 1992 28 3.19 Constraints to Girls Education. With two decades of growing attention devoted to girls' education around the world the general sets of factors which influence girls' educational achievement are well known. The main ones are summarized in the chart below. Illustrative Macrolevel, Supply and Demand Factors Affecting Girl's Educational Participation MACROLEVELFACTORS Economic Development SUPPLY FACTORS (School Factora) Polley environment ............ . UPE. computsory education . entrance A• ~ l H usehold Factors) ¥ / Polley envlronfflltlf: free YI fee educ8llon Household and famly crlttrla. pregnancy tructure: policy. quotas parental education, Income, occupation, School places and residence. famly size proximity and composllon Type of sctioot ~ Ired costs of schooling: relglous, single-sex lulllon, fees, untrorma, coeducational School attributes. f alltiesllnfraatruclure ' ":,"'"·"" Hou:::::..blltes organlZalion. completeness ~rmarket opportunities Schoolqudty: material inptlts, Social belels/practi:as: marriage age, purdah, cun'lcula rellvancy role of women, Teacher attributes: dowry/brideprlca gender. atthudes. behaVior, experience • Chart 3.4: Factors Affecting Educational Participation of Girls 29 3.20 Household economics largely determine whether parents are able to spare their daughters' labor and to subsidize her education. The in-school experience, including overall quality of education and the specific experiences of girls, impinge on decisions to remain in school. The social and economic opportunities available to women shape girls' aspirations for education. To the extent that these are perceived as limited, it is reasonable for girls and their parents to choose a minimum of formal schooling. Much more attention has been devoted to the environmental factors of the domestic economy and the socio-cultural roles of women than to the in-school experiences of girls, yet these are perhaps the most amenable to systematic intervention. The Kefa study update (op cit.) aptly summarizes the prevailing social attitude in Zambia: "girls are sent to school but they never go very far with education as they soon get married. So girls are sent to school to learn to read and to write only." page 30 3.21 Studies conducted elsewhere in Anglophone Africa underscore in-school fac~ors which discourage girls in their schooling and lower their aspirations. A content analysis of Kenyan mathematics textbooks reveals highly disproportionate representations of males over females. When women do appear they are in low-status roles. What is most striking however is the virtual absence of adult women in the texts. While empirical evidence is lacking that gender-balanced representation directly raises girls' learning, common sense dictates that the reverse is likely to be true. Studies as far flung as the U.S. (AAUW 1992) and Tanzania (Mbilinyi and others 1991) reveal the depth of gender biases in the educational environment, ranging from a shortage of female administrators to teacher complicity in the demeaning of girls and women to relative disregard for girls as learners. Mbilinyi and her colleagues talk about the "macho environment" of Tanzanian schools, characterized by authoritarian management and perpetuated by the difficulties of teaching large classes. In Tanzania as in the U.S., girls are socialized to be less demanding of attention than boys; their needs get lost the daily challenge of managing large and poorly-resourced classrooms. Reducing class sizes to a level in which teachers can attend to quieter students is not possible in the medium term. What can be done in the interim is to convey a nonn of non-discrimination to educators. and to provide some basic skills for overcoming the most blatant fonns of differential treatment in the classroom. 3.22 As proposed in the Zambia education rehabilitation project, pre-service or in- service teachers can be given the opportunity to observe each others' practice teaching and to note differential levels and styles of teacher interaction with girls and boys. Even among "gender sensitized" teachers in the U.S., Australia and the U.K., many have been surprised when viewing videotapes of their own lessons to discover how much more attention they directed to boys than to girls. Another important need is for teachers to learn to identify words and actions that are demeaning to or discouraging of girls, and to have models for addressing these. The most effective strategies are likely to be those that draw on positive values within Zambian cultures as rationale. Thus, these should be developed and tried out by gender-sensitive Zambian educators. 30 3.23 The girls themselves need times and spaces where they can develop their own sense of personal efficacy, apart from social expectations that are carried into the classroom. Science classes provide an effective venue for such.development If it is true in Zambia as it is in so many other countries that boys dominate mixed-gender learning groups then it makes sense to have students work in single-gender groups, so that girls will have a chance to express themselves and to explore the lesson under study. Science and mathematics lessons are particularly appropriate subjects for focusing pedagogical efforts for gender equity. In most countries, these are the critical pedagogical areas for determining success in education; they are also most likely to be the areas in which girls achieve at a noticeably lower·level than boys. · 3.24 Though sex education tends to be controversial in all countries, young women must know how to make informed sexual decisions. if they are to attain higher levels of education. Young women need information about contraception, access to contraceptive devices, and opportunities to discuss sexuali·ty in safe environments so that they can make informed choices. Some of this can best be addressed outside of schools, through informational campaigns. In Zambia where rates of teen-age pregnancy and of HIV are so high, it is imperative that young women know how to protect themselves both from pregnancy and from STDs. Health education curriculum for young adolescents should include honest and straightforward discussions of these issues. 3.25 Finally, in the push to redistribute educational funding in part by cutting secondary boarding subsidies it should be remembered that many girls will only be able to attend secondary schools if boarding facilities are provided. Studies in Malawi show that many teenage boys set up housekeeping with other students while attending secondary schoot this option is not attractive to girls or their parents. Thus, boarding facilities for girls are likely to require expansion than contraction~ if we hope to raise girls' aspirations for education. 3.26 Perceptions and Self Esteem. This constraint is highlighted because it lies at the heart of the gender gap in education. Low esteem that may be triggered by poor classroom practices, is reinforced by poor attainment levels, by poor employment prospects and by low social status accorded to women and girls. These factors reinforce each other to perpetuate stereotypes which then bec-0me enforced in the classroom and in public discourse. The effects are far reaching. A study conducted in Zimbabwe of some 2,000 pupils asked boys and girls what they would have chosen to become had they been given the choice. Ninety percent of the girls indicated that they would have preferred to be born male because the" life of girls was so difficult". In sharp contrast to this, oone of the boys would have chosen to be born girls (Micere Mugo, 1992). Similarly, a study of adolescent fertility in Kenya (Ogada 1983) related high rates of school pregnancy to • hopelessness. low esteem and poor performance in schoot further linking it to poverty. Other studies. (Cherlin and Riley 1986) attribute school pregnancy to a search for escape from hopeless educational options and into security that comes with the motherhood status. 31  3.27 Changing images and perceptions will come first with perceived changes in the status of women and secondly with changes in attitudes. There are fundamental cultural barriers to overcome. In many cultures, the word for woman aptly reflects the value system. Among the Luo, it is 'the one who cooks,' among Kikuyus, it is 'the one who never speaks.' In addition, the identification of girls with marriage reinforces the educational gender gap. In Zambia, initiation rites such as 'kitchen parties' contribute to hjgh school drop out at menarche. While greater participation of women in the formal markets will gradually change some of these perceptions, it is necessary to undertake ... conscience-raising activities such as women's discussion fora, community theater groups, creativity writing associations, school competitions and youth day programs that will go hand in hand with reforms that are economically empowering. Supporting Non-Formal Education 3.28 Some form of education is critically needed for those mothers in the 15-25 age range who have had little formal schooling because they drop out of school before they have developed usable skills. These educational needs are wide-ranging and include skills training for work in the formal or non-formal sectors~ agricultural training; nutrition education; child spacing and sexual health education; and legal rights. The high rates of adolescent pregnancy in Zambia (one quarter of the l 5-19 year olds are mothers) imply that girls leave school to become mothers before they are functionally literate and before they have acquired usable skills. Without such skills, they cannot provide for their babies, who then become malnourished and this creates and perpetuates the cycle of poverty. 3.29 In the population, 24.8 percent of the males and 33.89 percent of the females over 15 years of age have no education. Among adults over thirty years old, the proportion of women with no education is three times the proportion of me,n with no education (60 versus IO percent) but among the 15-19 age group the proportion is considerably smaller. One fifth of the population age 6 and over has received no formal education (I 5 percent males and 24 percent of females). About 60 percent of both males and females have attended primary school and 22 percent of males and 13 percent of females have attended secondary school. The proportion with no education is much higher in rural areas than in urban areas for both males and females. Rural residents are more than three times as likely to have never attended school (30 percent) as urban dwellers (9 percent). Eastern Province has the highest proportion of both men and women with no education while Copperbelt has the lowest (ZDHS 1993). ' 3.30 World-wide large-scale non-fonnal education (NFE) programs have shown mixed results. Two of the more successful among these Thailand's and Indonesia's NFE • programs, demonstrate two features that are necessary to effective NFE. The Lndonesian skjl1s training progran1 includes a revolving credit fund which enables learners to establish small enterprises. It also includes mechanisms for learners' groups to replenish the credit fund from their own earnings, making it possible to extend the program to others. Both countries' programs also emphasize flexibility and local adaptability. A 32 third feature of successful programs is that they support the creation of networks of learners and doers. 3.31 In general, small-scale NGO-run non-formal education programs appear to be more effective than large scale government programs. This is not surprising. The learning needs of adults are situation specific~ small programs are more likely to identify these needs accurately and to design programs in accordance with the demands placed on their participants. As with the Indonesia case, analysis of NGO run non-formal education programs underscore the importance of complementing education and training with material resources. Acquiring literacy in and of itself is rarely sufficient motivation for people who are struggling to survive to devote time and energy to learning. Access to resources motivates adults to learn and makes it possible for them to act on new knowledge. This principle is easiest to see in employment or production related programs but it applies equally to NFE in the realms of health, legal rights,. and community development. The Ministries of Community Development and that of Technical and Vocational Education need to forge links between literacy and vocation. 3.32 Some NGOs in Zambia are already supporting small-scale and local non-formal education. It would not be terribly costly to provide additional support for service- delivery NGOs to develop NFE in accordance with local needs. The strength of NGOs as education providers lie in their connections with local c-0mmunities. A mothers' education fund could be created within the SRF to suppon NGOs in the development of short educational programs which address the specific·needs of their own clienteles. The weakness of this approach is that it does not guarantee universal coverage~ it would encourage NGOs to develop more diverse programming in the locales where they already operate. At the same time, the needs are so great that such an approach would, at least, provide a starting point for increasing young women's knowledge of critical issues in their lives, like how to run a small business, increase agricultural productivity, and safeguard their own health as well as that of their children. Supporting Early Childhood Development and Care 3.33 Programs for early childhood education and care demonstrate how interventions that are targeted at women are so powerfully catalytic to development. Child care releases women's time which they can then devote to other activities. This is an increasingly important need given the breakdown in social support structures for child care and the increasing role of women in extra-domestic activities. The profound economic implications of releasing more of women's time are discussed in para 2.24. Secondly, effective child care has benefits that shape the long tenn effectiveness of the child into adulthood. The most systematic analysis of the effect of early education ... intervention on disadvantaged young people is the Perry Pre-school Project that traced th~ effects of the program on American children from age 3 -15 years. The children in the sample started out in a condition of poverty and appeared to have low cognitive ability. Results show significant reduction in delinquency, higher achievement levels in school, higher self esteem and significant gains in mother's time. Thirdly, child care 33  programs can be effective vehicles of heaJth and education training for mothers. Finally, such programs can be an important sourl;e of income generation for women as demonstrated by the example from Colombia below. Box 3.1: COLOMBIA: Hogares de Bienestar, A Home-Based Approach In responding to the needs of the vulnerable groups, the government developed a system of Hogares Bienestar, literally ''Homes of Well-Being," under the coordination of the Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar. The program promises to go to scale to reach Colombia's 1.5 million malnourished children from birth to age 7 by 1992. [n 1990, approximately 394,000 children, 27 percent of the 1992 goal, were receiving service. nlike many e isting services, the program is based in the community, which is responsible for the local organization and management of the project. The objective of this initiative is to provide care for children homes located within their own neighborhoods. The community detennines the number of homes necessary to meet the needs of the children under the age of 7. Through government and private financing, funds are provided to upgrade neighborhood homes and provide training for mothers. The program includes a balanced diet as well as attention to the conditions necessary to foster children' physical. psychological, and social development. In addition, the program gives the community a en e of control over social and economic development. The program begins with an analysis of the community's needs for services. Once the children are identified, the community appoints mothers to implement the program. The appointed mothers are instructed in the care and development of children as well as family and community relation hips, nutrition and health. Once trained, each of the community mothers cares for approximately 15 children between the ages of 2 and 7 years in her own home. Each child is given a "scholarship" by the government, which constitutes the income for the community mother. The program is managed by the community through a board of parents, who are responsible for purchases and payments to the community mothers. The program is coordinated by the ICBF with additional responsibilitie shared by the Ministry of Public Health, the national ervice for vocational training, and other governmental and private organizations. Source: UNICEF 1992. Towards a Comprehensive Slrate&'Y for the Development of the Ymmg Child. • 3.34 International experience on integrating women's work and child care demonstrates that: no one program solution works - large scale provision must be seen as the sum of diverse small scale programs that are able to respond to particular needs; strengthening traditional patterns of chjld care is one of the most sustainable approach; the care provided by extended family members or neighbors can be strengthened by providing care givers with education training and access to existing supportive services. 34 3.35 Some of the approaches that meet these objectives are summarized rn Table 3.3 below. Table 3.3: Complementary Approaches to Programming for Early Childhood Care and Development Program Pa.rticipants/ Models Approach Beneficiaries Objectives I. Deliver a • The Child • Survival • Home day care serv1ce 0-2 years • Comprehensive development • Integrated child development 3-6 ye.irs • Socialization centers 0-6 years • Rehabilitation • "Add-on" centers • lmprovement of child care • Preschools (formal/non-formal) 2. Educate • Parents, family • Create awareness • Home visiting caregivers • Sibling(s) • Change attitudes • Parental education • Public • Improve/change practices • Child-to-child programs 3. Promote • Community • Create awareness • Technical mobilization community • Leaders • Mobilize for action • Social mobilization development • Promoters • Change conditions 4. Strengthen • Program personnel • Create awareness • Training national resources professionals • Improve skills • Experimental, demonstration and capabilities paraprofessionals • Increase material projects • Strengthening infrastructure 5 Stren.!,>1.hen • Policy-makers • Create awareness • Social marketing demand and • Public • Build political will • Ethos creation awareness • Professionals • lncre.ase demand • Knowledge dissemination • Change attitudes 6. Develop • Lawyers • Increase awareness of rights • Workplace supportive legal • Regulatory agencies and legal resources • Day care facilities and regulatory • Women's groups and • Increase use oflLO legisl.lllion • Protective environment.al frameworks alliances • Increase monitoring and standards compliance of international • Maternal leave and benefits conventions • Support breastfeeding for work.ing mothers • Family legislation 7. Develop • Families with young • Encournge family sensitive • Innovative joint public/private national child care children employment and social seivice arrangements delivery systems • Tax incentives for formal quasi- formal private enterprises - -· Source· UNICEF 1992. Towards Comprehemive Stralegy for rhe Developmelll oftht! Young Child 3.36 There are many instructive lessons that Zambia could draw from this table that could then be used flexibly to meet the varying needs of women and children. Zambia has a well articulated national policy on early childhood education (ECE) but its 35 implementation is weak. ECE is covered administratively by six different ministries - Community Development Education, Local Government, Social Services, Labor, and Health with little internal coordination between them. Less than four percent of children are enrolled in pre-school although this reflects only the formally registered facilities. Only half of the pre-schools are registered, but there is some unquantified NGO and church provision of ECE. Government institutions produce fewer than 50 teachers per year. Employed mothers in the urban areas are in great need but in the rural areas, mothers either take the children with them or leave them with neighbors. 3.37 Early childhood education and development programs are an urgent and important need that should receive government and NGO support. There is a great unmet need here which has not, surprisingly been addressed by the · Social Action programs under the general ambit of the micro-projects unit. These programs should be fully integrated to address issues of maternal health, child nutrition and to provide micronutrients supplementation. Possible funding for such programs was discussed in the division of labor section earlier (para 2.25). Health. Nutrition and Population 3.38 A serious outcome of the decline in resources going to the health sector in Zambia is that many preventable diseases - malaria, cholera, tuberculosis, diarrhea diseases, have become endemic. The burden of disease on overall national production is enormous. 1n addition to actual working days lost due to illness (the cost of this was discussed under division of labor) there are the direct costs of health care; the reduction in the quality of labor, and the long term affects on learning and achievement for children who are chronically ill. As the primmy care givers, women can be a powerful and cost effective lever in the prevention and management of disease especially communicable and environmentally related diseases. To do this effectively, they need the knowledge. The fact that education is inversely related to child mortality and morbidity demonstrates the value of giving mothers relevant information. As part of the ongoing health reform, it is recommended that women be made more central to the delivery.process. 3.39 Zambia is one of the few countries in the world where infant mortality is on the increase. The current IMR is about 107 per 1000 live births with a low of 69 in the Copperbelt and a high of 149 in Luapula. In Luapula Province, 25 percent of children do not live to see their fifth birthday. Many of the causes of infant mortality are preventable. They include a large number of high risk pregnancies as discussed below, environm nt ly related diseases especially malaria and diarrhea and malnutrition related illnesse especiall · during weaning. All these are problems Which basic health information in the hands of the mother, can prevent. Early childhood care centers, discussed earlier have proved to hC' effective avenues for sharing such information as have maternal and child health clinic Trends in IMR are shown in Chart 3.5 below. 36 3 .40 Maternal mortality is also on the increase from l l O per l 00 000 deliveries in 1989 to about 200 per 100,000 deliveries. A study in Mongu district showed levels of 889 per 100,000 deliveries but there is no data to show how widespread such high levels are. Infant Mortality Rate (Per thousands live births) 1 10 l 05 100 95 90 85 80 - - ~ - - ~...........~ - - ~ - - ~ ~ - - ~ - - ~ - - ~ ~ - - ~ - - ~......- - ~ ~ 1980 1981 1982 1983 198<1 1985 1 986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1 991 Chart 3.5: Infant Mortality Rate 3.41 After perinatal ca,es. , malaria is the top most cause of all hospital admissions for children under 4 years (31-34 percent) and adults (25 percent). The increase in the incidence of malaria is due to a decrease in malaria control activities as a result of resource constraints and partly as a result of drug resistant malaria parasites. Even when it does not kill, malaria is very debilitating. Malaria peaks are in the wet season which is also the planting season. More effective control of malaria, identification of worst hit areas, and targeted support to them before the outbreaks will have positive health and agricultural outcomes. Cholera epidemics have become an annual menace in urban areas. In 199 l there were 12 000 cases with a 7.9 percent fatality rate. 3.42 AIDS: The first people with AIDS in Zambia were diagnosed in 1984. Since then the cumulative total number of notified people with AlDS and AIDS related complications has increased to about 30,000 of whom about 2,000 were dead by end of 1993. About 40 percent of patients admitted in Ndola Central hospital in 1992, 30 percent of them were H[V seropositive (health sector study 1992). Other data, mainly from the sentinel sites in the country, show high levels of HIV infection among both male and female who present at the sm clinics. By province, no fewer than 33 percent and as many as 71 percent of STD • clinic patients were found to be HIV seropositive in a 1991 study. In Lusaka, HTV infection level among STD clinic patients is estimated at 54 percent. The number has been growing rapidly especially among heterosexual skilled people. The level of infection for pregnant women has increased from 8 percent in 1985 to about 25 percent in 1990. It is estimated 37  that new cases are likely to grow to 33.000-55,000 in 1995. AIDS threatens the core of production - through loss of skilled labor force (that is already eroded by wage decreases which have led to migration to neighboring countries); the extra burden on the public budget, the cost of home and health care and its implications for compounding the time constraints that women have as care givers. 3.43 The many dimensions of the impact of HIV/AIDS require a multidimensional approach that is well coordinated. The Ministry of Community Services is involved in coordinating the efforts to mobilize local support for AIDS orphans; WHO, UNICEF and other international agencies are involved in the support of the AIDS program and there are at least 14 registered NGO that are involved in AIDS activities. The MOH has a critical role to play in coordinating 'fue various activities especially in order to ensure that (i) the HIV sero- surveillance system maintains an accurate and up to date data base on trends and issues related to HJV/AfDS; (ii) home care teams have the requisite infonnation on handling of AIDS patients as well as the basic health kit especially gloves; (iii) broaden the training of AIDS counselors beyond the health trained teams to include volunteers from the community; (iv) develop an effective national machinery for raising awareness that motivates individuals to make the necessary modifi~ations in sexual behavior; and (v) strengthen Lhe system for social support of orphans. Zambia celebrates the national AIDS day and this should be made a much more high profile activity that forces national attention on the issue along lines similar to what was done in Uganda. 3.44 Nutrition: Long term malnutrition in Zambia places it among the countries with the highest levels of malnutrition in the world. Malnutrition is the leading cause of death in children between 0-14 years. About 40 percent of the children under five years are chronically malnourished. Acute malnutrition indicated by wasting affects 5 percent whilst the level of general undemutrition is reported at 25 percent. 3.45 The etiology of malnutrition is complex. Poverty of resources (income, potable water, food sanitation, information, health services) is the underlying cause. In rural areas the level of malnutrition is highest around April-May the "hungry season" before harvest when food supplies and meal frequency are at their lowest. The hungry season is also the period of peak agricultural labor input for women. The combination of food shortage, high labor expenditure and malaria, negatively affects the nutritional status. A study in Eastern Province in 1986 recorded a weight loss among adults averaging 2.5 kg. during this period. Malnutrition exacerbates infant mortality in that children are more susceptible to disease. Where the diet is cereal-based malnutrition is lower. Starch-based diets such as cassava have a much lower protein content and low energy density, so it bas to be eaten in large quantities to satisfy energy requirements. The combined effect of poor weaning practices, .. low energy density of the diet, oveiworked mothers, poor environmental sanitation is that growth faltering starts at six months. 3.46 About 90 percent of the a child's brain is fully developed by the time they are five years. Malnutrition in utero and during the first few years of life pennanently impairs brain development, thereby undercutting the productive potential of the individual. Secondly, 38 malnourished girls often grow up to have small pelvic bones which is associated with complications during delivery and with low birth weight babies. Thirdly, many of the diseases that cause such high infant morbidity and mortality are either facilitated or exacerbated by malnutrition. A reduction in these high levels of malnutrition requires that the various causes outlined above are addressed as a package. In particular it is urgent to remove some of the stress on the mothers, through labor saving technologies and to provide nutrition education to mothers. Some of the interventions ·that have proved effective are, those that build on the society's dietary practices, such as promoting germinated cereal porridges. These need to be widely disseminated. 3.47 Population: Sub-Saharan Africa now has twice the population it had in 1965 and , more than five times the population it had at the beginning of the century. The upward trend in population growth has greatly handicapped Africa's efforts to raise per capita incomes. Had the regions population growth followed South Asia's or Latin America's declining trend, since the early 1970s per capita incomes might now have been as much as IO percent higher than they actually are, assuming the same growth in GDP. A growing dependency ratio acts as a drag on the economy. 3.48 A rapidly growing population places an excessive burden on health and education services as a rapidly growing population is characterized by a large proportion of the population being less than 15 years old, the population that is the target of the health and education services. Almost ·half of the population is less than 15 years of age, and one half of the p'opulation is in the labor force age group, 15-64 (ZDHS 1992, 1993). 3.49 The population size in Zambia has increased from 6.7 million in 1980 to 8.2 million in 1992 and is currently growing at an estimated 3.2 percent per year, increasing from 2.6 percent in 1963. The population will double every 19 years if this growth rate continues. If the family planning target fertility rates are achieved, and a fertility rate decreases to 4, the population will not get to 17 million until 2020, effectively extending the doubling time by ten years. The high percentage of the population in the younger age groups 0-15 will, however, not change dramatically and will continue to account for almost 50 percent of the population due to the momentum of the population growth. 3.50 Although fertility rates have been declining over the past decade, currently Zambian women give birth to an average of 6.5 children during their reproductive years (ZDHS 1992, 1993). And although women are marrying somewhat later, the median age at marriage is 18 and over one-quarter of women aged 15-19 are teenage mothers. Despite an almost universal knowledge of modem contraceptive practices only 9 percent of Zambian women are using modem contraceptives. Women in urban areas use contraceptives twice as much as women in rural areas. In addition to attitudinal and infonnational constraints, a higher contraceptive prevalence rate is constrained by availability - unmet demand is about 33 percent. 3.51 An area that needs focused and urgent attention is adolescent pregnancy. The bio-social gap (gap between age at . menarche and age at first marriage) has widened 39  because menarche starts earlier and girls are getting married a little later. Many more girls become sexually active without the necessary social training for it • initiation rites revolved around both sexuality and marriage. The result is widespread risk.')' sexual activity • teenage births account for 21 percent of births in Zambia; at the UTH about 20 percent of legal and illegal abortions are performed on teenagers (in a KAP study among teenagers conducted in 1992, some girls saw abortion as the easiest fonn of family planning, others were reluctant to use family planning for fear of their parents finding out) . .. 3.52 Studies have shown that the risk of maternal and infant illness and death is highest in particular reproductive patterns. When mothers are too young or too old (less than 20 years or older than 35) when births are closer than two years, and when births are too many, the risk to the child is much greater. In Zambi_ a 35 percent of births are in these high risk categories - by the time they are 19 years old, two thirds of Zambian women have had a child or are about to have their first baby. While a decrease in the population growth rate will not reduce the number of young people in the population in the medium tenn, it can nevertheless reduce the fertility levels dramatically if the right infonnation at the right time is given to teenagers. Without it, not only will population growth.be difficult to control, but the poverty cycle will be perpetuated by these high risk births· by mothers with poor prospects for bringing up healthy children. This is another area-where the WID Department could find champions to mobilize and coordinate efforts to guide youth sexuality. The nationaJ youth day is one avenue for raising such issues and it could be preceded by seminars and workshops organized by the youth that would address their problems and needs. South Africa has developed several effective programs for articulating youth issues that include a Young Women's Network. 3.53 Many of the policy recommendations are self-evident from the foregoing discussion. In summary: Increase Expenditures to the Social Sectors: The cns1s situation described above and the reversal trend that cuts across the social sectors stems from continued and prolonged resource starvation. When government was unable to maintain the same levels of funding, communities were slow in _filling the resource gap because their participation had been weakened by years of government hand outs. Government has recently taken steps to protect social sector financing but more stringent budgetary controls are needed to protect core sub -sectors such as primary education and primary health care and to ensure that resources raise quality of services. Until the delivery of social servic·es can improve in quality, quantity and timeliness, the deterioration of quality of human .- capital will continue and Zambia will be unable to handle change or maintain a momentum for sustainable growth. Reduce the Gender Gap in Social Service Delivery: lt makes good social and economic sense to invest more aggressively in women. Reducing the gender gap in education, for example increases both internal efficiency as well as external 40  efficiency; strengthening programs for family planning releases women for productive activities and also reduces population growth which in tum releases resources that would otherwise go towards providing health care and education. Strengthen Youth Training and Employment Programs: This is one of the most neglected areas in the development of human resources in Zambia. When as is the case here, two-thirds of Zambian women have had a baby or are expecting their first child by the time they are 19 years old, programs need to be developed to give them basic training to enable them to enter the labor market. .. Without such skills they become a burden on the economy - they will have large, unhealthy families that will perpetuate the cycle of poverty. Skill development programs for these women was discussed earlier. In addition, industrial policies need to be reoriented towards tapping into such potentially cheap supply oflabor. INCREASING RETURNS TO ASSETS - AG RI CULTURE 3.54 The most reliable way to increase household food security in rural and urban areas is to enable women to increase the productivity of their food production, processing, storage and marketing. Women need improved technology for production, processing and storage. These areas are inter-related. Innovations which improve yields must be accompanied by labor-saving methods to process and store the increased output or women may be unable to actually increase total output. 3.55 The paradoxes of Zambia's rural poverty can help to indicate the possibilities and potential strategies for an anti-poverty based growth strategy. For example: (a) Eighty-five percent of the households headed by a small scale farmer (male or female) are poor, yet they account for at least half of Zambia's marketed · maize and at least 85 percent of fhe local varieties of maize consumed in rural households. (b) The contribution of subsistence agriculture (essentially food grown for own consumption) to GDP is calculated by the central statistical office to be greater than the contribution of commercial (or marketed) agriculture. This means that women farmers, who dominate subsistence production, account for the largest proportion of agricultural output in Zambia. It also means that the productivity of women farmers is a key factor in both national and household food security. (c) Unfortunately, subsistence production neither fills all household food requirements nor provides adequate amounts of home grown food throughout the year. Thus in many areas, 90 percent of rural households run out of maize, the major staple, four to five months before the next harvest, and 70 41  · percent of households in the rural areas are unable to afford a basket of food which provides basic nutritional requirements. (d) Malnutrition is a long-standing problem in Zambia, but during the last fow years it has worsened considerably. The stunting of children under age six, an indicator of long-tenn deprivation from inadequate nutrition, increased from .. 38 percent in 1970 to 54 percent in J990. These rates are twice as high as those in other parts of southern Africa. Indeed they are among the highest in .. the world . (e) Malnutrition not only saps the strength and constrains the intellectual capacities of the future generation, it also kills children at alarming and increasing rates. Child mortality in the 0-5 age group increased by 15 percent during the drastic economic decline suffered during the 1980s. One child in five dies by age five. Malnutrition is the leading cause of death for children from 0-14. Appropriate Agricultural Research 3.56 Zambia has one of Africa's most impressive agricultural research systems. It's fanning systems research (ARPT), in particular provides an excellent basis for identifying the types of technical interventions that can have the most positive effect on the output and efficiency of women a'i well as men small fanners. 3.5 7 Farming systems research in Zambia has made enormous progress in identifying the specific labor bottlenecks assodated with women's food production and their involvement in male-controlled export crop production. These bottlenecks result in the famous "inadequate husbandry practices" cited in too many reports, but left unanalyzed. 3.58 Zambia's farming systems studies have been able to identify the specifics of the woman farmer's labor bottleneck problems and, in many cases, have begun to propose concrete solutions. For example, the wife's groundnut field (so crucial to children's nutrition) is planted late because the timing conflicts with that for maize. The woman fanner knows that late planting and inadequate weeding of groundnuts or maize fields, but in most cases, there is nothing she can do about it. Fanning systems analysts have pointed out the need to develop varieties of maize and groundnuts that will alleviate this problem. Researchers have also conducted inter-cropping trials to identify suitable crops for ground cover that will reduce women's weeding burden. .. 3.59 This research has also identified certain crops as "women's crops." For example, in Luapula, women manage I 00 percent of cassava, groundnut, sweet potato and bean fic~lds and 86 percent of finger millet fields. Such research has stimulated attempts to improve varieties of these crops so long neglected in African agricultural research, that can result not only in greater yields, but in better processing and storage characteristics. 42 3.60 These findings have resulted in new crop trials and technological recommendations for new varieties of cash crops, such as early maturing maize, sunflower, and soybeans, for which the peak labor periods do not conflict with those for food crops. 3.61 All of these achievements are extremely important for food security. They will not, however, make much of a difference unless government makes the essential complementary investment in extension, seed multiplication and distribution, input supply services, and credit programs that will allow small women fanners to actually ~ . change their farming systems. Agricultural Extension 3.62 In 1992 FAO reported that Zambia's extension system remained "maize dominated and heavily biased in favor of commercial fanners, both emergent and medium scale .... concentration on commercial fanners implies that more than 75 percent of the farming population have no access to extension services'' (F AO, 1992). The historical neglect of traditional food production in the extension system has contributed to a situation in which women farmers are only beginning to be seen as clients. 3.63 Smallholders in general, and women farmers in particular, are not well served by the agricultural extension system. The experiences with T and V in Eastern Province have demonstrated not only that contact farmers are disproportionately representative of male, commercially oriented farmers, but also that there is no evidence that contact fanners pass on extension messages and offer practical guidance to non-contact farmers (Keller, 1990). Specific attention sho·uld be paid to traditional crops, inter-cropping, crop diversity, and a balance between crops, animal husbandry, fisheries and wildlife. The number of mobile training courses should be increased as an effective means of ·making training more accessible to women farmers. 3.64 The extension service has recently begun a process of improving its outreach to women farmers. An important new method is the development of mobile courses, 3-5 day courses held in a specific rural area for all farmers who wish to attend. In an attempt to accommodate women's need to attend to multiple responsibilities, instruction is usually for a half day only. Some courses are held specifically for women but extension officers are required to disaggregate attendance at all courses by sex. 3.65 There is potential to strengthen the new initiatives in extension services by taking into account the interrelatedness of issues in agriculture as highlighted in this report. An important message is that infonnation provided needs to be coordinated to encompass relevant services such as credit, inputs, and technologies to farmers. Both male and female agents should be retrained to be able to relate to women fanners in a meaningful way and provide a wider range of agricultural and nutritional advice. 3.66 The individual contact fanner based training and visit system needs. to be broadened to encompass group training of women farmers, a greater use of women 43  contact fanners who are chosen by their groups, and a more interactive extension methodology whereby camp officers are trained to discuss the specific problems of local farmers and bring these to the attention of both their superiors and of research institutions. 3.67 Male extension agents are willing to improve their services to women farmers, but they often have little to offer in the way of improved technologies for critical problems such as weeding, harvesting, and post-harvest activities, storage, food processing and preservation. In cases where a relevant technology is available, as for .- groundnuts, extension agents are unable to facilitate women's access to the requisite inputs and services such as seed supply and credit. 3.68 If extension agents are to be effective, their conditions of service need to be greatly improved, especially with respect to in service training, transportation, availability of improved seeds and inputs for demonstrations on farmers' fields, and back up by institutions sup-plying inputs and seasonal credit. These problems graphically illustrate the need for agricultural policies in favor of small and women farmers to be conceived as a full package encompassing research, extension, input supply, credit, and marketing. 3.69 Since the situation of women farmers varies from one part of the country to another, extension agents need to develop skills in prob]em identification and links to research findings that could provide elements of solutions. The MAFF planning division has developed a course focusing on problem identification and problem solution in the area of gender and agriculture and to train trainers who will adapt the course to their own fields and geographic areas. Such efforts are extremely important to food security and anti-poverty oriented agricultural growth. 3. 70 The essential implication of these observations for macroeconomic and fiscal planning is that budgets for extension and related services like input supply and credit need to be seen as an integral el~ments of the food security and poverty alleviation program and given a priority rating that is at least as high as the health and education elements of the program. 3. 71 Farmers, of course, need more than extension services. In fact, extension has little value if farmers have no practical way of putting their training into effect. Thus, it is critical that extension be backed up by private, cooperative, or governmental institutions that provide both women and men farmers with improved inputs and implements as well as the credit necessary to purchase them. The other essential link is access to local or national markets for food surpluses, women-controlled export crops, or " women-owned livestock so that inputs and credit can be repaid. 44 Support for women producers of non-traditional food and export crops 3.72 Tradition has by now quite firmly established men's dominance and control over traditional cash crops like hybrid maize and export crops such as cotton and coffee. While there may be scope for improving the participation of women heads of households in traditionally male export crop production, women are more likely to be able to establish own-account production of some of the newer, so-called non-traditional cash crops like sunflowers, soybeans, and vegetables. .. 3. 73 Here issues of input supply, credit appropriate technology, and especially marketing become crucial. It would seem that the development opportunities in this area may have to wait until the privatization of input supplies and output marketing for food staples settles down. 3.74 Due to the increasing transport costs associated with moving maize from villages to mill and from the mill to rural consumers (in the form of maize flour), Zambia's large- scale maize ,mills will no longer be able to effectively serve a great many rural areas. This means that people will be more dependent than ever on locally produced maize (for 75% of farmers this usually runs out 4-5 months prior to the harvest). The implication here is that with roller milJed maize no longer affordable or available in the villages, women will have to supplement with more local maize or other staples (cassava or millet and sorghum, depending on location). This will undoubtedly increase their labor time. With an increased availability of local hammennills, however, it may be possible to substitute higher yielding hybrid maize for some food supplies. These mills may also allow machine processing of some types of local maize, thereby saving women's time. Similarly small grain mills, if widely distributed in drought prone areas and n.ot subject to monopolistic pricing, should also save women's time. 3.75 Improved processing technologies should allow for increased production resulting from less of a processing time burden, and for improvements in children's and adult nutrition resulting from greater food supplies and more time to prepare meals. Thus, processing issues must form an integral part of government's planning for improved food security. 3.76 The improvement of on-farm food storage is also a critical issue for food security. Food losses in traditional village storage fac.ilities are generally assumed to be high, but little has been published regarding on-fann losses of stored grains in Zambia. With the decontrol of maize prices and the consequent loss of the ability to purchase government stored and milled maize· during the hungry season (since prices in most rural areas are likely to be beyond the purchasing capacity of poor farmers - 75 percent of whom cannot now provide for minimal food needs)) the need to know more about on-farm food " st~rage techniques and to engage in participatory research with villages with the objective of improving both village and household storage technology becomes a critical food security issue. 45  3. 77 Non-governmental organizations in Southern Africa have been experimenting with improving local grain storage technology and with establishing village food banks. These experiences should be assessed and programs to replicate successful interventions developed. 3.78 Issues of on-fann processing and storage have not been adequately addressed in Zambia. Growth with food security requires that a concerted effort be made to link agricultural research on food crops with processing and storage issues. T~e ministries of .- agriculture and. industry should develop institutional responses and collaboration with the objective of identifying, manufacturing (or importing), and distributing (with credit if necessary) appropriate processing and storage technology for Zambia's major food staples. Women's Access to Land 3. 79 Rights of use over productive assets underpins production behavior and participation in product and factor markets. The relevance of assessing women's rights to land and property is twofold (a) the direct productive potential of land and assets and their implications for women's labor efficiency (b) the opportunities for wider economic participation in markets that land and other assets provide such as land or housing serving as collateral in financial markets. 3.80 The problems of women farmers' access to land are both serious and complex throughout Africa. In Zambia, the major problem seems to be the security of women's access to the land she inve.sts in and fanns. When a woman gains access to the land she farms through her husband, s'he almost inevitably loses her fields when she is widowed or drvorced. This issue is discussed in some detail in the legal section. 3.81 Women often find it very difficult to obtain land through land authorities. Government settlement schemes have not made land available to women farmers. Keller (1990) reports that in the only study carried out on land tenure in Zambia's settlement schemes, 3. 7 percent of 829 title deed holders were women and 0.6 percent were joint title holders with their husbands. The issue of land access and security for women needs to be addressed as part of the agricultural reform process. Food Marketing 3.82 Reestablishing the food marketing system on a private basis, possibly with some independent cooperative activity, is perhaps the largest food security and anti-poverty chaJlenge faced in Zambia at the current time. Government will have to remain involved . during the transition. It is important to be vigilant about the monopsonistic and monopolistic factors that are likely to impinge on food marketing especially during market gluts and/or shortages. Government should have an essential informational role, collecting price and supply data and disseminating information on both local and national market conditions. widely. 46 3.83 In addition, food security and the fight against poverty can be enhanced if government attempts· to support small scale food vendors. most of whom are women. Urban and rural market facilities should be developed as well as road and rail infrastructure. Women food traders can be supported with information, assistance in developing cooperative marketing efforts, and above all, with small-scale credit for working capital. 3. 84 As has been noted elsewhere, it is extremely important to cease harassment of street vendors and to avoid taxing itinerant retailers. These issues must be widely discussed as the elimination of central government aid to local budgets will greatly increase the temptation to increase rather than decrease efforts to tax small food traders. Supponfor Urban Women Farmers 3.85 Urban gardening can enhance both household food security and women's income generation. Support for women's urban gardening is especially important in Zambia where the rates of urbanization and of urban malnutrition are both high. 3.86 Urban gardening, like rural women's food production, serves two purposes: it provides sup'.plementary food stuffs for home consumption and it provides marketable output that permits urban women to earn small incomes. Many of the same types of support cited for rural food production apply for urban gardening. 3.87 Here, however, access to land may be even more problematic. Urban land authorities need to be sensitized to the importance of making land available to urban gardeners, either on an individual or on a group basis. Women should, in fact be encouraged to form urban gardeners groups in order to apply for land, cooperate in securing needed inputs at wholesale prices, and for requesting advice from extension services. 3.88 Agricultural research should be directed at the specific problems and typical crops grown by urban gardeners. Extension services should be available in areas where urban gardening is extensively practiced or is sorely needed. Since a disproportionate number of the relatively few female extension staff work in urban centers rather than in rural areas, it could be particularly encouraging for women urban gardeners to have the assistance of women agents. 3.89 Government should also strongly consider designating urban "green zones ," providing them with basic infrastructure and encouraging the .development of peri-urban production and marketing cooperatives. A study of urban agriculture in the mid 1980s pointed to the cultivation of garden-plots a,;; a widely adopted strategy for consumption- smoothing by low-income households . Produce from such plots represented as much as so· percent of household expenditure on food among the lowest income households, excluding time and input costs. The time costs were substantial nevertheless most especially for women and to a lesser extent for children. Amongst the poorest households, plots were generally far away on the periphery of the settlement, increasing 47  the time costs of travel and making it difficult for women with young dependents to manage farming alongside other household tasks. The rise in urban farming is one of the visible signs of adjustment taking place outside of the formal market economy, relying mainly on women's unpaid labor time to sustain it. Low-income urban food security in this situation more or less hinges on the expenditure-replacement activities of women producers. 3.90 Mozambique's experience with an extremely successful urban green zones cooperative movement that developed under the unfavorable conditions of war and .. economic devastation in the countryside provides an inspiring example of how women's agricultural skills and entrepreneurial talent can be fostered in an independent cooperative structure. A brief review of the achievements of the Mozambique General Union of cooperatives (UGC) will serve to illustrate the potential of this model. 3.91 This Mozambican cooperative venture provides an excellent model for what might become a major element in an anti-poverty growth strategy for Zambia. It also illustrates the importance of poultry and small livestock to food security and women's incomes. Although issues of livestock production and marketing by small farmers, and particularly by women, have not been included in this report, they must nevertheless form an important part of an anti-poverty agricultural growth strategy. Box 3.2: GREEN ZONES The green zones movement began in 1980. Since that time 183 cooperatives have been formed with an average membership of about 30. The UGC as a whole has 5450 women members and 300 men. The cooperative union was formed in 1982 and was legalized in 1990. Their main output is vegetables and poultry intended for the Maputo market. The UGC has gradually built up an impressive infrastructure consisting of a poultry hatchery, three breeding houses, a chicken feed plant,, a butchery shop, a fleet of trucks which are rented to members for marketing purposes, a mechanical service, hydraulic and electricicy infrastructure, irrigation, and a training center. Government provides a special green zones extension service, but the UGC itself provides credit services for members. The members have also established day care centers, a secondary school, and management, technical~and literacy and numeracy training for members. While some of this infrastructure has been financed by government and donor loans, much has been supported by member fees. Production in 1993 generally doubled or tripled the figures from 1991. Some 6000 tons of vegetables, 2000 tons of cereals and 600 tons of fruit were produced. 9500 tons of poultry feed was produced as were 1.5 million broiler chickens and 2.5 milhon local chickens. This is clearly a highly successful experiment. In addltion to serving its members, the UGC directly employs 900 persons in its production plants (50 percent of whom are women). The management consists of 26 persons, 17 of whom are women. Only the general manager is a university graduate. The rest have between 4 and 11 years of schooling, but all have benefited from a staff upgrading training program. 48 Technology 3.92 Efforts have been made to increase women's productivity in food processing through the introduction of hammerrnills for the grinding, primarily, of maize. Some 4 000 mills have been set up, largely in rural areas. Lack of spa.re parts, repair facilities, operational and management skills were largely responsible for the non-operation of the remainder. Though largely conceived as a labor-saving and income-generating technology for women, 72 percent of mills were privately owned by men and only I percent by individual women. More men were employed through mills than women and women were paid about half the wage of men for equivalent work. Of all mills, 69 percent were found to be operating at only 50 percent capacity (Tembo & Kaplan 1992). Milling technology is mostly adapted to maize. 3.93 The development of agricultural technological innovations has bee.n almost exclusively geared to export crops, with heavy emphasis on hybrid maize. For the smallholder sector, agricultural credit has be.en almost exclusively to support and in some cases has been tied, to hybrid maize production. Technology development (e.g. high yielding, disease resistant yet drought resistant varieties) for crops such as beans, sorghum, millet and cassava had been largely ignored in the past. Improved varieties are now coming onto the market. The recent drought will probably have had severe effects on availability of seeds, planting material. 3.94 Mechanization has largely been linked to operations of land clearing and land preparation. The level of efficiency for these operations has been raised, though the benefits have been gender differentiated . In general, land under cultivation has expanded with mechanization (be it ox or tractor). Though time allocation studies show similar labor inputs for men and women, the ~ of input is different. For men, the onerous manual labor task of land clearing has been rendered much easier. Women may be relieved of the labor of land preparation, though Colson reported from studies among the Tonga that with the introduction of oxen and ploughs, men claimed part of the women's produce as payment. 3.95 Though in some areas, there are strong cultural restncttons against women handling cattle, this is by no means widespread or insunnountable. Women have successfully been involved in oxenization programs in Western Province (Geisler and others) and in Eastern Province (Oxfam). Nevertheless, in Western Province 68 percent of FHH are without access to draught power whereas all MHH have such access (Chileya, 1990). 49  CHAPTER 4: MAKING ADJUSTMENT WORK FOR WOMEN IN ZAMBIA INTRODUCTION 4.1 It is now widely accepted that successful economic adjustment policies are essential to achieve broad based growth and poverty reduction and that their design and .. phasing must take into account their impact on the poor. The reasons are two-fold. First, as the Zambia case shows all too clearly, macro-economic adjustment involves some major transitional costs, especially in price. stabilization, which differentially effect the capacity of individuals, households and finns to maintain consumption and production levels and to enhance economic effectiveness. Second, and less well understood until now, adjustment policies .have the- potential to improve the .position of the poor by channeling resources to programs that increase their human capital through improved health, nutrition, education and family planning and minimize restrictions on access to labor. product and factor markets. Modifying the impact of adjustment on the poor is a major challenge while improving their supply-response capacity is vital to the long- term success of policies for stabilization and expansion of the productive base of the economy. 4.2 · This section discusses the adjustment 1 program in Zambia and illustrates how differential conditions affecting men and women are likely to translate into different economic responses. Some recommeodations are made on how greater sensitivity to these differences in policy fonnulation and implementation could enhance the adjustment program. · Background and Overview 4.3 Economic growth in Zambia during the 1960s and early 1970s was accompanied by rapid urbanization and ambitious investment programs, especially in the social sectors. Little if any economic diversification took place. Public sector-led growth was dominant, policies towards the private sector were not conducive, especially for the smalJ-enterprise sector. and development outside of rapidly expanding urban areas was neglected. Agricultural producer prices were held below the world-price equivalent and the internal terms of ttade were maintained in favor of producers and consumers in urban areas. Tariff and non-tariff protection and an appreciating domestic currency created a slfong incentive to domestic manufacture of import-intensive substitutes, especially of consumer goods. Employment creation was generally limited to the mining sector and to the large public and parastatal sectors. Despite the skewed pattern of development, in 1970 per capita incomes were amongst the highest in sub-Saharan Africa. For a fuller discussion of the adjustment progrwn in Zambia, refer to World Bank 1993, Zambia Prospects for Sustai.nable and Equitable Growth. 51 4.4 By 1975 fortunes had begun to change. A severe terms of trade deterioration together with a reduction in copper output severely restricted the availability of foreign exchange and reduced 'the rate of economic growth. The economy was unable to adjust to these shocks and by 1975 Zambia was faced with a sharp fall in government revenues (the share of public (tax) revenue coming from the mining sector fell from 55 percent of total revenue in 1974 to just 3 percent in 1976), an increase in budget and balance of payments deficits and high domestic and international debt as a proportion of GDP. 4.5 Since the 1980s Zambia has been attempting economic adjustment, but except for a slight improvement in output growth in the 1985, the decline has continued. Formal .. sector wages have fallen to less than half of their peak 1975 levels. There is some preliminary evidence of an increase in the wage gap between women and men in the formal labor market, although data results nee-d to be fully confirmed. Declining purchasing power has also reduced informal sector earnings, affecting not only consumption but the availability of working capital for re-investment and growth. Remittance flows, an important source of inter-sectoral and inter-household income transfer, appear to be declining. 4.6 A modest redistribution of income to producers of maize in the 1980s is threatened by recent increases in consumer and input prices. Poverty indicators suggest an increase in the numbers of households in extreme poverty and a marked clustering of female-headed households amongst the extremely poor. See Table 2.3. 4.7 Rural poverty has been and continues to be a major problem in Zambia, but it is the rapid growth in urban poverty over the last decade that is most alarming. Important gains in the utilization of basic public services, improvements in health, nutritional status and education are now in seriou·s danger of being overturned. There is evidence of a rise in child malnutrition and infant mortality since 1991. The quantity and quality of social services have declined as real resources devote-d to their maintenance and upkeep decline. Recent increase in the prevalence of HIV _positive cases as well as the high fertility rate have further undermined the economic recovery process. These issues are discussed in some detail in the human resources section. 4.8 The current economic adjustment program envisages a more fast paced and vigorous implementation of reform measures than previous programs. The MMD government has implemented a series of refonns in rapid succession, initially on the side of price stabilization and ·more recently, to promote economic restructuring. There has also be an increase in commitment to social policy issues. Public expenditure allocation to the social sectors have been increased dramatically with an emphasis on maintenance expenditures and on basic services. The strategic thrust of the adjustment program is towards a liberalized economy to foster private sector growth and a revitalized public sector that provides services rather than employment. Domestic _policies to achieve this include a. reduction in inflation rates, improvements in social and physical infrastructure, and improvements in public sector implementation capacity. 52  4.9 A wide range of reforms have been undertaken in the last three years. They include: • Stabilization measures: (i) elimination of all remarnmg price controls. specifically on maize meal. maize grain and fertilizer. In mid 1992 the subsidy on mealie meal was eliminated; elimination of the fiscal deficit, through public sector wage freezes and the introduction of a cash-based expenditure system; tight monetary policy; .. • restructuring: (i) liberalization of interest and exchange rates; (ii) trade liberalization involving widespread harmonization and selective elimination of customs duties and import licenses; (iii) private sector development, most notably the Privatization Act of July 1992 and the establishment of the Zambia Privatization Agency; (iv) tax reform for better domestic resource mobilization; and (v) enhancement of real expenditure allocations to the social sectors. • a. package of co~pensatory measures for cushioning the effects on the poor and to protect and promote employment Schemes involving a mix of government, donor and NGO support include: Public Welfare Assistance for targeted assistance to the most needy and vulnerable in the community; a Social Recovery Fund and Micro-Projects Unit working in collaboration with local communities for social infrastructure rehabilitation especially of schools, clinics, water and sanitation services; the urban self-help project PUSH has a similar role in rehabilitating infrastructure, and Food-:for Work is a public employment scheme targeted towards the unemployed, under-employed and poor rural households. Of the various drought-related programs that were put in place in 1992. the Program for the Alleviation of Malnutrition (PAM) which is assisted by a well-coordinated NGO effort is the most successful and enduring. 4.10 The priority underlying the current mix and sequencing of policy reforms is inflation control. Until inflation is reduced it is believed that other policy measures will have limited effectiveness. There is undoubtedly a strong theoretical case for this but in practice, especially given the speed with which adjustment measures are currently being implemented, it does raise a number of serious policy dilemmas some of which are outlined at the beginning of this report. 4.11 Recent evidence suggests that policy reforms started back in 1988 have generated modest supply-side responses. Capacity utilization in many manufacturing enterprises has increased, although from a low base. The index of industrial production shows a general improvement in manufacturing output. Non-traditional exports increased at an annual average rate of 15.2 percent between 1988 and 1991, especially food processing and primary agricultural products, reflecting the improved foreign exchange position, although more recent problems with foreign exchange retention and freight transport 53 choked off some of the initial growth spurt. Marketed agricultural production has increased with some fluctuations since 1988, especially for maize, although reported sales dropped off significantly during the drought period. Recent signs of marketed production of groundnuts and sorghum are indicative of a positive supply response, but the evidence is, at the moment, anecdotal. Notwithstanding these modest signs of improvement, since 1988 real per capita incomes have continued to decline. There is no real evidence of an improvement in employment, if anything employment opportunities in the fonnal sector are continuing to decline. 4.12 Most of the anticipated outcomes of incentive policies are linked to the operation -. of the 'fonnal' economy but in tenns of total employment and incomes it is the infonnal sector that is most important for the majority of Zambians (includes the 'subsistence agricultural sector). The question then emerges how are participants in the informal economy affected by incentive policies and does this have any general implication for the aggregate supply-response capacity of industrial and agricultural sectors i:n Zambia? The discussion below of the rural agricultural sector and the urban informal sector attempts to answer this question. ECONOMIC ADJUSTMENT IN AGRICULTURE 4.13 Zambia is currently. undertaking comprehensive refonns of the agricultural sector with a view to inter alia transform the sector from a highly controlled and regulated industry to one which is market-oriented and capable of realizing its full economic potential. The core strategy aims to: • to ensure national and regional food security through dependable annual production of adequate supplies of basic foodstuffs (cereal and proteins) at competitive costs; • to generate income and .employment to maximum feasible levels in all regions through fu11 utilization of local resources and realization of domestic and export market potential; • to ensure that the existing agricultural resource base (land, water, and air) is maintained and improved upon; • to contribute to sustainable industrial development; and, • to significantly expand the sector's contribution to the national balance of payments by, among other things, expanding agricultural exports in line with international comparative advantage. 4.14 To date reforms have been undertaken in the areas of agricultural marketing; private ownership of commercial activities in agricultural marketing, processing, and 54  fann input supply; food security; farm finance; land tenure; CO-operatives; settlement schemes; fanner organizations and the public provision of agricultural support services. In addition, implementation of agricultural reforms is being streamlined and harmonized. The ongoing refonn of the agricultural sector presents a unique opportunity to re-orient towards greater gender focus. 4 .15 The agricultural sector is projected to be the main source of economic growth over the medium term at 7 percent per year (CEM 1993). While this is not an unrealistic expectation, given the abundance and richness of land in Zambia, the basic assumptions about how this growth will occur are so oriented towards nationa1 output growth that they ignore the one area that provides the greatest potential for growth - smallholder agriculture. Smallholders, those that average one hectares account for 74 percent of land under cultivation (see Table 4.1 below) . • . · 55  Table 4.1: Characteristics of Farm Units in Zambia Small•scale/ Small•scaJe Medium.Scale Large-Scal.e non·commercial Commercial Commtrcial CommerciaJ Main starch staple Sorghum Maize Maize Maize Millet Millet Maize Sorghum Cassava Cassava Food ecurity Low calorie intake, Many net food Generally food secure Generally food Seasonal food purchasers. secure, net producers shortages seasonal food shortages Main purcha ed one Fertilizer Fertilizer Fertilizer inputs Seed Seed Seed Some pesticide Pesticide Pesticide Casual labor Herbicide Herbicide Oxen/tractor CasuaVpem1anent Casual/pennanent labor labor Oxen/tractor Oxen/tractor Cash source Occasional food Food surpluses Production of cash Production of cash surplus sales Livestock crop surplus for sale crop surplus for sale, Fishing livestock and dairy livestock and dairy Beer products products Charcoal Gathered foods Production of new None Some - sunflower, Some - sunflower, Sunflower, soya, cash crop ( I) rice soya. cotton, wheat, tobacco Labor source Family labor Family Family Pem1anent and casual Communal/ reciprocal Communal Casual wage labor, wage labor Casual wage labor maybe pemument labor Male/female Plots Separate and joint Separate and joint Joint pJots, maybe Joint, rarely separate plots plots some separate Fann size (hs) < L hectare I - IOhectares 1040 hectares 40 hectares + Number of farmers (rounded up) 460, 000 (74% 132,000 (21%) 22,000 (3%) 790 Source: Adapted from Saito 1992 (:18). 4. 16 This growth strategy should be accompanied by a poverty-reducing strategy which will reinforce and make sustainable the projected growth in commercial agriculture. A medium term strategy to reduce poverty requires that small scale farmers be given opportunities to expand their incomes through sustainable patterns of growth. Overcoming the bias of the immediate independence years and with the uncertainty of . w urban and industrial supply response, especiaJly in the formal sector, much rests on the ability of the small-scale agricultural sector to raise output and increase labor absorption thus increasing incomes and purchasing power. To do this effectively and in order to ensure that women are enabled to increase output, several considerations need to be taken into account. 56  4.17 The first is that provinces with the largest number of smallholder fanners are also the ones with the highest proportion of female headed households - Western, North Western, and Luapula. As discussed earlier, these households are constrained by labor availability which limits the amount of land they can put under cultivation. The current policy rests on increasing land under cultivation, without, in the short-term relying on yield increasing technology. A great deal of this expansion depends on waged labor and family labor supply response, especially of women, a constraint that has already been .. discussed. Excess land capacity exists often for a sound reason like labor, input shortages, food security objectives, or soil fertility problems. It is not just that prices have not been right. Relying on land expansion would be feasible only if it was accompanied by labor saving technologies that would then release women's time for expanded agriculture. 4.18 Secondly, these are provinces where the infrastructural network is poor, without usable access roads, the wastage of increased yield (because of inaccessibility to markets) will act as a disincentive to expanded agriculture. And finally, unless household food security is- enhanced, energies of fanners , especially women farmers, will be dissipated in supplementary income activities, and caring for sick and malnourished children, and this will undermine the capacity to stimulate buoyant agricultural growth. These are some of the opportunities and challenges inherent m efforts to raise agricultural production in Zambia. Macroeconomic/Agricultural Reforms and Farm Households 4.19 Devaluation: The overvaluation of the kwacha had two effects on fanners: it artificially cheapened the cost of imported inputs, and it kept the producer price of agricultural exports low. Devaluation improved the situation of export crop producers since the price increases for exports had a larger impact on incomes than the negative effect of rising prices for imported inputs. 4.20 In Zambia. export crops are produced both by commercial, emergent, and small scale farmers. See Table x.x. Ninety percent of cotton is produced by smaU growers, but tobacco and coffee are highly dominated by commercial farmers. Most Zambian male small scale farmers, however, produce hybrid maize, rather than export crops, as their major cash crop. Devaluation thus has a much greater positive effect for commercial than for small-scale male farmers. 4.21 For the majority of small scale farmers, including almost all women devaluation ,I has only had the effect of increasing the costs of inputs such as fertilizer and pesticides. Marketing costs also increase with devaluation (as vehicle and fuel prices increase). If tr~ders have monopsonistic power, they may simply pass on these rising costs to fanners by increasing producer prices. 57 4.22 Market Liberalization and Price De-Control: Zambia's extensive agricultural parastatal system was designed to provide marketing and input supply services as well as price guarantees to all farmers. It was aimed primarily at drawing small and medium African farmers into market oriented production of both maize and export crops. The extensive support provided for hybrid maize production, including guaranteed pan- territorial producer prices, eventually succeeded in making hybrid maize the major cash crop of Zambia's small fanners. It also made Zambia self-sufficient in its major food staple during normal years. 4.23 Eventually, however, the extensive maize subsidies to producers, processors, and consumers created an enormous drain on the government budget which by the late 1980s, after more than a decade of drastic declines in Zambia's external terms of trade, could no longer be accommodated. 4.24 The gradual reduction of maize and other subsidies for basic consumer goods has recently culminated in the dismantling of both price controls and of state maize marketing. There was a major transition in 1993. Government licensed and funded buying agents, principally the Zambia Cooperative Federation and the Credit Union and Savings Association of Zambia. Unfortunately government resorted to a promissory note system, greatly complicating the marketing process and exposing farmers. most of whom are, as we have stressed, very poor, to a several month delay in receiving their maize ·incomes and to risks of not receiving the 125 percent interest government pledged to pay for the delay. 4.25 The final shape of the new private maize marketing syst~m w~ not clear by March 1994. lfGovemment gives up trying to influence the producer and into mill price and also stops to license buying agents, this would seem to hold much more positive promise for larger and especially well located farmers, but for the farmers in outlying areas and districts with poor road and no rail infrastructure this might cause them considerable loss. 4.26 While the economic argument that farmers located far from central milling facilities or major food markets should not be subsidized by better located producers makes macroeconomic sense, farmers in remote districts are likely to be permanently disabled from breaking into agricultural markets. They are also likely to become more vulnerable to food security since private sector prices for inputs such as fertilizer and improved seeds will inevitably be very high, if private traders come to service these areas at all. At th~ moment there is a difference of about Kl ,000 in the price of mealie meal between consumers in Central Province and those in the far off Western and Northern Provinces. 4.27 Effectively this means that in many areas men's major cash crop, maize, will no longer be profitable and may have to be abandoned. Certain changes could, however, modify this scenario. If the private or cooperative sector provides more local processing facilities, essentially hammennills hybrid maize could become a more important food 58 crop in rural areas. The more likely possibility of steeply declining real producer prices will cause many male small farmers to abandon hybrid maize. Such a development wiH probably stimulate increasing male out migration from market disadvantaged areas, a process that has negative implications for food security and for increasing the number of de facto female headed households. Input Supply 4.28 Input supply is a critical weak link in the struggle to improve food security. As the government has eliminated the fertilizer subsidy and removed itself from maize marketing as, well as input supply there is a great danger that systems of supplying farmers with improved seeds and other essentiaJ inputs may not soon emerge of the current situation of considerable uncertainty. 4.29 Much hope is pinned on the private sector but small traders' lack of credit and storage facilities as well as general problems of poor infrastructure and the sheer distances and isolation of many small farmers from wholesale and retail input suppliers make it unlikely that the great majority of small farmers will be effectively served by the private sector in the near future or for many, even within several years. 4.30 It is important, therefore, to recognize that the general policy orientation of privatization does not mean that GRZ need no longer pay close attention to this sector, in order to monitor critical bottlenecks. 4.31 A successful experience from the Gambia offers a potential means of serving women farmers whose access to inputs is problematic. Box 4.1: Input Supply in Gambia The Gambian Ministry of Agriculture has developed an input supply seTVice for fanners whose agents are private rural women retailers. When rural women are contracted as retailers, they are given fertilizer on credit and expected to sell it to local formers on a cash basis. When it was first developed, some politicaJ authorities forced its administrators to accept specific persons as retailing agents. These politicaJJy appointed retailers did not teel compelled to pay back the credit they subsequently received. The progrrun got beyond this stage by ruling that retailers who could not pay back credit would not receive a second round of inputs. It was subsequently decided that only women would be engaged as retailers. Women retailers have established an excellent credit repayment record. 4.32 lf a similar input supply system is instituted in Zambia, it should be closely coordinated with the agricultural research services, such as those that have deyeloped new varieties of food crops that can ease labor bottlenecks. The need for this type of coordination, in order to make use of farming systems research infonnation on the types 59 of inputs most needed in specific areas of the country, provides an important rationale for government coordination of the input supply system, at least in remote areas. 4.33 Any marginalization or dispossession of farmers through privatization and the introduction of title deeds is likely to affect women disproportionately. To the extent that this happens, household and community food security will surely decrease. Reduction in the amount of communally held land will also reduce the gathering of uncultivated seasonal fruits, roots, stems and leaves which are a major source of household food security, especially for very poor households and for nearly all households during drought periods. 4.34 In evaluating women's sectoral comparative advantage in agriculture, it is important to take into account: (i) cropping where the.y generally have a more diversified cropping strategy. This has broader advantages in that intercropping can be used effectively to integrate conservation techniques and to improve environmental management; (ii) in non-farm activity women have a much lower Kwacha- output ratio (much higher pay offs in household welfare); (iii) increasing women's income is related to wider strategy of development - women can become users of substitute fuels, can afford to spend time on land and soil conservation, can participate in community projects such as fuelwood lots, infrastructure improvements and with time, become major demanders of local goods and services. But until the poverty cycle is broken, these benefits will not come on stream. TnEINFORMALSECTOR 4.35 The informal sector has many functions, but from a macro-economic perspective two are particularly relevant. First there is the static role in which informal sector activities fill up vacant economic spaces in the economy, thereby increasing the efficiency of :formal sector activities through backward, forward and lateral linkages. and satisfying consumer and producers needs. Informal sector growth thus depends on the structure and growth of the formal sector. The second is a dynamic and evolutionary role in which informal sector enterprise autonomously expands on the basis of efficiency: economies of scale and diversification. Over time informal businesses get registered and join the recorded/official economy. This last one has additional benefits of expanded employment opportunities and government revenue. 4.36 The informal sector is recognized by the government of Zambia as a vital sector for future economic growth and employment. In 1986 the informal sector was defined as "broadly consisting of all subsistence farmers~ all own-account workers and all employers in unlicensed and unregistered business. 11 Despite interest in the prospects for growth in the sector no clear policy framework exists for supporting the sector. The GRZ definition of the informal sector includes subsistence farmers, self-employed workers, and private enterprises and cooperatives with five or fewer workers. About 77 percent of the total work force is in the informal sector, but over three quarters of them. 60  are in agricultural production and are at least seasonally underemployed. Self-employed individuals account for 62 percent of workers, 23 percent are unpaid farm workers, and I percent are owners. Half of the workers in non-agricultural informal sector activities are in sales and many of them are considered to be underemployed. Over 42 percent of the labor force is engaged in petty commodity activities but the income-generating potential of this sector is shrinking. Effective demand has declined while the pool of competing • traders and vendors has grown and the cost of living has skyrocketed . .. Women in the Informal Sector 4.37 The gender differentiated nature of employment and business in the informal sector increases the likely impact of gender on overall demand and supply conditions. Conditions affecting women as suppliers of labor and as direct producers are directly relevant to policies seeking to maximize the supply-side response from the self-employed sector. Moreover, the impact of price changes and incentive policies on women's purchasing power in informal sectors given their numbers and their direct responsibility for household consumption is likely to have significant effects on demand for informal sector goods and services, both urban and rural. 4.38 There are various conditions which affect women in their roles as producers/entrepreneurs: (i) the access to fixed capital working capital and labor; (ii) education levels plus perceptions of women as business women; (iii) time constraints and 'part-time' nature of much trade/sales work. Many women participating in the informal sector are parHime and have to combine heavy domestic work with market participation; (iv) increased unpaid labor time regardi.ng consumption/home health care, increased time costs of maintaining nutrition intake amidst rising prices, plus searching for drugs etc.; (v) current legislation places restrictions on conducting a business from the home, this . severely restricts women's participation since working at or near the home is a necessity because of other domestic responsibilities; and (vi) the lack of child care support. All these factors contribute to increases in opportunity costs for women involved in informal sector work. 4.39 Women who produce goods are less directly affected by changing input prices because few use imported inputs. Women's products are generally sold locally and offer cheaper substitutes for formal sector products e.g .• food, textiles, beer. The demand effects on inc-0mes and prices in the formal economy are likely to stimulate the demand for cheaper substitutes, although an increase in the number of suppliers tends to crowdl out possibilities for improved individual returns. Inflation tends to increase the number of speculative traders which can add to inflationary pressures. However businesses with ... short lead times and flexible production e.g.,: low-capital using production and trade can help to control inflation by maintaining supply even as input prices increase. Businesses dependent on manufactured inputs, especially fixed capital, and long production lead times are more vulnerable to the effects of inflation and supply can be easily constrained by shortage of working capital. Women tend to occupy the former and while in the long tenn they need financial/training support for expansion, in the short-term they can be 61 effective in assisting inflation control if regulatory conditions, support from councils and transport is improved. The close connection between women's production and consumption means that benefits directly feed into improved household welfare. 4.40 Increasing output and employment potential of women is therefore, critical for expanding the viability of the sector, in addition to raising purchasing power and links with other sectors (women use agricultural raw materials more in food processing, for • example). A hands off approach by government, is however, not likely to be effective given imperfection in markets, unequal access to resources ·and the little that is ~. understood of how informal sector markets actually operate. Rationale for Support of Female Entrepreneurship2 4.41 The main reason for supporting women's businesses is their contribution to family income and hence welfare. International experience consistently shows ·that women entrepreneurs continue to plough their income into household welfare even in cases where this might be at the detriment of the growth of the enterprise. Women's entrepreneurship is a self-directed poverty reduction strategy particularly when agriculture or formal employers cannot supply income-producing work for large portions of the population. Supporting women's ability to cope with poverty through enterprises may be a more successful, cost-effective measure tban temporary social safety net programs . . 4.42 An additional important rationale is the effect of women's entrepreneurship on their status. There is. evidence that as women gain access to income, they shift: their social position, both inside and <?Utside the family. After reviewing evidence from India, a World Bank report conclude-s: Direct unmediated access to income drastically reduces a woman's dependency and thus strengthens her ability to realize her own preferences within the family. In the longer term, changed perceptions of women's economic value appear to change family resource allocation preferences by raising the opportunity costs of not investing in the welfare and economic productivity of women. This means that raising female earning power may be critical to increasing the effective demand for the education, health and family planning services necessary to impr.ove women's welfare (World Bank, 199tb:227). Thus, women's entrepreneurship is also an "empowerment" strategy. 4.43 There are several strategies that can strengthen women's enterprises. The first is changing women's household responsibilities. Patterns of female entrepreneurship will begin to resemble those of men's only as women's position in the household changes, and such changes move at the pace of cultural evolution. In the short run, during which 2 This section draws heavily from World Bank 1993 Rhyne and Holt, Women in Finance and Enterprise Development. 62 household roles are relatively fixed, reducing time necessary for traditional women's household tasks, such as fetching water and fuel, may allow women to concentrate more effort on their enterprises. In the longer run, however, raising women's social and intra- household status is necessary. Women's entrepreneurship and participation in enterprise development programs can contribute to raising that status. For example, evidence is emerging that participation in programs such as Grameen Bank and Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) has an impact on social indicators such as contraceptive use and enrollment of daughters in school. Encouraging the virtuous circle between entrepreneurship and improved status may . be one of the few near term approaches to this most serious barrier to female entrepreneurship. 4.44 The second is to improve the climate for entrepreneurship by the poor. Many of the most important external constraints to women's entrepreneurship result from the general level of economic opportunity facing all microentrepreneurs and to the level of preparation of women to respond to those opportunities. These factors include stable macroeconomic conditions, growth in demand (for microenterprise this is often associated with growth in incomes of fann households), infrastructure and other investments that reduce the costs of reaching markets, and education. 4.45 The third is to increase access to services, especially financial services. Direct enterprise development and financial · services (DFS) cannot substitute for macrof:conomic conditions, infrastructure, and systems of education. However, where tnese elements are at least minimally favorable, direct DFS services can be important focal points for increasing and facilitating entrepreneurial activity. Such services should assist women to increase efficiency and productivity, manage risk, and manage trade-offs between household and enterprise needs. While they should support growth, they should not be structured with growth as their central objective, as such an objective (unless targeted at larger women's enterprises) is unlikely to be consistent with the strategies most women follow. 4.46 The fourth is social intermediation. When working with the poorest entrepreneurs, particularly women, many projects have found that it is both necessary and effective to address selected social issues together with entrepreneurship development and finance. Bennett and Goldberg define "social intermediation" as an approach that "builds links between disadvantaged groups and the institutions charged with delivery of services." (Bennett and Goldberg, 1993:29) The need for social intermediation arises because the poorest groups lack access to the formal institutions that control resources (including banks, local and central government, and large private sector institutions). Acting individually, such people are rarely able to cross the gulf that separates them from the fonnal system. This problem is often particularly acute for poor women. 63 4.47 Most typically, social intermediation involves working with groups as points of contact between the poor and formal institutions. 3 Group-based lending is but one example of this process. The crucial observation here is that once fonned, groups can assume multiple functions. With respect to DFS, this process can work in two directions. Groups formed by credit programs for joint liability can take on additional social intermediation functions. Group meetings can provide fora for provision of social or business messages (as used by Freedom From Hunger Foundation and the Council on . International Development respectively). Uroups also provide a vehicle for participants to "train" each other, where members are encouraged to review business plans and r • discuss business problems with each other (as in Working Capital in the United States and the Juhudi program in Kenya). In reverse, groups formed for other purposes can m carefully designed settings, become the basis for credit or village banking activities. ACCESS TO INSTITUTIONAL CREDIT 4.48 The current situation in Zambia regarding credit, particularly through the formal sector, is uncertain. High inflation, negative interest rates low recovery rates in recent years and particularly following the 1991/92 drought, and serious liquidity problems of lending institutions have seriously constrained the sector. The government has begun a comprehensive review of Zambia's rural financial sector leading to the formulation of options and strategies for addressing constraints, streamlining institutional channels and the development of rural financial markets and services. 4.49 Traditional sources of informal credit are used primarily for consumption. Chilimba is a form of rotating savings used by groups, whereby all members contribute a small sum at regular intervals and each member in tum has use of the "pot." No interest is involved in this type of financing. About 90 percent of rural households used some kind of informal, interest-free credit system, such as loans from neighbors or relatives. Kaloba is local money lending, usually at exorbitant rates of interest. However, kaloba is flexible, has no cumbersome bureaucratic procedures, provides the means of obtaining cash (providential credit) for school uniform~~hiring labor, or family emergencies, which institutionalized credit usually does not permit, and the moneylender is usually a community member familiar to the borrower. These features make kaloba attractive to women. The volume of informal credit is not known, but it has been suggested that informal credit is ~ significant in financing smallhotder agricultural production than institutionalized credit and that the overwhelming majority of smaJlholder and emergent farmers are at least partially self-financing (Worl~ Bank 1991 ). 4.50 Formal credit is available through a number of institutions. Four of the thirteen commercial banks in Zambia operate in the rural areas. There are few restrictions on who 3 Training by attitude or vaJues change is another form of social intermediation. a famous example being the 16 Decisions ofGrameen Bank Through such a mechanism. organizations promote certain behaviors by creating a strong image of what the institution stands for so that clients must in some sense concur in those value$ as pan of participation This type of "training" requires virtually no additional cost. 64  can open an savings accounts provided a minimum balance is maintained (usually in the range of KS00-5000, depending on the bank). Approximately 20 percent of rural households have such accounts, though the amounts are understandably small, given the current negative interest rates. Only clients who have held such accounts for at least six months may be considered for a loan. ln actuality, large-scale farmers and traders are by far the major borrowers. · 4.51 Facilitating credit access for women in Zambia has been attempted through a wide range of .projects/programs - almost invariably on a ''pilot" basis and with low · levels of funding. These efforts have been small-scale, have rarely had self-financing as an objective and have rarely been successful. These types of approaches probably had some value in credit training - developing confidence, building experience and preparing women for membership of Primary Societies (mainstreaming) and in providing a type of credit which perhaps was not available from institutional sources. The SIDA-funded "Women's Participation in Rural Development" program (WPRDP) was one of the more successful in mainstreaming women, with some 11 percent of its 2,600 program participants going on to become members of cooperatives/primary societies. "Women's" programs can be seen as an interim strategy in the mainstreaming process, but only if efforts· are sustained until women feel they have reached a le.vel of autonomy which allows them to access primary societies. Agricultural Credit 4.52 The reasons for women's lack of access to agricultural credit have been widely commented upon. For commercial banks credit, however, women's situation is not essentially different from that of men of the same class, i.e., small farmers. Banks will not loan to most small fanners because of the high overhead involved. 4.53 Smaller institutions, such as the Lima Bank and the Cooperative Movement's ZCF-FS, offer more realistic possibilities of seasonal and medium-term credit for both women and men. Both of these institutions have, however, .greatly suffered as a result of the rapid changes in crop marketing in recent years. The "exogenous" nature of these problems must be taken into account and ways found both to rehabilitate and expand their services, with government support if necessary, although they must be protected from undue government influence, particularly the political identification of loan recipients. 4.54 A second aspect of rehabilitation and restructuring must be the development of procedures to overcome tendencies to discriminate against women. The easiest source of credit for many Zambian rural women has been the Cooperative Credit Scheme, but even here women represented only 22 percent of credit recipients in 1987/88 (ZCF, Ltd, 19.89). This may result in part from women's disproportionately low representation as cooperative society board members and in part from the restricted number of mainly male dominated crops for which seasonal loans are available. Indeed, there is little credit support for the food crops women grow. In groundnut producing areas, for example there is a big unmet demand from women for loans to increase their groundnut 6S production. Women, especially women heads of households, also desperately need loans for ploughing fees and labor hire. These types of loans could be of enormous benefit in breaking some of the labor bottlenecks that have been shown to have very serious negative effects on output. They are, however, rarely available. 4.55 One of the problems creating the limited availability of loans for women farmers is the widespread practice of giving loans exclusively for cash crops subject to a stop- . order payment system from a monopsonistic purchaser which have been mainly crop- specific parastatals. Indeed, the demise of government control of maize marketing with ... its associated credit schemes and stop-orders, seems to have led many observers to conclude that these changes make institutions that had successfully provided credit to small farmers in the past no longer viable. Experience in providing credit to women farmers, however, demonstrates the fallacy of such a simple assumption. Many women's credit projects in Africa provide small credits in the form of cash to women who benefit from group guarantees. In such systems, barring crop disasters, women's repayment rates normally exceed 90 or 95 percent. 4.56 The point that women can and will if necessary, repay agricultural loans from non-agricultural earnings is very important. A similar experience was encountered in Malawi where very poor women took loans to purchase fertilizer for maize produced for family consumption. They repaid the credit with other earnings and continued to seek new loans for subsistence food production because it was far more advantageous in terms of labor required to grow their own maize and repay loans from other activities than to work for medium and commercial farmers in exchange for the maize needed to feed. their families. 4.57 Experience in a variety of African countries has demonstrated the viability of dispensing credit to small farmers in group-guarantee systems that require the group as a whole to request a single consolidated loan amount which will be on-lent to members whose credit-worthiness and projects are both approved by and guaranteed by the other members of the group. This method of dispersing credit has been an efficient and successful means of making micro-loans available to women farmers. 4.58 In 1990, a member of the Socio-Economic Policy Analysis section of the Planning Division of the Ministry of Agriculture made several suggestions for improving women's access to credit which should be repeated here (Keller, 1990): (a) Provide c.redit and seed support for diverse crops. ARPT's research on seed availability and seed needs of small-scale producers in specific provinces and districts can be used to plan associated credit and seed supply programs. (b) Strengthen the democratic processes that have been fostering women's · participation in the cooperative movement, including their access to credit. The movement as a whole was observed in 1989 to be supporting measures to increase the participation of women. Without imposing its own programs on the cooperative movement, government should be prepared to support the 66  movements efforts to provide credit and other services to small farmers, including women. (c) Government should collect disaggregated data on loan applicants and recipients in parastatal type credit institutions and require banks to keep gender-disaggregated data. Information on credit availability and terms should be djsseminated to women through women's organizations and through the extension service . .. 4.59 Box 4.2 summarizes international experience on effective strategies for lending to poor entrepreneurs. The summary reiterates the issues raised in this section and also reinforces the need to understand the needs of the client. Many of these are applicable to Zambia. " 67  Box 4.2. Principles of Financially Viable Lending to Poor Entrepreneurs Principle 1. Orrer sen-ices that lit the preferences or poor cntrepreneun. • Shon loan terms, compatible with enterprise outlay and income patterns. ACCION programs and typically lend for 3 month terms; the Grameen family of programs for I year. • Repeat loans. Full repayment of one loan brings access to another. Repeat lending allows credit to support financial management as a process, not an isolated event. • Relatively unrestricted uses. While most programs select customers with active enterprises (and thus .. cashflow for repayment), there are few limitations on the uses ofloans. Thus, clients have decisionmaking flexibility to use funds for household or enterprise purposes • Very small loans, appropriate for meeting the day-to-day financial requirements of women's businesses. Average loan sizes at BKK and Grameen are well under $1 DO, while most ACC'ION programs and BRI feature average loans in the $200 to $800 range. • Customer-friendly (low client transaction costs). Locate outlets close to entrepreneurs; use extremely simple applications (often one page), and limit time between application and disbursement to a few days. Develop a public image approachable by poor people. Principle 2. Streamline Operations to Reduce Unit Costs. Develop highly treamlined operations.. minimizing italftime per loan. Standardize the lending process. Applications are very simple, and are approved on the basis of easily verifiable criteria, such a lhe existence of a going enterprise. Decentralize loan approval. Maintain inexpensive offices. BKK operates its village posts once a week from rooms in local government buildings, paying little or no overhead while reaching deep into rural areas Select staff from local communities. iricluding people with lower levels of education (and hence salaries) than stalfin formal banking institutions. Prinriple J. Motivate Clients to Repay Loans. Substitute for pre-Joan project analysis and formal oollateral by assuming that clients will be .iihls: to repay. Concemrate on providing motivation to repay. • Joint liability groups, where a handful of borrowers guarantee each others' loans, are by far the most frequently used repayment motivator, employed by Grameen and in slightly different form by ACC 10 affiliates. This technique has proved effective in many different countries and settings worldwide. Individual character lending can be effective where the social stn1cture i cohesive, as has been demon trated throughout Indonesia's array of credit programs. Incentives such as guaranteeing access to loans, increasing loan sizes and preferential pricing all for prompt repayers, lni.1itutioos that.successfully motivate repaymerns also develop staff competence and a public image that signals that they are serious about loon collection. Principle 4. Charge Full-Cost Interest Rates aod Fees. The small loan sizes necessary to serve the poor still result in costs per loan which require interest rates that may be significantly higher than commercial bank rates (though significantly lower than informal sector rates). Poor entrepreneurs have shown willingness and ability to pay such rates for services with attributes that fit their needs 68  INFRASTRUCTURE 4.60 Restrictions on women's mobility stem partly from general inadequacies in public transport in rural and urban areas, especially for transporting produce to markets. Data from the priority survey indicate that as many as 25 percent of the men and women in the rural areas live 6-10 kilometers from transportation services and that as many as 50 percent of them live more than 6 kilometers from transportation with as many as I 0 percent living more than 20 kilometers from the markets. However, women's mobility restrictions also stern from more localized domestic labor constraints, in transporting .. produce, water and fuelwood which impose direct costs on their physical labor and raise the opportunity costs of traveling to distant markets, or attending extension meetings. Table 4.2: Average Distance to Basic Facilities - (Kilometers) RURAL URBAN Male Female Male Female Food Market 22.4 20.4 0.9 1.0 Health Facilities 11.3 11.1 1.9 1.9 Water 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.2 Transportation Services 11.5 12.0 1.2 1.2 PostOtlice 24.1 24.2 2.7 2.7 Primary School 3.9 3.2 I.I 1.4 Secondary School 27.9 28.5 2.8 2.5 Source: Priority Survey 1, 1991 . 4.61 Zambia has a total of 36,764 kilometers of roads of which only 17.7 percent (6.507 km) is tarred. During tbe rainy season, many of the roads away from the line of rail are virtually impassable. Between 1980 and 1990, an average of 9 km of roads were tarrnd per year, much too little to cover the country (CSO Country Profile 1992). The main artery to markets in Zambia is the Iine of rail away from the poorest sections of the country. lnadequate supply of these factors raises transactions costs and presents incentive problems to producers in participating in markets. Women generally face higher costs and thus greater incentive problems because of specific restrictions on their mobility and socio-cultural factors that restrict equitable access to extension or business • information and raise entry barriers in markets for credit and other productive factors . Experience world wide has shown that it is more effective to provide infrastructure than to subsidize high transport costs. 4.62 Declines in public expenditures over the last decade have translated into virtual immobilization of delivery services. Today, there are some schools that have not been 69 visited by a school inspector for more than five years, hospitals do not have ambulances and fewer than IO percent of referred patients visit the person they are referred to because of transport constraints. Service providers have to walk long distances. Effective delivery of social services, in particular, effective maintenance of education standards, health delivery to the household through community health workers, agricultural extension services, all hinge on both good usable roads and adequate transport. . 4.63 A t 982 survey by Chuntu showed that 74 percent of the traffic carrying fuelwood to Lusaka consisted of women with head loads transporting a lot more than bicycles and vehicles. More and more women walk long distances with heavy loads on their heads and backs because they cannot afford to hire transport to take their groceries or produce home. Escalating costs of transport. are reducing profit margins of enterprises to the point of rendering them non-viable. Trading in fish has become too expensive for small- scale traders because of transport costs and many have stopped the trade. Transportation of persons locally has become so expensive that women are cutting down on the number of times they to go clinics for check ups or to take their children. This has contributed to an increase in the number of women delivering babies at home (about 60% of babies are born at home Muchelemba 1993). It is urgent to rehabilitate and construct rural and urban market places and roads since this is such a binding constraint on production. In fact, the jury is still out on whether agricultural policies can generate the desired supply response when the underlying infrastructural and social conditions are so poor.. 70  CHAPTER 5: CIVIC AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION INTRODUCTION 5.1 Participation of men and women in their development is an important dimension .., of economic effectiveness. Women and men need to define their needs and to be involved in providing solutions to them. Secondly, group organizations are more effective conduits .. of change than individual interaction - group lending as was discussed earlier is an effective way of reaching poor women. Group organization enables women to cross the gulf that separates them from the formal sector. Thirdly, and of importance to Zambia, an effective way of enabling communities to regain control after this was weakened by many years of highly centralized and pervasive political system, is to promote participation at all levels. Women participation is constrained by overwork, poor networks .and customary practices. It is instructive to note in this context that some of the funds earmarked for women under the Social Action Program in 1990, were returned to the Treasury. For those that were utilized, it was the chiefs, not the women, who defined the needs. 5.2 Some of the most successful development programs are those that have taken client's needs into account. Emerging data from the participatory assessments· indicates significant .gaps between what beneficiaries say are their priorities and what is actually being provided. A priority area is health facilities and ·yet, the SRF and the microprojects unit receive very few requests for grants to establish or rehabilitate health facilities. There are several reasons for this that include ineffective communications and a lack of expertise in settling up health facilities (as opposed to school facilities) but the essential message is that expressed client needs should be used to inform the development strategy. An important role of the WID Department is to provide information that closes the gap between what clients want and what is being provided. 5.3 Participation issues - processes, nature, levels and constraints are an understudied area in Zambia. A survey is needed to reinforce work done on NGOs and to identify socially feasible participation models that can be built u,pon. 5.4 The ongoing reform process provides a unique opportunity to develop effective participation mechanisms. As part of the health reform program, for example, district health boards have been established with the aim of combining popular representation with technical and/or professional interests so as to provide health care that is both cost- effective and responsive to user's needs. Women are the primacy health care givers and f the gatekeepers to family health. They also carry a heavier burden of disease especially in the reproductive years. Their representation in these boards is not just crucial but they should be enabled to take leadership roles because they know what good or poor health represents. 71 5.5 Implementation of participatory development will be useful only if it creates an enabling environment for participation. LEGAL AND REGULATORY FRAMEWORK 5.6 The Zambian constitution is currently under review and it is expected that many of the issues raised here have, or will be addressed in the revisions underway. The legal and regulatory framework defines the "rules of the game" and can be a major bottleneck to effective participation. Good laws do provide a favorable business environment for ... employment and investment opportunities for both men and women. Stringent regulations in business as well as zoning laws, on the other hand, can and often do inhibit the development of a vibrant business environmer:it Tables l and 2 in Appendix II represent some of the legislation which impacts on private sector development and informal sector growth and the potential constraints the latter regulations may pose. This is more so for women who, in addition to the legal issues that govern the whole society, also have the additional barriers from gender based laws. 5.7 . There are three clusters of issues surrounding the regulatory framework in Zambia. The first is that many of the laws and regulations are out of sync with reforms that have already taken place. The agricultural marketing act of 1989, for example allows the government to control markets and it has remained in place in spite of the liberalization of markets. In a similar manner, the Education act gives government the power to determine who gets involved in school management, a constraint to private sector development. Similarly, some banks insist on getting written consent of a husband for women seeking mortgages. This is in spite of the fact that the law is no longer in force. These three examples demonstrate the need to reform the regulatory framework at the same time as reforms are undertaken and secondly the need to ensure 'that users are aware of the changes. Unfortunately in Zambia, clients and their legal counsel frequently do not know what the law is because court judgments and legislative texts cannot be published as a result of insufficient funds. Lawyers and judges are forced to rely on informal methods of determining what judgments have been handed down. Decisions are often inconsistent, as judges are uninformed of what other j udges have decided. This is particularly problematic in a country that is relies on pre.cedent as the method of deciding cases. The Courts need to be equipped with means to publish judgments for dissemination to the legal profession and to distribute and use legal information. 5.8 The second is that there is poor coordination of the laws that govern particular sectors and the multiplicity causes confusion and poor implementation. Laws that affect children are scattered in different statutes - Juvenile Act, Employment of Women and Young Persons Act, Citizenship Act, Guardian of Minors Act and the Education Act, to n:!:ffie but a few. Labor is regulated by five different Acts of which the main one is the Employment Act of the Laws of Zambia. Similarly, in health, there are about 17 public health acts. Hannonization of these acts is essential to effective implementation. 72  5.9 The third issue is that the regulatory framework needs to be uJXiated to take into account emerging issues. These include - laws protecting AIDS patients in employment as well as the orphans of those who die from AIDS; and a regulatory framework to enable communities to participate in development especially in the context of decentralization. Communities need "veto" power in the management of schools, or in running health centers. An important revision should be made as the Land Act of 1975 to attach an economic value to land to enable fanners to use land as collateral. It is expected that this is one of the issues that the ongoing land tenure reform will address. .... 5.10 More specifically affecting women in Zambia is the fact that there is a dual legal system, consisting of customary law and statutory law based on English common law. The dual systems come into conflict, either directly in relation to areas of personal law, such as marriage, property and land tenure, succession and inheritance, or indirectly in relation to areas of business or employment. Customary law, however, is not defined by any Zambian statute. The principle of customary law is by nature a body of laws which is practiced rather than written. Customary laws are standards of behavior baseti on the systems of beliefs and ideas which are recogniz.ed and applied by the community, governing its transactions and code of behavior. Customary laws vary among the country's different ethnic groups. 5.11 Zambia's dual leg:µ system also translates into a dual court system. Customary law is predominantly used to settle matters relating to personal relations and to property rights and ownership. According to Section 15 of the Subordinate Courts Act, "Customary law is applicable provided such customary law is not repugnant to justice, equity or good conscience and is not incompatible, either in terms or by necessary implication, with any written law in force. Customary law is also recognized by the Local Courts Act and may be applied to any cases before them as long as such law is not repugnant to natural justice or morality or incompatible with the provisions of written law" (Women and Law in Southern Africa Research Project 1992). Determining what is repugnant to justice is a subjective te.s t made by the judge in the court. This leaves a great deal of room for interpretation by j~dges who will base their decisions on their belief o.f what is repugnant to the law. Such ambiguity allows for interpretations which often work against women. 5.12 While the Constitution prohibits discriminatory treatment or the enactment of legislation that results in discriminatory behavior/practices based on sex, there are certain exceptions for which the clause on discrimination will not apply. Spe.cifically, Section 23 of the Constitution states that its provision prohibiting discrimination shall not apply to any law in so far as that law makes exception: • {4(c)] with respect to adoption, marriage divorce, burial, devolution of property in death or other matters of personal law; [and] • (d)] for the application in the case of members of a particular race or tribe of customary law witb respect to any matter to the exclusion of any la.w with 73  respect to that matter which is applicable in the case of other persons (Government of Zambia 1991). 5.13 The clause prohibiting discrimination loses much of its force through the exceptions made for issues of personal law, that is, marriage, divorce, inheritance, and child custody, and through the general exceptions made for those areas that are governed by customary law. .... Customary Systems of Tenure and Inheritance 5.14 Lineage systems are varied and complex including matrilineal, patrilineal and bilateral groups, each having their own customacy law. In a matrilineal community only persons related to the deceased 'through the deceased's mother or more remote female ancestor are eligible to share in the estate. In a patrilineal community the only persons eligible are those who are related to the deceased through a common male ancestor. A bilateral community is one which practices both matrilineal and patrilineal rule of inheritance - descent can be traced through both the father's and mother's line. The majority of ethnic groups are matrilineal, except for the Ngoni and Mambwe who are patrilineal and the Lozi who are bilateral. Inter-marriage is much more common than -in the past and is having a profound impact on kinship (lineage) structures and inheritance practices. 5.15 Under the customary land tenure system, community members receive one plot for houses, one or mo.re plots for crops, and another for livestock. Grazing land is shared, while homestead and crop lands are used exclusively by individual households. Crop lands revert to communal grazing lands between harvests. Customary land is predominantly occupied by subsistence and small-scale emergent commercial farmers. Traditionally, the right to use the land was provided to both men and women. The user- right1.>, like inhe.ritance, followed the line of descent. Crop land remains with the family and usufruct right is passed on for generations. Usufruct rights rest with the extended family, which is also determined by lineage. 5.16 In both matrilineal and patrilineal societies adult males have usufructuary rights in land through their membership of a village community. In a matrilineal society, women have held equal rights in land as men in their natal villages. Yirilocally married women (where the wife settles in the husband's village) would not forfeit these rights and could exercise them upon divorce, widowhood or if distance allowed while resident at their husbands' villages. But they have not held independent rights at their husbands' villages, rather access has been through the husband. .In some communities, however, women could seek and obtain independent rights, but with the husbands clearly stated agreement and support. In uxorilocal marriages (where the. husband settles in the wife's village), women would exercise their usufructuary· rights, through which their husbands would have access to land. The la.tter tends to be the pattern in Central Zambia. Communities in Southern Province, while perhaps not patrilineal, tend to favor male members. Women may have access but do not have direct rights i.n land, though they have rights to own other forms of property, notably livestock. Access is through the husband or male kin. In 74  recent years, however, as a result of the emphasis being placed on cash crops, women whose access has been through male kin have been allotted smaller and less fertile plots. In other areas whiJe women retained rights in natal villages, they have started to experience difficulties in gaining rights through their husbands (Muntemba 1987). 5.17 Matters of inheritance in Zambia are governed by The Intestate Succession Act No. 5 of 1989 and the Wills and Administration of Testate Estates Act No. 6 of 1989. The intestate law was intended to be a merger between both customary and statutory law. At the death of the husband, the estate is distributed as follows: (a) 20 percent goes to the surviving spouse, except when there is more than one surviving widow. When there is more than one surviving widow, the 20 percent will be distributed in accordance with the duration of their marriages to the deceased (insecurity of co-wives claims to property). Other factors may also be considered, such as the widow's contribution to the deceased's property; (b) 50 percent goes to the children, the division of which takes into account the child's age, educational needs, or both; (c) 20 percent of the estate goes to the parent.c; of the deceased; (d) 10 percent of the estate goes to the dependents (other than children) in equal shares. However, the law makes an exception for, and does not apply to, property which has been acquired and was held under customary law. The land reverts to its "owners" who according to customary land law are the community and family of the deceased. Sections 8-10 of the Act entitle the widow or bereaved children or both to the personal chattels of the deceased, the house the family used to live in and also the homestead and common property that had been used by the deceased and members of his immediate family. In many instances however, the house in which the deceased and his family used to live is destroyed and the family must find another place to live (Milimo 1990). 5.18 In practice, when the husband dies, "property grabbing" occurs. Property grabbing started as a practical measure to ensure that the children of the deceased and their property left behind was taken care of by the family of the deceased but has, over time, been abused to the extent where the. widow is stripped of her property without . getting the protection. Legal protectiqn does exist for the widow but it is protracted and beyond the .financial reach of many w_idows. 5.19 Although women's access to land varies throughout the country, the laws and practice with respect to inheritance, ownership and control of land typically discriminate against women. The man is generally assumed to be head of the household, and thus tends to be favored in the allocation of agricultural land. As easily accessible fertile land (fertile land near the village compound) becomes scarcer, husbands also are more " reluctant to allocate plots to women, or women may have to walk longer distances to get to their fields. 5.20 In areas with higher population densities and a better developed transportation network, however, the traditional forms of land tenure are not providing the incentive structures required for sustainable resource use under more intensive production. They have broken down for a number of reasons: (i) an increased premium on the value of land had resulted in increased competition for land and increased rent seeldng by those 75 controlling the allocation of land. thus reducing the security of tenure; (ii) without dearly defined long term land. use and testation rights. there is little incentive to make long term capital investments needed to manage land intensively on a sustainable basis; and (iii) increased central government control and reduced power of local leaders has resulted in non-sustainable use of common property resources such as grazing land. forests and wildlife. ,. 5.21 Another problem is that water rights can only be granted to farmers with, registered leaseholds. Underdevelopment of irrigation in Zambian agricuJrure is partly accounted for by the long delays in leasehold registration. These issues will. hopefully. be addressed in the context of the ongoing legal and agricultural reform. - POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 5.22 Women still play a minor role in high level political and economic decision- making in most countries. The United Nations The World's Women states that out of 159 United Nations member states only six were headed by women at the end of 1990 (none of which were in Sub-Saharan Africa). Women hold no ministerial positions in 93 countries of the world and only 3.5 percent of cabinet ministers are women. Furthermore, '>f'.Omen usually fill positions in the "traditional" ministries such as education. culture • . social, welfare and women's affairs. 5.23 Even though women are involved in activism of a political nature, from the grassroots level, they have found that when they run for elections few o_ f them are appointed and fewer still end up as heads of Government. Economic development does not automatically translate into political power for women (Harrison 1993). Important gains have been made in Zambia in women's participation. Participation at the political and administrative level shows a curvilinear relationship with relatively gcxx:I participation levels at the upper echelons and at the grassroot level but little at the middle level. 76  Table 5.1: umber of Women and Men in Top Political Positions (April 1991; unless otherwise stated) Men Women Central Comminee 52 6 Provincial Political Secretaries 21+ 3 District Governors 6 3 Ministers (Oct '93) 21 3 Deputy Ministers (Oct '93) 29 1 Parliament Secretaries 5 - Members of Parliament 128 7 Special Assistants to the President once since independence Permanent Secretaries (Oct '93) 29 5 Ambassadors/High Commissioners 28 1 Managing Directors 12 I General Managers 30 1 Source: Women and Men in Zambia. 1991. Central Statistics Office. Facts and Figures.; Susan Sikauata. 1991. Zambian Women in Politics - Their Decisive Role - Pas/, Present and Future. Voices of Women: American and Afiican. American Center, YWCA and NGOCC. 5.24 Low political participation is a reflection of many factors: (i) two decades of highly centralized political control. Tbis worked against women in that women's political participation normally grows and is nurtured from the grassroots; (ii) the dominance of a mining culture where women were poorly represented made irrelevant their political representation. With decentralization and greater emphasis on agriculture, . this is the time to consciously build in partic.ipation of women at all levels. The example of health given earlier illustrates the potential of achieving this. NON-GOVERNMENTAL 0RGANIZATlON 5.25 That Zambians have been able to Vi~thstand the tremendous and growing challenges and pressures of life over the years is a testament to their individual and collective ingenuity, strength. and resilience. There is much taking place already in 77 Zambia that should be e~couraged·and supported. However, a sustained improvement in the quality of life for all Zambian women and their families requires that all resources be effectively and efficiently organized, utilized, and recognized. Strong and effective partnerships between the government and community-based and non-governmental organizations are also required and will strengthen both of their abilities and capacities to respond to the current crisis, cushion the impact of future crises, and set the stage for ,; their participation in their future development. 5.26 Zambia has a young but growing non-governmental sector that addresses the needs of women. The women's movement in Zambia is a recent development and .. consists mainly of educated urban women. The rural women's movement in Zambia is small, and does not yet exist among low-income rural or urban women. There are, however, nearly 400 NGOs in Zambia that have been identified, many of which serve and respond to the needs of women. A compilation of many of those NGOs was recently commissioned by the Office of the President, Planning and Development Cooperation Division. The NGO Directory for Zambia is a very use:ful resource that illustrates some of Zambia's current response capacity. It does not list Parent Teacher's Associations women's groups and self-help groups, all of which are important, and many times essential, resources for families and communities. Still, the directory provides very useful data including a reference index which lists the NGOs by service area. 78  Table 5.2: Service Areas of NGOs in Zambia (from the 1993 Directory of Non-Governmental Organiz.ations in Zambia) Senrice Area Number Agriculture, Forestry and Husbandry 20 AIDS 14 .- Art, Culture and Entertainment 12 Charity, Social Welfare, Service and Relief 30 Children and Youth 39 Community and Rural Development 51 Disabled 15 Environment 10 Family Planning 4 Health 27 Labor Relations 8 Pressure Groups 11 Professional 44 Sports 16 Umbrella Organizations and Coordinating NGOs 15 Women 24 5.27 The important and essential role that NGOs play is being increasingly recognized by governments and donor organizations alike. NGOs and community based organizations are accessible to families and communities that current governmental structures and resources cannot reach and they are able to design and implement effective and creative programs and service mechanisms. Recent years have seen an articulation of the contributions and potential for NGOs and CBOs in the development • process; donor programs in nearly all sectors now address the role that those organizations would assume in their projects and programs . • 5.28 Ln South Africa in the absence of a legitimate government to serve the needs of the masses of the people, a lot of donor assistance was channeled through tile nongovernmental organization structure. Programs working with NGOs in heaJth and population, housing, AlDS, education, and leadership development have been large and typical during the last decade. Assistance to education NGOs include strategic planning 79 support, organizational development assistance, and technical assistance to strengthen their service delivery in pre-school training and materials provision, alternative primary and secondary community based schools, adu lt literacy, teacher training, curriculum development, and evaluation. Management and technical skills training is provided in staff development, training of trainers, networking communication~ research, and proposal and project development, and community outreach. Some creative and exciting work has taken place with NGOs that utilize puppetry, music, and the other creative arts in promoting education and social change. Much can be learned from the focused attention on the NGO sector in South Africa including strategies for rationalizing and strengthening the sector, the transition from a crisis orientation to a development one, ... and forging an effective relationship with a legitimate government, an area that will surely focus some of the assistance in the immediate future. 5.29 In the province of Balochistan in Pakistan, the Government of Balochistan through World Bank funding has a project which includes a community support program that emphasizes a partnerships between the community and the government that historically has been lack_ ing. An intensive community mobilization effort has been underway in Balochistan over the past couple years to marshall resources for increasing access to education, especially for girls. A pilot program to detennine the extent of interest and the capabilities of the communities began in March 1992 in remote rural areas that are still tribal, in three divisions of Balochistan. The interest on the part of parents and other community members in assuming responsibility for their children's education has been extremely encouraging and resulted in the establishment of 22 community-supported schools with almost 1,000 girls regularly attending them. Because of the success of the pilot, the Education Secretary has set asi~e an additional 120 teaching posts for rural female teachers in villages in which the community participates in this new process. In addition, two new NGOs have been established to facilitate and support the expansion of community supported activities. The NGOs will eventually manage the co~munity support program for the Department. This example of an NGO managing a relatfonship with government is a useful one that helps to ensure resources and assistance to NGOs but also amplifies a very important voice from the communi·ty level to government. 5.30 Zambia s NGO community, and especially those addressing the needs of women, 1 grew substantially after the beginning of the UN Decade for Women. Other groups organiz.ed and grew in response to the AIDS crisis, which the country is now facing. This includes theater groups. youth groups, church and other community based assistance. The drought encouraged other structures for service delivery. Under 'nonnal' circumstances NGOs face many challenges in providing services and resources. The Directory of Zambian NGOs had data sheets on each NGO that responded to the survey that requested information including those questions about sources of funding and major problems affecting the organization's operations. Most relied on contributions from fundraising activities and from members. Almost all cited the lack of funds as the major 80  constraint to more effective programs. This problem is a pervasive one for NGOs where demand for their services far outstrips their ability to respond . • 81  NDERING POLICY REFORM CHAPTER 6: ENGE, PUBLIC POLICY 6.1 This repon has demonstrated that gender issues are directly relevant to the design of policies for enhanced poverty-reducing growth, but the implication for macro- economic adjustment in Zambia has not been fully articulated up to now. There are at .~ least four reasons for this. First, the failure to establish integrated, accountable data collection and information systems that produce consistently disaggregated, policy relevant data. This is not only a question of putting systems in place to gather disaggregated data, it also depends on reforming the way in which policy issues are conceptualized and questions formulated by planners and data gatherers in Zambia. This issue is discussed in some detail under research below. 6.2 Second, difficulties in making the analytical links between gend.e r differences at household and market level with resource allocation outcomes at the macro-economic level The discussion in this report is intended to help policy makers develop these analytical linkages. Third, the limited capacity for public policy formation on gender issues. In spite of the fact that gender issues in Zambia are extensively studied 1 these studies have rarely impacted on policy. Appendix A presents a framework for engendering policy reform that could enhance the utilization of these .studies. 6.3 Finally, the overall economic crises that have beset Zambia in recent years have not enabled strategic fonnulation and implementation of policies engendered or otherwise. In addition, the heavy erosion of public resources which has created a huge gap between stated goals and reality on the ground and the erosion of real wages that has led to a skill depletion in implementing institutions has undermined the rationale for strategic policy ·planning. Now that reform is taldng place in virtually every sector discussed in this report, this is the time to engender policies. 6.4 In order to strengthen the implementation of gender policies, it is proposed that the institutional framework for WID activities 'be strengthened and resources made available to it in order to develop a solid cadre of officers with knowledge and interest in gender issues within the government. This wiU require funding for positions and both formal and informal support for the development of networks among WID professionals;a WID office such as already exist~ provides an imponant focal and organizing point for WID activities. However, it cannot have the type of ~n-going influence on line minisbies that an officer within them can exercise. Some ministries already have WID officers in place and it is necessary to broaden this cadre to ministries such as deal with law and justice. Once in place, WID officers and staff need sufficient orientation to the workings of There exists at least four exwnsivc annoiatcd bibliographies (A TRCW 1983; ZARD 1985, Bardouille 1992; NGO directory 1993); several donor commissioned reports (CIDA 1986, FINNIDA 1992, SIDA 1992, World Bank 1993) as well as numerous studies on the entire gamut of women's issues. 82  . relevant ministries to become effective actors. Infonnally, donors can encourage and contribute to WID networks that bring together civil servants, NGO representatives, donors, and local scholars interested in gender issues. One example of such a network is the Women and Development group in Beijing. Initiated by the UNDP program officer responsible for W1D issues, this is a group of people who meet monthly at the homes of different members to share their experiences, needs, and concerns about women's issues in China. 6.5 Aside from government and/or donor earmarking of funds for WID, the only way to increase resources devoted to women's needs is to raise public consciousness and therefore social demand for such programming. Raising awareness will not happen overnight or as the result of a single social marketing campaign, although such campaigns can provide a supportive environment. Rather, social demand to improve the situation and status of women grows slowly through an accumulation of small successes. Expectations are raised by small improvements at the community level which lead. for example, to a reduction in the most onerous domestic labor, improvements in child health, increased income through cooperative ventures, alleviation of domestic violence and other threats to women's safety and well-being. These small steps need first to be taken and second to be publicized. Thus, as a dimension of WID programming there should be support for dissemination of the results of successful small projects. These will encourage other communities to take steps of their own. 6.6 Several roles have been identified in this report that the WID Department should play. . They include (i) facilitating the articulation, highlighting and championing important gender issues; (ii) identifying critical gaps in understanding of gender issues and guiding NGO and donor support towards them; (iii) acting as a clearinghouse and resource center for gender analysis; (iv) being th.e recognized focal point and 'sounding board' for the ramifications of public policies on women; and (v) diseminating exemplary examples. To undertake these roles effecxtively, a much higher level of funding for the department is needed to improve the technical capacity as well as the outreach capacity. REsEARCH AND INFORMATION 6. 7 Research and information are closely related. Research on gender issues requires infonnation disaggregated by gender, a resource not always available in every sector. Health is one sector in which for certain sub~topics, infonnation on women's health issues and related infant and child health issues has been greatly forwarded by the Demographic and Health Sarveys by Macro Systems. The Priority Survey work in Zambia has also shown the potential for using comprehensive disaggregated data to sharpen the policy focus. Striving for gender disaggregated data at least at the data source points is a requirement for in-depth and thorough analyses of issues either in gender specific roles or impact on achieving development ultimate and proximate goals. Gender specific indicators are helpful in determining or monitoring roles and impact on goals a.~ wen as 83  impact of policies. These can only be calculated when gender disaggregated data are available. 6.8 Research should not be limited to existing known gender issues, The understanding of issues for gender differentials and roles in development goals and impact of policies on gender is stiU quite nascent (the poor understanding of household dynamics) Research should include developing new methods or approaches or integrating existing methods and approaches in existing research programs for detecting current issues as gender issues or for detecting upcoming possibilities and providing insight to .-- capitalizing on gender based comparative advantages and minimizing gender-based inefficiencies. The participatory approach has proved especially effective in this regard. 6.9 Quantifying women's contribution in any sector to ultimate or proximate development goals is a convincing tools for policy makers. Ignoring women's contribution ignores half the population's contribution to development. Gender-based differential impacts of policies can only be determined when gender roles at ·the household and macro-economic levels are quantified and identified. 6.10 Research in gender issues also contributes valuable information in the development of policies and programs Uiat are gender sensitive; programs and policies that because of thoughtful and quantitative consideration to gender impacts minimize direct and indirect unintended negative impacts and that capitalize on efficient gender- based roles of comparative advantage. 6.11 In agriculture Zambia has demonstrated how relevant and quality analysis can imp.rove policy and implementation through the fanning systems research (ARPT), for example: (a) ARPT findings have identified the specific labor bottlenecks associated with women's food production and their involvement in male-controlled export crop production. For example, . the wife's groundnut field (so crucial to children's nutrition) is planted late ~ause the timing conflicts with that for maize. The woman farmer knows that late planting and inadequate weeding of groundnuts or maize lowers yields, but in most cases, there is nothing she can do about it. Farming systems analysts have pointed out tlle need to develop varieties of maize and groundnuts that will alleviate this problem. Researchers have also conducted intercropping trials to identify suitable crops for ground cover that will reduce women's weeding burden; (b) they have also identified certain crops as "women's crops." In Luapula, women manage 100 percent of cassava, groundnut, sweet potato and bean fields and 86 percent of finger millet fields. Such research has stimulated attempts to improve varieties of these crops, so long neglected in African agricuJturaJ research, that can result not only in greater yields, but in better processing and storage characteristics; 84  (c) other ARPT findings have resulted in new crop trials and technological recommendations for new varieties of cash crops, such as early maturing maize, sunflower, and soybeans, for which the peak labor periods do not conflict with those for food crops. 6.12 Some of the problems that make it difficult to collect gender specific data include: • A lack of adequate concepts, definitions and methods that reflect the different roles and contributions of women and men in society. Because of women's multiple roles as producers, child-bearers and household managers, conventional concepLI! and definitions do not capture and measure adequately all aspects of women's work and conditions. New standard concepts and definitions and adequate methodologies have been discussed and, in some cases, adopted at the international level. However, they are not yet applied extensively by countries. Moreover, some conceptual problems, such as definition of households, or what constitutes national accounts, remain unresolved. · • Cultural and religious factors, stereotypes and local customs that contribute to making women less visible and prevent both enumerators and respondents from providing correct and reliable information. Cultural and religious factors have great impact on the reliability of the data collected. These factors have to be taken into consideration in questionnaire design and question formulation, in adoption of definitions. in training of the enumerators, and in staff selection. This applies espedally to certain aspects of women's lives, such as their participation in economic activities. or their reproductive behavior.. • Under-utilization of existing data by gender: There are areas where data disaggregated by sex are already regularly collected in most countries. However, they are often not exploited. Gender is not c.onsidered in cross- tabulations or gender specific data are tabulated but not mac;le easily accessible to users. Moreover, available data need to be disseminated to reach decision- makers who are not aware of their existence. • A lack of communications between producers and users of data: Often, the specific aspects related to gender are not considered in data collection programs because producers are not aware of their importance. Producers of statistics usually are not sensitive to gender issues and do not know about goals, plans and problems concerning women's issues to be reflected in data collection. On the other hand, policy-makers and other users do not cooperate enough with national statistical authorities and do not express in clear terms their needs for gender-specific data. 85  6.13 This report identifies several areas where data gaps exist and/or where more gender specific information could make programs better targeted and monitoring more effective. A recurring theme of this report has been how to strengthen the economic response. In order to gauge the direction and pace of the response, to identify outcomes, planned and unplanned, it is important to get quality analysis of incomes and expenditures disaggregated by major sub-groups. Secondly, the disaggregation of data, as was demonstrated with the education participation tables, reveals diversity and equity issues that are usually camouflaged by nationally aggregated data . ... "' 86  APPENDIX A ENGENDERING POLICY REFORM .. A. I Engendering policy reform is a process that recognizes gender-based differentials - in achieving national development goals and addresses these differentials with engendered _policies and action plans. The process may include the modification of existing policies or the development of new policies that take into account the role and impact of women and men on achieving development socio-economic goals as well as the impact on men and women of these policies. Advantages of the policy reform process A.2 Promotes a "level playing field" for discussion and negotiation. The playing field here figuratively refers to the access to (a minimum oO infonnation at the dialogue and negotiating table. The access to information is an empowering element of the process. With the information, stakeholders are able to envisfon their role and input in the development process. Policies can then be designed to create the enabling conditions for stakeholders to contribute to the attainment of development goals. A.3 Structu:res the discussions and negotiations, the basis for which moves from opinion to fact. With the policy reform process, the analytical approach provides the basis for dialogue, _ negotiations and development of policies designed to create enabling conditions for the attainment of national development goals. rather than politicians preferences or narrow special interest group goals. Local government and special interest group goals priorities and goals are kept in perspective with national and regionaJ priorities and goals. Identification of and building analytical capacity in stakeb.olders in the integrated, engendered policy reform process A.4 A policy reform process, or the reformed policy making process, utilizes inpot from those constituents or institutions with a vested interest. realized or unrealized in the policies that are being developed or refonned. These constituents or institutions with vested interests in a particular or group of issues and policies are the stakeholders. .·~ Stakeholders comprise an important component of the policy refonn process either as advocates, benefactors or the policy decision makers. Stakeholding institutions include ) an array of institutions such as: Government organizations including: (a) national level departments or ministries, such as the department or ministry of planning, and special units such as the WID office; (b) regional level government offices, such as the regional education offices that report to the national 87 education· ministry or department; (c) local government offices; (ii) Non-government organizations (NGOs) and private voluntary (PVOs); (iii) Private business and research organizations; (iv) Community level organizations; (v) Interest/advocacy groups; (vi) Funding agencies. A.5 These institutions play various roles in the policy refonn, enforcement and monitoring processes. The inputs, roles and interaction between institutions may be .. particularly critical to the analysis and eventual design and success of an engendered policy. Structural adjustment has forced government organizations to re-examine its role in many previously government-only or primarily government roles such as service -. delivery of these services. Non-government organizations, Jocal governments, and private businesses and ventures are developing roles for themselves in governments where downsizing means that the central government must delegate previous government roles to other institutions. It is more important than ever, that an institutional analysis be inc1uded in any policy refonn or design process. Engendering the Policy Reform Process A.6 An engendered policy refonn process is a two-stage process. The analytical stage is a modified approach that integrates a gender-based analysis of national development goals and programs which can be used to determine and justify gender-based policy refonn. The second stage is the consensus building stage that will lead to policy adoption and implementation. A Framework for Engendering Analysis A.7 Analyze socioe-eonomic problems, goals and development activities and programs: (a) meeting basic needs; (b) alleviating poverty; (c) increasing household level income; (d) increasing ~ationaJ GDP; (e) improving social, specifically health, indicators; (f) stabilizing population growth. A.8 Detennine, quantify, where data are available, and analyze women's current and potential roles in these goals and programs; Indirect and unintended benefits and possible negative impacts of policies need to be examined. This often requires a cross- or multi- sector analysis especially when policies and programs ha:ve been developed in single sector, non-engendered myopia. Institutional, .financial and economic, political and socio- cultural (traditional) anaJyses should focus on ,those aspects of the roles of women in programs and how the programs and roles of women interact. A.9 Determine constraints to women's current and potential contribution in these roles. • A.10 Design interventions to alleviate c,onstraints and maximize women's contributions to· national development social and economic goals; and to improve women's contribution to national socioeconomic development goals, interventions must be designed to increase women's participation and productivity. The two are intimately linked, participation 88  cannot be improved without some access to productive resources and vice versa. This suggests that engendered policy refonn will require an integrated sectoral and disciplinary approach. Inteiventions should include institutional, financial and economic, political and socio-cultural considerations. • Improving participation; Improving productivity; access to producrive resources A.11 Promote gender-based recommendations to existing or for new policy: In order to .~ assure that the recommendations are turned in to reformed policy, recommendations should: • be consistent with national and/or local government priorities; • be financially feasible or be packaged with a financial plan for supporting the recommendation; • have immediate short-term impact on a short-term priority, additional long term benefi~ would further the case; and • be cost effective, i.e. show a competitive rate of return for the investment with significant development impacts. Develop indicators to mon.itor and evaluat.e interventions or policies A.12 Consensus building for engenderedpolicy reform: The second phase of the policy refonn process promotes the use of analytical and infonnation-based multi-stakeholder analysis to develop and eventually adopt engendered policy reform. This phase is a three- stage process: dissemination and awareness raising, discussion and negotiations and finally consensus and adopted policy reform. These stages are not necessarily temporally distinct, but may be undertaken simultaneously during a workshop or seminar. The policy reform process is often characterized by the allocation of sc;_arce resources and therefote attaining consensus will often require negotiation before anstakeholders can agree on a final policy, or resource allocation, refonn. A.13 This phase of the policy reform process uses the analytical framework as the base for building consensus. An analysis based on verifiable data and analytical methods is a powerful consensus building tool. The analytical results form the basis for the information that is used in the awareness raising stage, the discussion and negotiation stage as well as the consensus building stage. The process is an iterative process in that feedback from discussion phase may generate the need for more and actually enhance the analysis. A.14 DissemiMtion and awareness: Dissemination and awareness is the first step in developing consensus, even when consensus may, in some cases, require the convincing 89 of one key policy maker, of a proposed policy refonn. Dissemination and awareness campaigns are developed with a combination of advocacy, analytical and marketing skills. The campaigns can consist of mass-media campaigns on the radio and television as well as private sessions with key policy refonn stakeholders of the results and recommendations of the analytical process. The approach is to present policy makers and al1 stakeholders with targeted descriptive and quantified analysis of issue in non-technical tenn.S with accompanying recommendations for specific policy reform. Broad-based or high-profile support for policy reform is the ultimate goal of the dissemination and awareness phase. A.15 The dissemination and awareness phase relies on the development of multi-media signed: presentation of issues and analytical results de- • for the targeted audience: private banks, national level policy makers, community voter registration, women's reproductive rights interest groups; • with a specific message; flexible credit requirements, creating female extension workers positions; • in an appropriate fonnat: brochure, posters. video, radio, newspaper... and, a dissemination plan. for informing stakeltolders of the-targeted message. This requires the development of the stakeholder-specific message in appropriate fonnats and a dissemination plan of the information or message so as to create the foundation for the next stage in the process: informed dialogue and negotiation. A dissemination plan may include: • mass media for general awareness raising (radio, TV, newspaper), • general-audience workshops and seminars (national to local level, including assemblies and legislatures), • gender-specific seminars and workshops for cross-institution audience, and • training in the analytical approach to stakeholding institutions. A.16 Dialogue and negotiation: The discussions of the proposed engendered policies among stakeholders will be based on quantifiable goals and roles of the various stakeholders formulated during the analytical phase of the process. This allows for negotiations to be based on quantifiable marginal benefits or losses with. suggested changes to the recommended scenario. A.17 Consensus to adopted policy: The intended outcome of the policy reform process is consensus-based engendered programs and policies that include an action plan for implementation and monitoring. Consensus implies that the stakeholders participating in 90 the discussions have agreed on a policy reform and are wil1ing to adopt and implement the policy. Conditions for successful policy reform A.18 Conditions for successful policy reform include: • a champion or advocate of the policy reform who will take responsibility for the process from the issue stage to engendered policy adoption; • a multi-disciplinary analytical team (economist, sociologist, law, political scientist, anthropologist, marketing ... ); • a targeted yet broad-based impact issue on which policy(ies) will be tiased (e.g., women's roles in agricultural production); • high-level, high-profile issues with broad based constituent input and support. A.19 While not one condition alone is sufficient, depending on the country specific n optimal mix of conditions are necessary to ensure successful policy refonn. situation, a_ 91  APPENDIX B REGULATORY ENVIRONMENT AND CONSTRAINTS ./' Legislation/Regulation Aff'ecting Im plicatioru Proposed Changes Informal Sedor Activity The Markets Act (1937): Empowen; the Is detrimental IO informul sector ...., Disirict Council,5 to regulate the businesses. especially women who management and use of markets and dominate such activities as peny 1radi:ng allows them to dictale lhe type or goods (street vending). to be sold in any markel and it can also .require that cenain specified goods be sold ooly witJ:iin the market. No person may sell any goods as defined in lhe Markets Act in any public pl~ wilhin a two-mile radius of any market, unless !hey have a trade license. The Trades Lirensing Act (1968): Most informal sector activities are Review procedure for applying for SI.Ill.cs thal no person shall sell _goods by operaacd without a liceruc. Obtaining the licenses and simplify wbern possible i.e. way o~ busine- ss unless hd!lhe has a nccessa,y lia:nses and regisiraliollll is a shorti:r forms to fill out; should perhaps lia:nsc issuerl under this Act. A liceming oomplicaied and time-ronsuming aeate special licenses for those activities 111Jthori1y has lhc di sere lion to rcfu,;c to process; it also prohibirs operating of which could be allowed IO operate in issue a license if lhe issue of such a businesses in areas where informal sector residential areas, i.e. cooking or wloring. license is likely to cause nuisance or businesses are most oommon, i.e. in lhe annoyance to people occupying premises mmc. or cesiding in the neighborhood of the business premises; or that the i&Sue of a license would conflict with any approved or proposed wwn planning sctieme or zoning an:a; or that the issue of such a license would opera1e against lbc: public interest. The Town and Country Planning Act Men and women in the infomw sector Should be amended !IO that nol all (1961): Allows lhe local authori lies IO ate roostantJy lhreatenal with eviction. informal sector activities are prohibited conrml the erection of buildings. Most Legislation regulating urban Iand U5e and from functioning in res.idcnlial an:as; urban m:a.s have City Council Tenancy land holding clearly has an effect on lhe perl:111ps ooly those which 11r1: extn::mely Ri:gulalions which prohibit illlY kind of location and legality of small-scale noisy, unhealthy oc dangerous. economic activity in an area designall:d business operations. It is lherefoo: under for housing . !his Aa !hal lllc sale of goods from homes can be pri:vi:ntcd, as an inapproprillle form of activi1y in e. residential 11rea. Small-scale manufaauring activity of any kind, for example, is not permissible in a residen lial area. The Traditional Beer Act: Prohibits the In a 1986 study by FiMhea and Milimo it Abolish this Act or perhaps acau: new sale or manufacturing of traditional beer was shown that 90 percent of all wodc~ legislation which allows individuals to .... by any individual in areas whidl lbe in t:raditional beer brewing were women. pan.icipate in beer brewing but require a Administration act dee tares ID be wirer special lia:nse w wa-k in oo:r brewing or lhe district control. This same Act allows perhaps tax the activity. the local au!borities to deal in traditional beer and manufacturing. 92  APPENDIX B: REGULA TORY ENVIRONMEt,IT AND CONSTRAINTS (cont'd) Lcgi.slation lmplicatiom Proposed Action The .Employment oC Women, Young Persons The Act excludal women from various ru- this Amendment Lo be eITectivc, and Children Act was intended lo "protect" areas of gainful employment. The it is suggested !hat the necessary wonv:n from hard and dangerous labor by Amendment of 1991 removes lhe steps be taken for it to be .. JXl)hi biting lhem from wcrting in mines or at night. latter provisions and allows women the freedom to work ill any induslly, implememed so as to ensure women's equal access and however it is not yet in fora: wtd parti cipali on in all aieas of formal awai.lS Presidential approval. emplo~nt. A L982 Amendment oC the Employment Act While such a provision IllllY be a good Rl:move the requirement for a two requires women wc,-k for 1wo years after lheir policy with regards to e fforu to redua: year wailing period and provide initial recruiunent before they c.an qualify for a fertility, it in effect penalize!; wo1ID1 other incentives for both husband paid maaernity leave, and an equal lime for each who arc unable w meet this and wife ID enwuragi: !hem ID wail subsequent pregnancy. requirement. Such le gislaiion fails to lhat same length of lime. An Lake imo coru;ide-r.uion !hat the alternaJ.ivc melhod might be ID uy husband or male partner has as much and provide tax incentives and/or if not ~ . of a say in the frequency benc:fiu. 10 the husband and wife. if of pregnancies and lhe UBC of Ibey wait two ycan after the wife's conlraccprives. initial recruitment ID have children. Th4: Industrial Relations Act states: ''no This Act provides for proleclion employa may tenninale lhe savices of an against discrimination for women in employee or impose any penalty or disadvantage lhe area of formal employment. on an employee on the grounds of race, color, However, it is not clear what the Act K.11, marital stams, religion. political opinion, or requires in the way of proof, for afliliaJion. tribal extraction or social status of women IO prove they have bem such an employee. Any employee with discriminated againSI. reasonable· grounds IO believe that she has been di..scriminali:d against on grounds of sex can bring a a,mplaint to !he lnduslrial Relations Court wilhin 30 days. If the court Ii~ in her favor, the remalies available against lhe ernployt"J" incl we compensation or reirutaLemenL" The Law Reform Miscellaneous Provisioruil Such a provision if effective shonld Act (CAP 74) gave manied women the same allow married women lo c:ner into right to contract already shared by men and business an1111gemems in the privau: single women. sector previoosl y not opco IO lhem. However, what happens in practia: is not clear and it may be that llllllllllTied women as in many other areas still require their husband's penrussmn before entering into any contractual rctationship . • . 93  APPENDIXC Table 1: Gender Issues in .Project Identification and Design Women's Dimension in Project Identification A. A~~ing women's needs 1. What needs and opportunities exits for increasing women's prcxiuctivity and/or production? 2. What needs and opportunities exist for increasing women's access to and control of ..., resources? 3. What needs and opportunities exist for increasing women's access to and control of benefits? 4. How do these needs and opportunities relate to the country's other general and sectoraJ development needs and opportunities? 5. Have women been directly consulted in identifying such needs and opportunities? B. Defming a general project objective. I. Are project objectives explicitly related to women's needs? 2. Do these objectives adequately reflect women's needs? 3. Have women participated in setting those objectives? 4. 1-:Iave there been any earlier efforts? C Identifying po~ble negative effects. 1. Might the project reduce women's access to,.or control of, resources and benefits? 2. Might it adversely affect women's situation in some other way? 3. What will be the effects on women in the short and longer run? Women's Dimension in Project Design A. Project impact on women's activities I. Which of these activities (prcxiuction, reprcxiuction and maintenance, sociopolitical) doe.,; the project affect? 2. Is the planned.component consistent with the current gender denomination for the activity? 3. If it plans to change the women's perfonnance of that activity (locus of the activity, remunerative mcxie, technology, mcxie of activity), is this feasible, and what effects would it have on women? ... 4. If there is no change, is this a missed opportunity for women's roles in the development process? 5. How can the project design be adjusted to increase the above-mentioned positive effects and reduce or eliminate the negative ones? 94  B. Project impact on women's access and control 1. How will each of the project's components affect women's access to and control of the resources and benefits engaged in and stemming from the production of goods and services? . 2. How will each of the project's components affect women's access to and contra] of the resources and benefits engaged in and stemming from the reproduction and maintenance ., ' of the human resources? 3. ~ow will each of the project's components affect women's access to and control of the resources and benefits engaged in and stemming from the sociopolitical functions? 4. What forces have been set into motion to induce further exploration of constraints and possible improvements? 5. How can the project design be adjusted to increase women's access to and control of resources and benefiL~? Source: Rao, Anderson and Overholt ( 199 l: 18-19) . • 95  APPENDIXD Sample of an Action Plan: Population, Health, Polley Reform Ultimate: lmpro\'e QuaJily or Action lo lmpro¥e I nstitutlona.1/ Life for All Zambians SI gniflCllllCe for Current New Policy/Program Programmatic lmmedhi.te Obiectlnll Develomnent Polides/Proe:rams lnter¥entlons ResPOnsibilitv TimeRrame Monitorine lndfoators Stow pop growth rai:e 10 a Allow for Determine barriers and ere.are rel!l!,ateh office and Heallh, NCDP, Research barriers: J Office created witli or sustainable level (i.e. match invesunent and disincenli ves IO access to programs to research gender NGO in family year; increase supply existing office with population growth rate wi!h improved coverage and practice of family issues in population growth planning services lll numbers and additional research mandate available re80U("Ces and In basic social planning: legal, rmancial (level and structure of lhc minisuy, NGOs im variety of preferably in WID or economic growth (e.g. assure services: health, and supply of services and population) family planning, heallh/family planning office: coverllBC of basic needs and educaLion, wat.er personnel, culiural private research planning services an d reports/studies published sc:1Yia:s for population as well traditional, sauce- finns contraa:ptives: 5 and dissemination pla11 for as employment and Olher economic years; findings income 11cneratin11. activities " " Generate demand for Large scale awareness raising " Awareness caising Contraceptive prevalence family planning of family planning program: 2 • 5 years rate, Total fertility rate , services/practices advantages at household including women, number and type of level: improved infant and health personnel and awareness raising activities. malemal survival. improved religious leaders as Lal Iy of attendees al child nutrition, labor force target audience awan:IIC6s raising acti vilics participation and corTesponding poienlial net - income increase Slow population growth rate to Improve mlllemal Creme incentives to .. Develop incentives Maicmal mortality rate, enhance capacity to atiain and child survl val practice family planning pacbge: I yr. child and infant rnonality sustainable development goals lo ill1)ac1. (ihe proJlimate rate, CPR, number of new detemJ.inants of fertility: acceplors by age and parity delaying marriage and births, spacing births thereby decreasing dependence on abortion as familv nlannin11 method " Improve oo\erage Generate support to Integrate family planning " and access to supply family planning services in hcallh and services education, services and education programs healch, energy, waier comraccptives to women and men of reproductive ~e Institutionalize gender Oetennine and Develop gender sensitive CSO/NCDP Stati tical yearbooks with disaggregated data collection quantify gender- data collection forms gender di 511ggregaled and anal ysis specific roles in st.atislics development orocess 96  . • ' . APPENDIXE ALLZAMBIA RURAL URBAN BOTH % MALE % FEMALE % BOTH % MALE % FEMALE % BOTH % MALE o/o FEMALE 0,1 [OTAL LABOR FORCE 3,215,000 1,737,990 1,476,996 2,049,758 1,007,116 1,042,642 1,165,228 730,&74 434,354 ICurTently Employed Labor Force 2,519,703 1,410,076 1,109,627 1,762,792 866,120 896,672 769,050 548,156 217,177 I Fonnal Sector 629,925 25% 479,426 34% 122,059 11% 105,768 6% 95,273 11% 17,933 2% 507,573 66% 394,672 72% 102,073 47o/. •Government employee •pa,-uWat Employee "Private Seci:or Employee 2 Informal Sc,;tor 1,033,078 41% 620,433 44% 421,658 38% 881,396 50% 519,672 60% J)l,769 37% 176,882 23% 98,668 18% 76,012 3So/c •self-employed "Employer J Unpaid family Wort.er 755,910 30% 239,713 17% 510,428 46% 722,745 41% 22S,191 26% S02,136 56% 2J,072 3% S,482 1% 17,374 8o/c Currently En:iployed in Agriculture Ku a proportion oftoial no. of currently 1,612,610 64% 775,542 55% 832,220 75% 1,568,885 89% 744,863 86% 815,972 91% 61,524 8% 32,889 6% 28,23J 13% mmloyed) Distribution of AG work.ers: •employed in AG: Formal Seelor 42,138 J% 36,294 5% 5,844 0.7% 30,371 2% 26,322 4% 4,049 0.5% 12,345 20% 10,566 32% 1,779 6% *employed in AG: Informal S ~ 829,134 SI% 507,345 65% 321,789 39o/., 801,610 51% 492,260 66% J09,JS0 38% 30,003 49% 16,944 52% 13,060 46°/ci •employed in AG: Unpaid family wkr 733,232 45% 231,903 30% 504,587 61% 736,904 47% 226,281 JO% S02,57J 62% 19,176 JI% 5,379 16% 13,394 47% • 97% of unpaid family workers work in AG Average Monthly Income frum AG (kwacha) •fonnal s~ 4,4tl0 4,711 1,585 'Informal Sector 2,968 3,277 2,361 *Unpaid family worker - . . Proportion of AG contribution to GDP • 1991 (c:urrent US dollan - WDR 1993) 16% • 1991 (current mkt prii;a - CEM) 12% 97  APPENDIXF '• GDP by Stttor 1980-1991 (Millim1s of constant 1977 kwacha) 600 ." - - - Ap:ic/Forest ~ soo - MininwQurry .E . . ii I< :,c 400 - M1nuf1tturing - Conslnlaion 300 ------- Transport/Comm 200 ------- Servi <es 100 1910 1911 1912 19'3 1914 191! 1916 1917 1911 1919 1990 1991 98  APPENDIX G " • Higb lnatme Urban CPI by EKpn.dilun: Item 1985 - 100 4000 3500 --Food 3000 8 ·c:: 0.. 2500 ~ e :, "' C 0 2000 u .... 0 ~ 1500 - - - - - Trampcn ] Educ/he 1000 500 0 1985 • 1986 1987 1988 1989 1988 1991 Source. Coo-,,,,... Pri<,; '"""'· CSO, July 1991 -, • 99  APPENDIXH .... Low Income Urbaa CPI by E:lpellditu~ lte111 1985 ~ 100 6000 5000 ~ ·i: 4000 P.. I, ~ ::l ------- Food 3000 "' Q -----+-- Clothing/F wcar ... u Q -------6--- Rent/Fuel/Light .., :i 2000 .5 - - - - - F urnit/Hh goom 1000 ------- Other g~SCf\l o· 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 Sowce: Consumer Price lnda,CSO, July l99J . •I:'" 100  APPENDIX I .• ; M11rTied Females "Current Contraceptive Use" 100 90 so 70 .. c ~ 60 50 Q, 40 JO 20 10 0 Any Mrlhod A11y Modern Mdllod Any Tradi1io. .1 Non .DOiie • priaary • llftHII'}' D lfftlary .• 101  APPENDIX J es Public Expenditures by Economic Activiti. (by percentage distribution) 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 Acnial Actual Actual Actual Actual Actual Revised Budget ,.,. Economic Agriculture, forestry & f ishcries 6.4 4.7 6.9 4.1 5.1 7.4 6.S 7.1 .• Lands, Natural Resources & Water Department 1.3 2.7 1.6 1.7 1.5 2.3 2.1 2.1 -~ Mining 0.5 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.3 0.7 0.5 0.5 Manufacturing & Trade 0.3 0.6 0.6 O.S 4.2 2.5 1.8 1.4 ' Sub-Total 8.8 8.3 9.5 6.7 I I.I 12.8 10.9 I I.I Infrastructure Tourism 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.6 Energy I.I 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.2 0.2 0 .5 0.5 Transport & Communication S.6 5.8 9.0 4.1 6.6 9.0 5.0 4.6 Housing & Urban Development 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Sub-Total 6.9 6.4 9.6 4.8 7.0 9.6 5.9 5.7 Social Services Educa1ion 16.8 13 .4 8.0 10.3 8.7 8.7 9.1 122.2 HcaltJi 7.6 6.7 4 .2 6.0 7.8 6.7 6 .3 7.2 Infonnation & Broadcasting 0.7 0.5 0.5 0 .7 0.6 0.5 0.6 0.7 Employment & Social Development 2.9 0.5 0.5 1.0 0.4 0.7 0.8 0.7 Sub-Total 211.0 24.I 13.2 17.9 17.4 16.S 16.8 20.8 General Administration Policy Making & Legislation 1.8 1.8 1.4 2.0 2.0 2.6 3 .4 3.0 Central Administration 6.7 7.5 5.2 13.0 8.3 12.1 14.0 7.4 Law&Order 5.9 4.7 3.3 3.8 3.6 3.5 3.8 4.1 foreign Affairs 2.4 1.4 2.0 3.6 2.5 2.9 2.6 2.8 Regional Administration & Development 4.1 3.9 2.6 1.4 1.3 1.4 3.7 4.2 Sub-Total 20.8 19.4 14.S 24.2 17.8 22.4 27.5 21.S Non-Minisierial Expenditures Pensions 2.1 1.4 0.8 I.I 1.3 1.8 1.5 1.0 Subsidies 6.1 8.6 10.6 11.5 16.7 13.0 11.9 11.S Debt Service 13.11 18.6 24.3 17.5 13.5 9.3 7.4 18.2 ~ Other Constitutional & Statutory 13.5 13. 1 17.5 16. 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