Research on the socio-economic status of journalists and other media professionals in Montenegro

Research on the socio-economic status of journalists and other media professionals in Montenegro

January 2026  !

The views expressed in this research remain the responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the OSCE, Missions, or its participating States. Neither the OSCE, Missions, nor its participating States assume any responsibility for consequences which may arise from the use of this publication. This publication does not address questions of responsibility, legal or otherwise, for acts or omissions on the part of any person. Introduction 1 Methodology 3 Employment status and working conditions 4 Safety and editorial pressure 35 Psychological well-being and workplace burnout 40 Professional associations and trade union membership 46 Gender, Youth, and Regional Perspectives 52 Digital Transformation 61 Recommendations 64 Labor Rights, Salaries, and Social Protection 64 Safety, Editorial Independence, and Working Conditions 64 SProfessional Development and Career Growth 65 Role of the State, Trade Unions, Associations, and International Partners 65 Annex 66 Demographic data 66

1  Introduction Despite the crucial role that the media play in safeguarding democratic processes, transparency, and the public interest, numerous reports and public debates indicate that journalists work under rather unfavorable conditions, often marked by low and irregular incomes, a lack of clear labor rights, limited access to social and health protection, and the absence of systematic professional support. These challenges are further exacerbated by political and economic pressures, security risks, as well as uneven standards in a digitally transformed media environment, as also recognized in OSCE documents.

The first comprehensive study of these issues in Montenegro was conducted in 2014 with the support of the OSCE Mission. The findings provided an important starting point for analyzing differences between public and private media, gender inequalities, levels of unionization, and overall working conditions. Although the study had a significant impact on public policies and the media sector, it was never systematically updated, despite the fact that the media landscape has changed substantially over the past decade.

Accordingly, the OSCE Mission to Montenegro and the Trade Union of Media of Montenegro (SMCG/TUMM) initiated the implementation of a new, comprehensive study which, in light of the Media Strategy 2023–2027, will offer updated and expanded data on the socio-economic status of journalists and other media professionals. The research is part of the project “Journalists and Media in a Safe and Secure Environment” and includes quantitative survey research and qualitative focus groups, with the aim of gaining a deeper understanding of working conditions, access to rights, feelings of personal security, professional pressures, and perceptions of trade union organization.

The questionnaire used in the research covers a wide range of topics, from types of media and ownership structures, through employment status and wage structure, to issues related to the regularity of payments, compensation for overtime work, infrastructural conditions, access to technology, opportunities for professional development, and assessments of job stability. Special attention is paid to gender equality, compliance with labor legislation, as well as regional and sectoral differences in working practices.

This report represents the result of a consolidated analysis of the collected quantitative and qualitative data. Its aim is to provide reliable, comparable, and statistically grounded information on the working and living conditions of journalists and media workers in Montenegro, and to contribute to evidence-based policymaking, the strengthening of labor rights protection, and the improvement of the broader environment for media freedoms in the country. The findings are intended for state institutions, media outlets, professional and trade union organizations, international partners, and the expert public, and should serve as a relevant basis for future interventions by the OSCE and other actors in the sector.

2 Methodology The research on the socio-economic status of journalists and other media professionals in Montenegro was conducted using a mixed-methodological approach, combining quantitative and qualitative methods. This approach enabled the collection of reliable, representative, and in-depth insights into working conditions, professional challenges, and the needs of employees in the media sector.

The quantitative part of the research was carried out through a structured survey conducted between 15 October and 19 November. In total, 261 responses were collected from journalists and media employees in Montenegro.

The survey was implemented across 41 different media outlets, including the public service broadcaster and local public broadcasters, print and online media, radio stations, small digital newsrooms, and specialized platforms.

The sample included journalists and media workers of diverse professional profiles, job positions, and levels of experience. The questionnaire consisted of a combination of closed-ended questions (scales, multiple-choice) and several open-ended questions that allowed respondents to provide more detailed comments.

Quantitative data were complemented by qualitative insights obtained through four focus groups, conducted on 18 and 19 November, with a total of 29 participants. The focus groups enabled a deeper understanding of working conditions, professional challenges, pressures, and needs, particularly in areas that are difficult to fully capture through survey instruments.

Focus group participants were evenly selected from different segments of the media sector:

1. Journalists, editors, and producers employed by public broadcasters (RTCG and local public services).

2. Journalists, editors, correspondents, and freelancers from private media outlets.

3. Technical, production, and administrative staff, such as camera operators, sound technicians, editors, graphic designers, web administrators, and other production personnel.

4. Female journalists and media professionals from both the public and private sectors, employed in various positions (from entry-level to managerial), with a particular focus on a gender perspective and experiences of gender-based violence and harassment.

Each focus group lasted approximately 90 minutes and was conducted using a pre-structured guide, while allowing for open discussion on key topics: working conditions, professional pressures, security, digitalization, gender equality, trade union organization, and perspectives of the profession.

3  Employment status and working conditions This chapter provides an overview of the key research findings related to the employment status of journalists in Montenegro and the quality of their working conditions. The aim is to present a broader picture of job stability, financial security, the working environment, and the overall conditions under which journalists perform their work through the analysis of a range of issues.

The questions cover various aspects of employment engagement—from the type and dura- tion of employment, the place where work is performed, and wage structure, to the regularity of payments, salary levels, and employer practices regarding contributions and insurance. Special attention is paid to overtime work, the volume of working hours, the use of annual leave, work obligations during holidays, and access to sick leave.

This section also analyzes journalists’ views on the quality of their working space, the availability of modern technology, opportunities for professional development, clarity of communication within newsrooms, and respect for working hours. It further examines the extent to which journalists believe the profession offers stable long-term prospects, as well as their preferences regarding the type of media they would like to work in.

In addition, the chapter addresses perceptions of equal treatment of female and male journalists by employers, editors, colleagues, the public, and professional associations. Finally, it analyzes the priority changes journalists would like to see in their working conditions, providing important insight into their needs and expectations.

The results of the question “What is your current employment status?” show that the largest number of journalists in Montenegro are employed on permanent contracts. As many as 77.8% of respondents report having permanent employment, indicating a relatively high level of formal job security in the media sector. The second-largest group consists of journalists working on fixed-term contracts, accounting for 16.5%. This percentage shows that a significant portion of journalists continue to operate under a status that entails greater uncertainty and limited long-term stability.

The data show that none of the respondents work part-time (0%), indicating that this form of engagement is virtually nonexistent in Montenegrin newsrooms, although it is used as a flexible work model in other sectors. Additionally, 4.6% of journalists work under service contracts, a form of engagement that most often implies occasional work without full labor-law protection and without the benefits associated with standard employment. A very small number of respondents (only 0.4%) state that they work as freelancers.

Overall, the findings indicate that journalism in Montenegro is predominantly based on perma- nent employment, while flexible and more insecure forms of work are present to a lesser, yet still significant extent. Nevertheless, the presence of journalists without contracts and those with short-term engagements points to segments of the workforce that are more exposed to risks and weaker professional protection.

4 Graph 1: What is your current employment status?

Permanent employment 77.8%

Fixed-term contract 16.5%

Part-time employment 0.0%

Contract for services 4.6%

Freelancer 0.4%

I do not have a contract 0.8%

The results show that the work of journalists in Montenegro most often takes place in a combined working arrangement. As many as 45.6% of respondents state that they work in a hybrid mode—partly from the newsroom, partly in the field, and occasionally from home. This finding reflects the dynamic nature of journalistic work and the demands that require flexibility and readiness to work in different environments.

The second-largest group consists of journalists who work mainly from the newsroom (39.5%), indicating that a significant portion of journalistic work remains tied to newsroom premises, especially for tasks that involve content editing, team coordination, or studio/production work. Field-based work is reported by 11.9% of respondents. This percentage is expected given the role of field reporting, but it also shows that most journalists who go into the field do so within a combined model rather than working exclusively on location.

Working mainly from home is very rare, reported by only 1.9% of respondents. The “Other” category accounts for 1.1% of responses and likely includes specific or occasional forms of engagement that do not fit standard working models.

Overall, the findings indicate that journalists in Montenegro most often operate within a flexible, hybrid working arrangement, while exclusively remote work remains marginal. This reflects the hybrid nature of contemporary journalism, as well as the practical demands of a profession that requires constant mobility and availability.

5  Graph 2: Do you work from home, in the field, from the editorial office, or in a hybrid arrangement?

Mostly from the editorial office

Mostly from home

In the field

Hybrid

Other

The results show that a significant proportion of journalists in Montenegro have many years of work experience in the same media outlet. The largest group of respondents, 39.5%, have been working in their current newsroom for more than 10 years. This finding indicates a relatively high level of employee retention and long-term professional ties between journalists and media organizations.

The next largest groups are those with medium-length tenure: 16.9% of respondents have been working in their current media outlet for between 1 and 3 years, 14.9% for 5 to 10 years, and 12.6% for 3 to 5 years. Taken together, these categories show that a substantial number of journalists remain with the same media organization for several years, though not necessarily for more than a decade.

In the category of the shortest tenure, 9.2% of respondents have been with their current media outlet for between 6 months and 1 year, while 6.9% have been working there for less than 6 months. This data points to a certain level of workforce turnover, but to a lesser extent compared to long-term engagements.

The presence of journalists who have remained in newsrooms for more than ten years suggests a high level of loyalty, but it may also indicate limited opportunities for mobility within the sector.

Graph 3: How long have you been working in the current media company?

Less than 6 months 6.9% 6 months to 1 year 9.2% 1–3 years 16.9% 3–5 years 12.6% 5–10 years 14.9% More than 10 years 39.5%

6 The results show that the salaries of most journalists in Montenegro are structured as fixed monthly earnings. This model is reported by 77.0% of respondents, indicating that most media outlets rely on a traditional salary calculation system without a variable,performance-based component.

The second most common category is the combined model, in which income is partly fixed and partly performance-based. This form is reported by 20.7% of respondents, suggesting that some newsrooms apply incentive-based pay systems, but that such practices are still significantly less prevalent than standard fixed salaries. A very small percentage of journalists have income entirely based on performance, without a fixed salary—only 0.4% of respondents.

Graph 4: How is your salary structured?

Fixed monthly salary 77.0% Partly fixed, partly according 20.7% to performance Fully performance based 0.4% (no fixed salary) Other 1.5% No response 0.4%

A further review of differences in salary structure between journalists working in public and private media shows that the majority in both sectors receive a fixed salary—reported by 72.5% of journalists working in public media and an even higher share of those working in private media (85.1%). It should be noted that a significantly larger number of journalists employed in public media have a combined salary structure (partly fixed and partly performance-based) compared to journalists working in private media. Specifically, 24.6% of journalists working in public service media in the sample have a combined salary, compared to 13.8% of those working in private media.

7  Graph 5: What is the ownership status of the media company you work for? * How is your salary structured?

72.7% Public/State-owned 24.6% 0.8% 2.0%

85.1% Private 13.8% 0.0% 1.1%

Fixed monthly salary Partly fixed, partly according to performance Fully performance based (no fixed salary) Other

When it comes to salary levels, the largest share of journalists earns an average monthly salary in the range between €801 and €1,000, a category selected by 36.8% of respondents. This findin indicates that most journalists fall within the middle-income bracket, which is likely the most characteristic for the profession in the country.

The second most common group consists of journalists earning between €601 and €800, reported by 29.1% of respondents. This suggests that a significant number of journalists still receive salaries below a level that could be considered adequate given the demands of the job. Salaries between €1,001 and €1,200 are reported by 16.9% of respondents, while 4.6% earn between €1,201 and €1,500.

An overview of salary levels in relation to the registered job position shows that for the largest number of journalists, the monthly salary amounts to between €801 and €1,000 (49.1%), while 27.3% report earnings between €601 and €800. In addition, 10.9% state that their salary ranges from €1,000 to €1,200. None of the journalists in the sample reported earning more than €1,500.

Editors, on the other hand, most often (38.2%) earn salaries in the range of €1,001 to €1,200, while 32.7% report salaries between €801 and €1,000. In addition, 10.9% of editors state that they earn up to €1,500, while 7.3% indicate that their salary exceeds €1,500.

8 Graph 6: What is your registered job title? * What is your average monthly salary?

0.0% 5.5% 27.3% Journalist / Reporter 49.1% 10.9% 4.5% 0.0% 2.7%

0.0% 1.8% Editor 1.8% (e.g. News Editor, 32.7% 38.2% Column Editor) 10.9% 7.3% 7.3% Less than 450 EUR 1001 - 1200 EUR 450–600 EUR 1201 - 1500 EUR 601 - 800 EUR More than 1500 EUR 801 - 1000 EUR I do not want to answer

It should be noted that the focus group findings point to widespread dissatisfaction with salary levels. Participants from both the public and private sectors emphasize that the fixed component of pay is most often not aligned with the workload, while bonuses and additional allowances in many newsrooms are either not предусмотрed or are not paid. Particularly in private media, examples were recorded of significant income disparities that are not linked to experience or education.

“I think there is no one in Montenegro who is, on average, more poorly paid than journalists.” (Focus group participant)

“I have had situations where I waited up to 12 hours in one place just to take a single photograph. Let someone tell me that such ‘working conditions’ exist with such low pay. You won’t find that any- where else.” (Focus group participant)

9  Graph 7 : What is your average monthly salary?

Less than 450 EUR 0.4% 450–600 EUR 7.3% 601–800 EUR 29.1% 801-1000 EUR 36.8% 1001-1200 EUR 16.9% 1201-1500 EUR 4.6% More than 1500 EUR 1.9% I do not want to answer 3.1%

The results show that the vast majority of journalists in Montenegro receive their salaries on time. As many as 72.0% of respondents report that their pay is always disbursed on time, which is an important indicator of the financial stability of most media outlets. An additional 23.0% of respondents state that their salary is usually paid on time—delays occur, but they are not frequent.

Graph 8: Is your salary paid on time?

Always on time 72.0% Mostly on time 23.0% Sometimes late 3.8% Often late 1.1%

In addition to regular payments, the research shows that the vast majority of journalists do not have unpaid salaries. As many as 88.5% of respondents report that they have received all their pay, which is a positive indicator of financial regularity in most of the sector. On the other hand, 8.4% of journalists state that their employer owes them salary for the previous month. An additional 2.3% of respondents report being owed salary for 1–2 months, which already represents a serious form of irregularity and increases financial pressure on employees. A small number of respondents, 0.8%, chose not to disclose whether they have unpaid salaries.

Overall, delays and salary arrears are present but affect a relatively small portion of journalists. Nevertheless, even this smaller segment indicates financial instability in certain media outlets and highlights the need for greater oversight and protective mechanisms.

10 Graph 9: Does your employer owe you salary for a certain period?

No, it’s all paid 88.5%

Yes, for the past month 8.4%

Yes, for 1–2 months 2.3%

I do not want to answer 0.8% The results show that most journalists in Montenegro received a salary increase over the past year, independent of the state program “Europe Now 2.” Specifically, 57.5% of respondents report that their pay was increased, indicating a positive trend in the sector, likely because of internal decisions, adjustments for inflation, or efforts to retain key personnel.

“Well, it has been increased a bit, for me and some of my colleagues, I know, but it’s really not much.But yes, it has increased somewhat, I won’t deny that…” (Focus group participant)

On the other hand, 42.1% of respondents state that their salary has not changed over the past year. This result shows that a significant portion of journalists did not experience an increase in earnings, which may indicate limited financial capacity in certain media outlets or stagnation in the reward system. A very small percentage, only 0.4% of respondents, report that their salary decreased over the past year.

Graph 10: Has your salary increased/decreased in the past year, unrelated to the Europe Now 2 Program?

Yes, increased 57.5%

Yes, reduced 0.4% No, it remained 42.1% the same

Among respondents who reported that their salary was increased in the past year (n=150), the largest share (34%) stated that it was increased by 10%, 26.7% reported a 20% increase, and 11.3% indicated a 15% increase.

Looking at the data on salary increases/decreases over the past year, there are no significant differences between journalists working in public and private media outlets. Specifically, 58.7% of journalists in public media report that their salary was increased, 0.6% report a decrease, and 40.7% say it remained the same. Similarly, among journalists in private media, 55.3% report a salary increase over the past year, 44.7% state it remained the same, and none reported a decrease.

11  Graph 11: What is the ownership status of the media company you work for? * Has your salary increased/ decreased in the past year, unrelated to the Europe Now 2 Program?

58.7% Public/ State-owned 0.6% 40.7%

55.3% Privateowned 0.0% 44.7%

Yes, increased Yes, reduced No, it remained the same

Regarding pay equality in similar positions, the largest percentage of respondents, 42.5%, stat- ed that they do not know whether their colleagues receive the same salary. This indicates a lack of transparency within media organizations and limited communication about salaries among employees.

At the same time, 40.6% of respondents believe that colleagues in similar positions receive the same pay as they do, which may point to more standardized salary practices in certain newsrooms. In contrast, 16.9% of respondents report that their colleagues do not receive the same pay, even though they hold similar positions. This finding raises questions about inconsistencies, informal arrangements, or differences in individual negotiations.

Graph 12: To your knowledge, do your colleagues in similar positions receive the same salary as you?

Yes 40.6%

No 16.9%

I do not know 42.5%

Analyzing this question in relation to the ownership status of the media outlet where they work, we can conclude that a nearly equal percentage of journalists in public/state and private media believe that their colleagues in similar positions receive the same salary—40.1% in the public sector and 41.5% in the private sector. In both sectors, between 15% and 20% of respondents believe that salaries are not equal, further highlighting the perception of inconsistencies in pay practices.

12  Graph 13: What is the ownership status of the media company you work for? * To your knowledge, do your col-leagues in similar positions receive the same salary as you?

40.1% Public/State-owned 15.6% 44.3%

41.5% Private 19.6% 39.4% Yes No I do not know Additionally, the highest percentage of those who believe that colleagues in the same positions receive equal pay is found among web administrators (100%). High perceptions of pay equality are also reported by managers (60%) and journalists/reporters (45.5%), but in these groups there is also a significant share of respondents who “don’t know” (40%), indicating a lack of transparency. The greatest uncertainty is observed among graphic designers, where as many as 66.7% do not know whether pay differences exist, and only one-third believe salaries are equal. Photojournalists and editors also show high levels of uncertainty on this issue (44.4% and 49.1%, respectively).

The overall conclusion is that perceptions of equal pay vary significantly by position, and in most occupations, there is a high level of employee unawareness, indicating a lack of clear communication about salary structures within media organizations.

13  Graph 14: What is your registered job title? * To your knowledge, do your colleagues in similar positions receive the same salary as you?

45.5% Journalist / Reporter 14.5% 40.0% 32.7% Editor (e.g. News Editor, Column Editor) 18.2% 49.1% 37.0% Photojournalist / Camera Operator 18.5% 44.4% 41.2% Producer (TV, Radio, or Online) 23.5% 35.3%

Technician (e.g. Sound, Lighting, 41.7% 25.0% Broadcasting) 33.3% 44.4% Audio/Video Editor 22.2% 33.3%

Social Media Manager / 60.0% 20.0% Digital Content Specialist 20.0% 0.0% Graphic Designer / Visual Content Creator 33.3% 66.7% 100.0% Web Administrator / IT Support 0.0% 0.0% 31.6% Other 10.5% 57.9%

Yes No I do not know

The results show that most journalists report that their employer regularly pays contributions for social and health insurance. As many as 75.9% of respondents state that contributions are fully paid, which represents a positive indicator of formally regulated employment relationships and compliance with legal obligations.

Overall, although most journalists have their contributions properly paid, there is a concerning portion of employees working under irregular conditions. This underscores the need for stronger oversight and better education of employees regarding their rights.

14  Graph 15: Does your employer pay you contributions for social and health insurance?

Yes, completely 75.9%

Partially 3.1%

No 7.3%

I do not know 13.8%

A similar picture emerges regarding insurance status. The largest percentage of respondents, 84.7%, report that they are insured based on their full salary. A smaller share (1.1%) states that they are insured on an amount lower than their actual salary, and 3.8% say they are insured at the minimum wage. Both cases indicate irregularities and undeclared work, especially if actual salaries exceed the minimum wage. Concerningly, 4.6% of respondents report that they are not insured at all, while 2.7% do not know their insurance status. An additional 3.1% of respondents chose not to answer.

This data indicates that most journalists have proper insurance based on their full salary, but they also reveal the presence of irregularities and a significant portion of employees without adequate coverage. These findings point to the need for stronger oversight and greater transparency in the system of contribution payments and insurance regulation.

Graph 16: What is your insurance status?

I am insured on a full salary 84.7% I am insured for an amount lower 1.1% than the actual salary I am insured on minimum wage 3.8%

I am not insured 4.6%

I do not know if I am insured 2.7%

I do not want to answer 3.1% The results show that most journalists work in media outlets that have established official regulations and clearly defined job descriptions. As many as 83.5% of respondents report that such documents exist, indicating a relatively high level of institutional organization and formalization of work procedures.

A smaller portion of respondents (11.9%) state that their newsroom does not have official regulations, but that their tasks are clearly defined. This group likely operates based on verbal agreements or established practices. 15  Graph 17: Are there official regulations or job descriptions in the media you work in?

Yes 83.5%

No, but my tasks are clear 11.9% No, and my tasks are not 2.3% clearly defined I do not want to answer 2.3%

Looking at the data on the relationship between media ownership and the existence of official regulations or job descriptions, we observe that in public media, as many as 87.4% of employees report that official regulations or clearly defined work duties exist. In contrast, in private media, this percentage is somewhat lower, at 76.6%.

At the same time, in private media a much higher share of employees report that regula-tions do not exist but that their tasks are clear (17% compared to 9% in the public sec-tor). This suggests that private media rely more on informal work organization. In both sectors, a small percentage of respondents believe that tasks are not clearly defined (around 2%), while the share of those who chose not to answer is slightly higher in private media.

Graph 18: What is the ownership status of the media company you work for? *Are there official regulations or job descriptions in the media you work in?

87.4% Public/State-owned 9.0% 2.4% 1.2% 76.6% Private 17.0% 2.1% 4.3%

Yes No, but my tasks are clear No, and my tasks are not clearly defined I do not want to answer

16  Most journalists work within a standard eight-hour workday. The largest share of respondents, 56.7%, report working 6–8 hours per day. However, 28.0% of respondents state that they work on average 8–10 hours daily, and 3.4% work more than 10 hours. These data indicate a frequent need for extended work hours and a potential risk of overload and burnout.

“There’s no set working hours; when something happens, we’re out in the field, and colleagues are in the control room.” (Focus group participant)

“They call us – something is happening, and we immediately have to go there.” (Focus group participant)

At the other end of the scale are those who work less than 4 hours (1.1%) or 4–6 hours per day (8.0%). These cases likely relate to freelance engagements or specific positions. An additional 2.7% of respondents chose not to disclose how many hours they work daily. Overall, journalism is confirmed as a profession characterized by high dynamism and frequent extended working hours.

Graph 19: How many hours a day do you work on average?

Less than 4 hours 1.1%

4-6 hours 8.0%

6-8 hours 56.7%

8-10 hours 28.0%

More than 10 hours 3.4%

I do not want to answer 2.7% Overtime work is a very common occurrence. The largest share of respondents, 22.2%, report working overtime several times a week. Another 19.5% work overtime 2–3 times per month, 8.4% once a week, and the same percentage (8.4%) almost every day. Smaller shares report overtime once a month (6.5%) or a few times a year (9.6%), while 13.4% say they work overtime “rarely.” Only 9.6% of respondents state that they never work overtime, and 2.3% chose not to answer. These data indicate that most journalists work overtime at least several times a month, with a significant portion doing so several times a week.

It should also be noted that qualitative findings indicate that overtime is one of the main sources of stress. Focus group participants, especially from the public service, report that heavy workloads often affect their private lives, while female journalists highlight the additional challenge of balancing parental responsibilities. The lack of systematic training for work in high-risk situations and the absence of psychological support further amplify feelings of exhaustion and the risk of burnout.

17  Graph 20: How often do you work overtime?

Almost every day 8.4% Several times a week 22.2% Once a week 8.4% 2-3 times a month 19.5% Once a month 6.5% Several times a year 9.6% Less often 13.4% I never work overtime 9.6% I do not want to answer 2.3%

Although common, media employees report that overtime work is not consistently paid, indicating significant differences in practice among media outlets. The largest share of respondents, 42.9%, state that their overtime work is fully compensated, which represents a positive and legally compliant practice by employers who recognize the additional effort of their staff.

“It is assumed that we are on call and will go into the field whenever needed.” (Focus group participant)

However, 13.4% of respondents report that their overtime is only partially paid, suggesting that extra hours are not fully compensated or are paid only in certain cases. Such practices may result from inconsistent internal policies or unclear rules regarding overtime work.

A concerning finding is that 25.3% of journalists say that overtime is not paid at all. Additionally, 11.9% of respondents chose not to answer this question, which may indicate the sensitivity of the topic or fear of repercussions, especially in newsrooms where overtime work is neither formally recognized nor compensated.

Graph 21: Are you paid for overtime work?

Yes, completely 42.9% Yes, partially 13.4% Sometimes yes, sometimes no 6.5% No, it is not paid 25.3% I do not want to answer 11.9%

18  Looking at the data on the relationship between media ownership type and the frequency of overtime work, certain differences between the public/state and private sectors can be observed.

Overtime is more pronounced in private media: 9.6% of journalists work overtime almost every day, and as many as 25.5% several times a week. In contrast, in public/state media these figures are lower (7.8% and 20.4%). The private sector also shows a smaller share of those who never work overtime (11.7% compared to 8.4% in the public sector), further indicating a higher workload.

On the other hand, the public/state sector has the highest percentage of employees who work overtime only occasionally—particularly 2–3 times per month (24.6%), which is more than double compared to the private sector (10.6%). This suggests that overtime hours in public media are more often occasional, rather than intense and continuous.

Graph 22: What is the ownership status of the media company you work for? * How often do you work overtime?

7.8% 20.4% 9.6% 24.6% Public/State-owned 4.8% 10.2% 11.4% 8.4% 3.0% 9.6% 25.5% 6.4% 10.6% Private 9.6% 8.5% 17.0% 11.7% 1.1%

Almost every day Several times a week Once a week 2-3 times a month Once a month Several times a year Less often I never work overtime I do not want to answer

Looking at the data on the relationship between media ownership type and whether overtime is paid, patterns in the public/state and private sectors are very similar, with a few important differences.

In both sectors, roughly the same percentage of employees report that their overtime is fully paid—42.5% in public media and 43.6% in private media. This shows that nearly half of jour- nalists, regardless of media type, have clear and proper compensation for overtime work. Differences appear in partial compensation: the public sector reports partial payment signifi- cantly more often (15.6% compared to 9.6%), while in the private sector a higher share claims that overtime is not paid at all (28.7% compared to 23.4%). This suggests that private media more frequently operate without formal mechanisms for overtime compensation.

19  Graph 23: What is the ownership status of the media company you work for? * Are you paid for overtime work?

42.5% 15.6% Public/State-owned 7.8% 23.4% 10.8%

43.6% 9.6% Private 4.3% 28.7% 13.8% Yes, completely Yes, partially Sometimes yes, sometimes no No, it is not paid I do not want to answer

When it comes to days off, 80.8% of journalists report having two days off per week, while 13% state that they have only one. An additional 2.7% say they have more than two days off, and 2.7% report that the number of days off varies. Particularly concerning is that 0.8% of journalists indicate that they do not have any days off on a weekly basis.

Graph 24: How many days off do you have per week?

None 0.8% 1 day 13.0% 2 days 80.8% More than 2 days 2.7% Varies (Please specify) 2.7% Furthermore, regarding annual leave, 94.6% of journalists report having regular annual leave, while 3.1% state that they do not. Among those who have annual leave, almost all respondents (97.6%) say that they use it.

20  Graph 25 : Do you have regular annual leave?

Yes 94.6% No 3.1% I do not want to answer 2.3% Graph 26 : Do you use it?

Yes 97.6% No 0.8% I do not want to answer 1.6%

When asked how many days their annual leave typically lasts, the largest share of respondents (71%) said it lasts between 20 and 30 days, while 15.6% reported a duration of 1 to 20 days. Additionally, 10.8% stated that their leave lasts between 30 and 40 days, and the remaining 2.7% said it lasts less than 10 days.

The results also show that most journalists in Montenegro are not completely free during national and religious holidays, which is expected given the nature of media work. The largest share of respondents, 43.7%, report that they are mostly free, but not always. This indicates a flexible, yet partially demanding schedule during holidays. Furthermore, 22.2% of respondents say they are always free during holidays, representing a relatively small but important segment of the work- force that has a clearly regulated and stable work system in their newsrooms. This shows that some media outlets respect holidays as regular days off, even in a profession that often requires continuous availability.

At the same time, 21.1% of respondents report that they are mostly not free during holidays, while 10.7% state that they work as usual, just like any other day. These findings indicate that a significant portion of journalists spends holidays working, often due to the need to monitor current events and inform the public without interruption.

Overall, the results confirm that many journalists in Montenegro work at least occasionally, or even regularly, during holidays. This situation reflects the unique nature of the profession, where public information continues even on holidays, and highlights the need for adequate compensation and regulation of work on nationally significant days.

21  Graph 27: Do you get days off during national and religious holidays?

Always 22.2% Mostly 43.7% Mostly not 21.1% No, I work regularly 10.7% I do not want to answer 2.3%

The results show that work during national and religious holidays is, in most cases, additionally paid, indicating compliance with legal obligations within most media outlets. The largest share of respondents, 77.8%, report that work during holidays is fully compensated, representing a posi- tive trend and confirming that many employers respect regulations concerning work on nationally significant days. Furthermore, 7.3% of respondents state that their holiday work is only partially paid, suggesting that compensation exists but not to the full extent required by law. Such practices can lead to inequalities among employees and inconsistent application of labor rights. A smaller share of journalists, 1.9%, report that holiday work is sometimes additionally paid, indicating inconsistency in employer practices and case-by-case decisions regarding compensation.

Graph 28: Is work during holidays paid extra?

Completely 77.8% Partially 7.3% Sometimes 1.9% It is not paid 6.5% I do not want to answer 6.5% Regarding sick leave, the results show that most journalists in Montenegro did not take any sick leave during the past year. As many as 82.8% of respondents report that they did not use sick leave at all, which may indicate good health among employees, but could also reflect possible pressure to work despite health issues which is a common occurrence in professions with high workloads.

22 Graph 29: Have you been on sick leave during the last year? Yes, several times 3.1% Yes, once for a longer time 3.4% period Yes, once for a short time period 8.8% No 82.8% I do not want to answer 1.9% Most journalists believe they have adequate access to modern technological tools necessary for their work. As many as 47.5% of respondents completely agree, and an additional 29.9% mostly agree with this statement. This indicates that most newsrooms provide basic and modern equipment, such as computers, stable internet, and relevant software. A smaller portion of respondents (9.2%) take a neutral stance, while a total of 8.8% disagree to some extent (1.4% completely, 4.8% mostly), suggesting that some media outlets still face technological shortcomings. As a particular issue, photographers highlighted that they rarely receive equipment from their media organizations and often must purchase it themselves.

“At any given moment when I am in the field, I have €4,000–5,000 worth of equipment with me. Fortunately, I now have one of the two cameras I use provided by the newsroom. I bought the other myself. I know my fellow photographers buy all their own equipment. That is how it has been for most of my career. These cameras and lenses are very expensive. ” (Focus group participant)

Most journalists assess that their workspace meets basic conditions for safe and quality work, though to a slightly lesser extent than access to equipment. A total of 37.5% completely agree with this statement, and 33.3% mostly agree.

Regarding working hours, 40.2% of respondents completely agree, and 26.8% mostly agree that working hours are clearly defined and respected in practice. However, a significant segment (16.1%) takes a neutral stance, which may indicate variability in work duties or insufficient formalization. An additional 11.9% disagree to some extent, suggesting that in some newsrooms there are issues with overtime, undefined shifts, or unrealistic expectations regarding availability.

Communication within newsrooms shows a relatively positive trend: 40.6% of journalists completely agree, and 24.5% mostly agree that there is clear communication between management and the editorial team.

The lowest-rated statement relates to opportunities for professional development. Only 21.8% of respondents completely agree, while 26.1% mostly agree, totaling 47.9%. At the same time, a significant portion of journalists feel that such opportunities are inadequate: 17.2% mostly disagree, and 13.4% completely disagree. An additional 21.5% are neutral. This distribution of responses indicates that training and professional development remain one of the least developed areas in Montenegro’s media sector.

“There are a lot of problems, but there are also opportunities, let’s be realistic. The problem is that we are so overwhelmed with work that we don’t feel like going to training. That’s bad.” (Focus group participant)

23  Graph 30: Please rate on a scale from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) how much you agree with the following statements:

9.2% 5.4% 8.0% I have access to modern technological tools necessary for work 47.5% 29.9% (eg computer, internet, software). 8.8% 8.4% My workspace meets the basic requirements for safe and quality work. 37.5% 33.3% 11.9%

7.7% Working hours are clearly defined and respected in practice. 40.2% 26.8% 16.1% 9.2%

10.3% There is clear communication between management and the editorial team. 40.6% 24.5% 13.4% 11.1%

The employer provides opportunities for professional development and additional training. 21.8% 26.1% 21.5% 17.2% 13.4%

5 – I strongly agree 4 – I mostly agree 3 – Neither agree nor disagree 2 – I mostly disagree 1 – I strongly disagree

The results show that the overall level of confidence in the stability and long-term prospects of employment in journalism in Montenegro is relatively low. The largest share of respondents, 28.4%, takes a neutral stance, suggesting that a significant number of journalists are uncertain about the profession’s outlook and cannot make a clear judgment on its long-term stability.

Concerningly, 27.2% of respondents mostly disagree, and an additional 14.2% completely disagree with the statement that journalism provides stable and long-term employment prospects. Altogether, more than 41% of journalists hold a negative perception of the profession’s stability, signaling strong concerns about insecure contracts, low salaries, heavy workloads, and uncertain media business models.

24  Graph 31: Rate to what extent you agree with the following statement: “I believe that journalism in Montenegro offers stable and long-term employment prospects.”

I completely disagree 14.2% I mostly disagree 27.2% I do not agree, nor do I disagree 28.4% I mostly agree 19.5% I completely agree 3.4% I do not know 7.3% In both types of media, skepticism dominates regarding the statement that journalism in Montenegro provides stable and long-term employment prospects. Slightly more than 40% of employees in public/state and private media report that they disagree with this statement, while the share of those who agree is relatively low (22.8% in public media and 23.4% in private media). A neutral stance is somewhat more common in private media (34.0%) than in public media (25.1%), indicating greater uncertainty among employees in the private sector. Overall, the response pattern suggests that, regardless of media ownership, employees perceive journalism as a profession with limited stability and modest long-term employment prospects.

Graph 32: Rate to what extent you agree with the following statement: “I believe that journalism in Montenegro offers stable and long-term employment prospects.” * What is the ownership status of the media company you work for?

Public/State-owned 22.8% 25.1% 41.3% 10.8%

1.1% Private 23.4% 34.0% 41.5%

I agree Neither agree nor disagreeI I I disagree I do not know

In all age groups, the prevailing belief is that journalism in Montenegro does not provide stable and long-term employment prospects, with negative attitudes increasing with age. The youngest respondents (18–34) show a slightly higher level of optimism, as around 26% agree with the statement, while this percentage decreases in older age groups. At the same time, the share of those who disagree rises with age, reaching its peak in the 55+ group, where as many as 52.5% of respondents believe that journalism does not offer long-term stability. The 35–54 age group shows the highest level of uncertainty (“don’t know” – 10.4%), which may indicate greater insecurity during the mid-career stage. This pattern suggests that perceptions of instability in the profession increase with longer experience in the sector.

25  Graph 33: Rate to what extent you agree with the following statement: “I believe that journalism in Montenegro offers stable and long-term employment prospects.” * Age

3.4% 18-34 26.4% 32.2% 37.9%

35-54 20.9% 28.4% 40.3% 10.4%

5.0% 55+ 22.5% 20.0% 52.5%

I agree Neither agree nor disagreeI I disagree I do not know

The results show that the largest share of journalists in Montenegro prefer working in public media. As many as 43.3% of respondents state that they would rather work for the public broadcaster or other public media institutions. This indicates a perception of public media as more stable, secure, and likely better organized in terms of working conditions, salaries, and long-term employment.

The second-largest group prefers working in private media, representing 19.5% of respondents. This suggests that some journalists see private media as offering greater professional challenges, faster career advancement, or more opportunities for creative and investigative work.

A significant number (15.7%) report that they would no longer want to work in the media at all. This is particularly important, as it reflects high levels of dissatisfaction with the profession, burnout, and a perception of limited career development prospects in the sector.

26  Graph 34: Where would you rather work?

In public media 43.3% In private media 19.5% I would not like to continue 15.7% working in media I do not know 21.5% The analysis of responses from respondents who indicated a preference for working in public media shows that journalists predominantly choose them due to a high level of job security. The most frequently mentioned elements of security include stable and regular funding, job stability, timely salary payments, and respect for labor rights such as sick leave, vacation, and working hours. The second important category of reasons relates to better working condi- tions and organization. Journalists note that public media are generally more professionally organized, have clearer work rules, and experience less pressure compared to private media. It is also noted that public media have greater access to resources, larger editorial teams, and better technical infrastructure, which facilitates daily work.

The third group of reasons concerns opportunities for professional advancement and development. Participants believe that public media offer more opportunities for growth and more stable career paths, as well as work that is more predictable and less risky in the long term. A significant portion of responses also emphasizes the social role of public media and the responsibility to inform the public objectively, impartially, and in line with professional standards. For some journalists, this is a key motivation, as they perceive public media services as institutions that operate in the interest of citizens rather than commercial or political centers of power.

A smaller number of responses relate to personal experiences of long-term work in the public sector, as well as preferences linked to specific content (e.g., sports programs), technical aspects (better signal coverage), or personal affinity for the public broadcaster.

“I think there’s much less work in public media, they always have plenty of staff, just look at RTCG. In private media, there are fewer people, so you have to cover everything; the workload is less divided, and everyone jumps in wherever needed.” (Focus group participant)

On the other hand, responses from those who prefer working in private media show that journalistic freedom and editorial independence are key motivations for their choice. Many note that private media provide greater autonomy in selecting topics, more freedom in content management, and less political influence, while public media are seen as overly controlled by the state or the current government.

27  Another significant theme is the opportunity for professional expression and creativity. Respondents emphasize that private media provide more space for independent work, creative expression, content creation, and development of original ideas. They view work in the private sector as more flexible, less formalistic, and less burdened by administrative procedures.

Greater opportunities for advancement and a more visible merit-based system are also highlighted. Many believe that private media offer more chances for professional growth and achieving better results, and some mention better financial conditions compared to the public sector.

Some respondents note loyalty to private media due to long-term experience in the sector, either as employees or media founders. For them, the private sector represents an established professional environment they trust.

It should be noted that negative views of public media are clearly expressed: respondents describe them as bureaucratic, politically dependent, with rigid rules and limited space for independent journalism.

The most common reason respondents cite for leaving the media sector is a combination of low pay and high stress levels. They emphasize that journalism in Montenegro is underpaid, that salaries are disproportionate to the workload, responsibilities, and working conditions, and that the media sector is among the least valued in terms of compensation and benefits. The second dominant reason concerns difficult and often insecure working conditions. Respondents mention excessive workloads, lack of defined working hours, poor conditions in the field, irregular or precarious employment, and the absence of collective agreements. Particular attention is drawn to the physically demanding work of camera operators and reporters, as well as the lack of protection—including the fact that journalists do not have the status of official public employees. The third group of reasons relates to diminished professionalism and political control within the media sector. Many respondents note that newsrooms are burdened by party influence, political loyalty, poor management, unprofes- sional superiors, and a lack of editorial independence. According to their assessments, such an environment leads to a decline in journalism quality, erosion of the profession’s credibility, and a loss of job meaning.

A fourth significant theme is the lack of career prospects and advancement opportunities. Respondents emphasize that the media sector does not offer stable career paths, that competencies and experience are undervalued, and that promotions are often tied to political or personal favoritism rather than quality or work performance. This contributes to demotivation and burnout, especially among those with long careers. Some respondents also mention personal reasons, such as the desire for a change, interest in other professions, or plans to start their own business. Many describe fatigue and exhaustion after years of work in a demanding and poorly rewarded environment.

Next, respondents were asked whether they believe male and female journalists are treated equally by different actors. The largest share, 65.5%, believe that men and women are treated the same by editors. This indicates a relatively high level of gender equality in editorial processes. However, 6.9% believe men are treated more favorably, while 6.1% think women hold an advantage. A significant portion (17.6%) is unsure, which may point to a lack of transparency in editorial decision-making.

28 A similar pattern appears in relationships among colleagues: 65.1% of respondents believe collegial relations are gender-balanced. Still, 5.7% think men are treated better, while 10.0% believe women receive more favorable treatment. Another 15.3% cannot assess, indicating that experiences vary across newsrooms.

Most respondents (64.8%) feel that employers treat men and women equally. However, 9.6% believe men are favored, while 4.6% report that women are treated better. With 17.2% unsure, these findings suggest that formal workplace gender equality exists, but it is not a universal experience for all journalists.

Regarding trade unions, 59.4% of respondents believe treatment is not gender-based. However, 19.4% are unsure, 6.2% think men are treated better, and 24.5% believe women receive better treatment. This notable deviation from other categories may reflect the perception that unions are more attuned to challenges faced by women journalists.

For professional associations, perceptions of gender equality are slightly lower—only 47.1% believe both genders are treated equally. Ten percent think men are treated better, while 6.5% believe women hold an advantage. A very high percentage (27.2%) are unsure, which may indicate limited visibility of associations’ work or limited contact between journalists and these organizations.

The highest perceived inequality appears in the public’s treatment of journalists. Only 34.9% believe the public treats male and female journalists equally. Meanwhile, 27.2% think men are treated better, 7.7% think women are favored, and 25.3% are unsure. This reflects gender stereotypes present in society, online spaces, and audience commentary.

29  Graph 35 : Would you say that male and female journalists are treated the same by: 3.8% Editor 65.5% 6.9% 6.1% 17.6%

3.8% Colleagues 65.1% 5.7% 10.0% 15.3%

4.6% 3.8% Employers 64.8% 9.6% 17.2% 1.9% 4.2% Union 59.4% 24.5% 10.0%

Association 47.1% 10.0% 6.5% 27.2% 9.2%

5.0% Public 34.9% 27.2% 7.7% 25.3%

Yes, male and female journalists are treated the same No, men are treated better No, women are treated better Unsure No answer

The results clearly show that the overwhelmingly most important priority for journalists in Montenegro is the increase and stabilization of salaries. This option was chosen by 62.1% of respondents, strongly confirming that financial working conditions are the key challenge in the profession. This finding aligns with earlier results indicating widespread dissatisfaction with low pay and its misalignment with the demands of the job.

The second most desired change, though with a much smaller percentage, relates to better protection from political or commercial pressures, selected by 9.2% of respondents. This indi- cates that, alongside economic insecurity, external pressures significantly challenge journalists’ professional integrity.

30 Graph 36: What change would you most like to see regarding your working conditions? (Please indicate the option you would put first):

Higher and more stable wages 62.1% Better protection from political 9.2% or commercial pressures Better access to professional 5.4% training and development Employment contracts for 4.6% an indefinite period Stronger trade union representation 4.6% and collective bargaining Greater editorial independence 4.2% Regular and timely payment 1.9% of wages Paid overtime work 1.9% Other 1.1% I am satisfied with the current working 5.0% conditions and see no need for changes

The study participants are divided on the statement that journalism is still considered a respected and socially valuable profession in Montenegro. Overall, 51.7% of respondents (26.4% who mostly disagree and 25.3% who completely disagree) believe that the profession does not enjoy the level of social prestige it should.

“Long ago, people respected journalists; they delivered the news and reported what was happening. Today, everyone knows everything through social media, news appears there first before anywhere else. That’s why journalists are increasingly less respected.” (Focus group participant)

31  Graph 37: Rate to what extent you agree with the following statement: “I believe that journalism in Montenegro offers stable and long-term employment prospects.”

I completely disagree 25.3% I mostly disagree 26.4% I do not agree, nor do I disagree 21.5% I mostly agree 19.5% I completely agree 5.0% I do not know 2.3% The perception of journalism’s social prestige in Montenegro does not differ significantly between men and women: in both groups, the prevailing belief is that journalism is no longer considered a highly respected and socially valuable profession.

Furthermore, the data clearly show that across all age groups, the dominant belief is that journalism is no longer a valued and socially esteemed profession in Montenegro, although the intensity of this perception varies by generation. Among the youngest respondents, more than half (52.9%) disagree with the statement, indicating that young journalists already recognize the low social status of the profession at the start of their careers.

Graph 38: To what extent do you agree with the following statement: “Journalism is still considered a respected and socially valuable profession in Montenegro.” * Age

23.0% 18-34 21.8% 52.9% 2.3% 25.4% 35-54 24.6% 47.8% 2.2% 25% 55+ 10% 62.5% 2.5% I agree Neither agree nor disagree I disagree I do not know

32  The data show that, regardless of whether they work in public/state or private media, most re- spondents believe that journalism is no longer perceived as a highly respected and socially valued profession in Montenegro. However, differences between the sectors exist, suggesting a slightly more optimistic view in public media.

In public media, almost half of respondents (49.1%) disagree with the statement that journalism is still valued. Notably, this sector shows a higher level of positive responses than private media: 26.4% of employees agree with the statement, the highest proportion among the groups. These results indicate that, although negative perceptions prevail, employees in public media are somewhat more likely to believe in the preserved social significance of the profession, likely due to the institutional role and traditionally greater public trust in this sector.

In private media, skepticism is even stronger: as many as 56.5% of respondents disagree that journalism still enjoys social prestige, a noticeably higher percentage than in the public sector. The share of those who agree is only 21.2%, while a similar proportion (22.3%) is neutral.

These findings suggest that employees in private newsrooms hold a more critical view of the profession’s social perception, likely due to greater exposure to market pressures, less secure working conditions, and political or commercial influences that affect the media’s reputation.

Graph 39: To what extent do you agree with the following statement: “Journalism is still considered a respected and socially valuable profession in Montenegro.” * What is the ownership status of the media company you work for?

26.4% Public/State-owned 21.0% 49.1% 3.5%

21.2% Private 22.3% 56.5% 0.0% I agree Neither agree nor disagree I disagree I do not know

The findings of this chapter present a complex picture of the employment status and working conditions of journalists in Montenegro. On one hand, most journalists have formally regulated employment relationships—predominantly permanent contracts, regular salaries, and properly paid contributions and insurance based on full wages. Most work in newsrooms with official regulations, clearly defined job descriptions, adequate technical equipment, and relatively stable, timely salary payments.

33  On the other hand, the data reveal a range of structural weaknesses: a significant volume of overtime work, which is often unpaid or inconsistently compensated; some journalists working without contracts or without paid contributions; low and sometimes stagnant salaries, with the majority earning between €600 and €1,000; limited opportunities for professional development; and a strong perception that the profession does not offer stable or long-term prospects.

Although most journalists perceive newsroom relationships and the treatment of men and women as largely equitable, the perception of the profession’s social prestige is predominantly negative. Journalism is seen as an undervalued occupation, exposed to political and commercial pressures, financially insufficiently rewarded, and burdened with high work intensity.

As their key priorities, journalists highlight the need for salary increases and stabilization, stronger protection against pressures, greater editorial independence, better union and professional support, and the development of mechanisms for continuous professional training.

34 Safety and editorial pressure This chapter covers an analysis of the level of physical and psychological safety of journalists in Montenegro, as well as an overview of the various forms of pressure and harassment they face in their work. Journalism, as a profession of public interest, often carries a high degree of risk, whether through direct threats, online attacks, or more subtle forms of professional pressure. In this context, it is particularly important to understand to what extent journalists feel protected and supported in their work environment.

By analyzing questions about the subjective sense of safety, both physical and psychological, the study aims to assess how journalists encounter conditions that may affect their personal security and mental health. Additionally, the research examines the frequency and types of threats or harassment, including verbal attacks, online harassment, physical threats, and other forms of undesirable behavior, with the option for respondents to describe experiences not covered by the provided categories.

A special focus is placed on editorial independence as one of the key principles of profes- sional journalism. This section investigates the extent to which journalists believe they work autonomously, without external influence from media owners, advertisers, or political actors, as well as their perception of which media sector allows the greatest degree of editorial freedom.

The analysis also considers journalists’ experiences with pressures to alter or adjust content, as well as the identities of the actors most frequently applying such pressures. These findings provide important insight into the level of professional autonomy, as well as factors that may compromise the objectivity and integrity of journalistic work.

The survey results show a very high subjective sense of physical and psychological safety among employees. Overall, approximately 91% of respondents report feeling very or mostly safe at work, indicating a stable and predictable work environment in most newsrooms. However, around 7% of respondents report feeling mostly or very unsafe, representing a smaller but relevant segment that may point to specific work-related challenges.

Graph 40: How safe do you feel at work (physically and mentally)?

Very safe 42.7% Mostly safe 42.7% Mostly unsafe 6.4% Very unsafe 0.9% I do not want to answer 1.8%

35  When it comes to experiences with threats and harassment, the data indicate that certain forms of undesirable behavior are present in journalists’ work experiences. The most frequently reported situations are verbal threats (34.5%) and online har-assment (23.6%), which aligns with global trends of increased pressure on journal-ists in digital environments. Less common, but still relevant, forms of undesirable behavior include other types of harassment (10.9%) and physical threats or attacks (6.4%). Although most respondents have not experienced such incidents, the high share of negative responses for physical threats (86.4%) and other forms of harass-ment (76.4%) indicates that such incidents are relatively rare. However, the propor-tion of respondents who were unsure of their answer, particularly regarding other forms of harassment (10%) and online attacks (8.2%), suggests that the boundaries between criticism, pressure, and harassment are not always clear, or that procedures for reporting such situations are insufficiently defined.

Graph 41: Have you ever experienced any of the following: 5.5% Verbal threats 34.5% 59.1%

Online harassment 23.6% 67.3% 8.2%

Other forms of harassment 10.9% 76.4% 10.0% 6.4% 2.7 Physical threats or attacks 86.4%

Yes No Unsure I do not want to answer

The perception of editorial independence also represents an important part of the analysis. About 60.9% of respondents state that they work without external interference from owners, advertisers, or political actors, indicating predominantly positive assessments of professional autonomy. However, 11.8% of respondents completely, and the same proportion mostly, believe that editorial processes are not free from external influence. This finding highlights the exis- tence of a smaller but significant segment of employees who experience limitations in their professional work. A neutral stance, reported by 15.5% of respondents, may point to occasional, difficult-to-identify, or situational pressures that do not occur constantly but are sometimes perceived within editorial processes.

It should be noted that self-assessments of autonomy can be influenced by professional norms and discomfort in acknowledging situations of censorship or self-censorship, which is a common pattern in studies of this kind. Therefore, these results should be interpreted within a broader context.

36  Graph 42: To what extent do you agree with the following statement: “I have full editorial independence in my work, without interference from owners, advertisers or political actors.”

I completely agree 26.4% I mostly agree 34.5% I do not agree, nor do I disagree 15.5% I completely disagree 11.8% I mostly disagree 11.8% Perceptions of which media sector offers greater editorial independence show some variation among respondents. Findings from the previous chapter indicate that respondents somewhat more often perceive private media as providing greater editorial autonomy. When journalists were directly asked to evaluate which media sector provides higher editorial independence, a slightly larger share of respondents (30.9%) considered the private sector to offer greater independence, compared to 29.1% who indicated that the public sector provides more independence. These data suggest that journalists’ experiences and perceptions continue to vary significantly. Additionally, 24.5% of respondents believe that neither sector ensures real editorial autonomy, reflecting a broader reserved trust in the overall conditions for media freedom.

It is also important to note that journalists sometimes hesitate to directly acknowledge pressures, censorship, or self-censorship, which may lead to more optimistic self-assessments.

Graph 43 : In your opinion, which media sector provides greater editorial independence?

30.9% 29.1% 24.5%

10.9%

4.5%

Public / Statowned Private Both equally None I do not know

37  Finally, the analysis of pressures in media content creation shows that 42.7% of re-spondents have never experienced a request to alter or adjust content, which is an encouraging indicator. However, among those who have faced such experiences, the most common sources of pres- sure are editors (15.5%) and political actors (12.7%). Less frequent but still present sources include advertisers and commercial clients (5.5%) as well as media owners (3.6%). A significant portion of respondents (10%) report that there is no specific person exerting pressure, but they occasionally feel discomfort due to potential consequences, indicating the presence of indirect pressures and self-censorship. A smaller number of respondents (1.8%) mention other forms of pressure, while 8.2% declined to answer, which is expected given the sensitivity of the topic and potential implications of reporting such experiences.

In this context, it is important to note that the focus groups highlight a strong difference in the perception of pressures between public and private media. While participants from the public service emphasize high editorial autonomy, journalists from private media often report institu- tional obstacles, limited access to information, and targeting of journalists. Advertisers in certain media exert significant influence on content visibility, which directly affects editorial independence.

These differences between the quantitative data and the findings from the focus groups indicate the multi-layered nature of pressures — some are visible and explicit, while others are hidden, situational, or internalized through mechanisms of self-censorship. At the same time, it is possible that some respondents avoid openly acknowledging pressures due to professional norms, concern for reputation, or fear of negative consequences.

38  Graph 44 : If you have ever experienced pressure to change or adapt content, who most often exerted that pressure?

Editors 15.5%

Political actors 12.7%

Advertisers or commercial clients 5.5% Media owners 3.6% No one in particular, but sometimes feel uneasy about the 10.0% possible consequences I have never experienced such pressure 42.7%

Other 1.8%

I do not want to answer 8.2%

The results show that most journalists in Montenegro feel safe in their workplace, but experi- ences with verbal threats and online harassment indicate that risks still exist, particularly in the digital environment. While most respondents believe they work without external interference, some journalists still recognize political and editorial pressures, indicating that editorial inde- pendence is not equally protected in all newsrooms. Individual cases of indirect pressures and self-censorship further highlight the complexity of the professional environment. Overall, the findings suggest that, despite a generally positive picture, there is room to improve journalist protection and strengthen mechanisms that ensure free and independent work.

39  Psychological well-being and workplace burnout In this segment of the analysis, we focused on the psychological well-being of employees in the media sector, with a particular emphasis on stress levels, the presence of burnout, and the perception of psychological safety in the workplace. Through a series of questions, respondents’ subjective experiences of stress and emotional exhaustion were examined, as well as their views on psychological pressure and the ability to openly discuss mental health within the newsroom. Additionally, perceptions of external pressures to which journalists are exposed—including political and economic influences—were analyzed, along with assessments of the support provided by newsrooms in situations of threats, attacks, or other forms of pressure. This section also considers experiences of workplace mobbing as an indicator of serious violations of professional and psychological integrity. Together, these data provide a comprehensive insight into the emotional and psychological challenges faced by media professionals, highlighting key factors that affect their well-being, motivation, and long-term sustainability in the profession.

The results show that a significant portion of respondents experience high levels of workplace stress. More than half of the participants (53.3%) rate their stress levels as high or very high, with 30.3% reporting “high” stress and 23.0% reporting “very high” stress. An additional 33.3% describe their stress as “moderate,” indicating that most employees encounter some level of emotional strain daily. This distribution of responses suggests that stress is widespread in the media sector and is likely associated with the nature of the job, tight deadlines, continuous pressures, and exposure to demanding content.

Graph 45 : How would you rate the general level of stress at work that you feel?

33.3% 30.3%

23.0%

7.3% 4.6% 1.5%

Very High Moderate Low Very I do not high low want to say

40  Regarding burnout, the findings indicate that most respondents experience emo-tional exhaustion to some degree. Overall, 69% of employees report feeling burnout “often” (32.6%) or “occasionally” (36.4%).

Graph 46: Do you have a feeling of burnout or emotional exhaustion?

Often 32.6% Sometimes 36.4% Rarely 17.6% Never 11.1% I do not want to say 2.3% The data show that burnout is not experienced equally across all age groups. The youngest group (18–34) most frequently reports feelings of burnout, with 32.2% indicating they experience it “often,” while this percentage is 35.8% in the middle-aged group (35–54) and 22.5% in the oldest group (55+). A similar pattern is observed for the “occasionally” responses: the middle-aged group leads with 47.5%, the young 29.9%, and the oldest 22.6%.

It is important to note that many focus group participants stated that their professional availability is constant, even outside working hours, during weekends and holidays.

“There are no holidays here; we work on December 31st and January 1st— I’ve spent so many New Year’s Eves in the control room. But that’s the job; the program doesn’t stop. It’s the same for other colleagues; I’m not the only one.” (Focus group participant)

The lack of clear boundaries between work and private life increases stress and prevents adequate recovery, leading to feelings of emotional and physical exhaustion. Due to the com- bination of professional obligations, overtime, and family responsibilities, female journalists in the focus groups describe higher levels of psychological pressure. Additionally, they are more exposed to online attacks, which increases the risk of stress and burnout.

Furthermore, participants emphasized that none of the newsrooms mentioned provide institution- alized psychological support, debriefing after traumatic events, or systems for monitoring mental health. The absence of professional assistance allows stress to accumulate and remain unresolved.

41  Graph 47 : Do you have a feeling of burnout or emotional exhaustion? * Age

22.5% 12.5% 47.5% 15.0% 2.5%

15.7% 35.5% 8.2% 37.3% 3.0%

23.0% 32.2% 13.8% 29.9% 1.1%

Often Sometimes Rarely Never I do not want to say 18-34 35-54 55+

Findings on psychological safety and the perception of professional pressures reveal a complex picture of the work environment in the media. About two-thirds of respondents (39.1% “completely” and 27.6% “mostly” agree) believe that their newsroom provides adequate support in situations of threats, attacks, or pressures, which is a positive outcome. At the same time, most respondents believe that journalists in Montenegro work under constant external pressures from political or economic actors, with a total of 61.3% agreeing with this statement to some degree (26.4% “completely,” 34.9% “mostly”). Concerningly, nearly half of the respondents (38.4%) report feeling psychological pressure that negatively affects their health, while an additional 19.2% are neutral, which may indicate hidden or unrecognized stress. Furthermore, the results show that the issue of mental health in newsrooms remains sensitive, as 46.4% of respondents feel it is not safe to openly discuss mental health difficulties, pointing to the presence of stigma and an insufficient culture of support.

42  Graph 48 : Please rate on a scale from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) how much you agree with the following statements:

6.1% My editorial office provides support in cases of threats, attacks or pressures. 39.1% 27.6% 20.3%

Journalists in Montenegro work under 7.3% constant pressure from political or 26.4% 34.9% 22.2% economic actors.

10.0% I feel psychological pressure at work which negatively affects my health. 28.4% 19.2% 16.5% 26.5%

Fear of reprisal affects my freedom of expression when reporting. 9.2% 28.7% 21.8% 35.6%

It is not safe to talk openly about mental health in the editorial office where I work. 8.0% 20.3% 21.1% 46.4%

5 – Strongly agree 4 – Mostly agree 3 – Neither agree nor disagree 2 – Mostly disagree 1 – Strongly disagree

A particularly notable finding concerns fear of retaliation as a factor affecting freedom of expression. In private media, as many as 69.1% of respondents believe that fear influences their freedom of expression, while only 8.5% take a positive view on this matter, and 22.3% are undecided. This pattern indicates a high vulnerability in the private sector, likely linked to political pressures, market uncertainty, and dependence on advertisers. In state/public media, the picture is somewhat more balanced but still concerning: 50.9% of respondents report that fear affects their freedom of expression, 16.8% agree with the statement, while 32.3% remain neutral.

43  Graph 49: Fear of reprisal affects my freedom of expression when reporting. * What is the ownership status of the media company you work for?

Public/State-owned 21.2% 32.3% 50.9%

Private 8.5% 22.3% 69.1%

Agree Neither agree nor disagree I disagree

Regarding workplace bullying (mobbing), the data show that most respondents (60.2%) have not experienced bullying at work. However, it is concerning that more than one-fifth of respondents (22.6%) report that they have, indicating serious challenges in organizational culture and workplace relationships within the media sector.

Graph 50 : Would you say that you have ever been a victim of workplace bullying?

Yes 22.6%

No 60.2%

Unsure 14.2%

I do not want to answer 3.1%

The results show that workplace bullying occurs across all age groups, but not to the same extent. In the youngest group (18–34), 10.3% of respondents report having experienced bullying, while more than a quarter of young people (27.6%) are unsure if they have experienced it. In the middle age group (35–54), 29.9% of respondents report experiencing bullying, which is the highest rate among all age categories. In the oldest group (55+), 25% report having experienced workplace bullying.

44 Graph 51 : Would you say that you have ever been a victim of workplace bullying? * Age

10.3% 62.1% 18-34 27.6% 0.0%

29.9% 58.2% 35-54 6.0% 6.0%

25.0% 62.5% 55+ 12.5% 0.0% Yes No Unsure I do not want to answer

Overall, the findings indicate that stress, emotional exhaustion, and various forms of psychological pressure are widespread among journalists, with younger and middle-aged workers being the most exposed to burnout and workplace bullying. Despite the presence of some level of institu- tional support, the combination of external political pressures, fear of retaliation, and insufficiently open communication about mental health points to a significant need for improvement in the work environment and psychological protection systems within media organizations.

45  Professional associations and trade union membership The research also analyzed the extent to which media professionals are involved in professional associations and trade unions, the reasons for joining or not joining, and how respondents assess the support these organizations provide. Special attention was given to the level of satisfaction with existing organizational models, the perception of their effectiveness in representing labor and professional rights, as well as awareness of the work of the Commission for Monitoring Investigations of Attacks on Journalists as an important institutional protection mechanism. These findings provide a better understanding of how much journalists recognize the importance of collective protection and professional solidarity in the modern media environment.

The data indicate that the vast majority of media professionals are not members of any professional association. As many as 80.8% of respondents report not being members, while only 19.2% belong to some professional association. This structure suggests that professional organization in Montenegro is not sufficiently developed, and that employees often lack motivation, trust, or a clear perception of the benefits of membership.

Graph 52: Are you a member of a professional association?

19.2%

80.8%

Yes No Among those who are members of professional associations, there is a relatively high level of sat- isfaction. Overall, 64% of respondents report being “very” or “mostly” satisfied with the support provided by the associations, with the majority being most-ly satisfied (50%). At the same time, 36% of members express dissatisfaction, includ-ing 26% who are mostly dissatisfied and 10% who are very dissatisfied. These find-ings indicate that, while associations hold recognized value for part of their mem-bership, there are clear needs to strengthen capacities, improve services, and better engage with members.

It should be noted that among respondents who reported being members of certain professional associations, 42.7% indicated the Society of Professional Journalists of Montenegro, 46.4% the Association of Journalists of Montenegro, and 10.7% the Association of Sports Journalists.

46  Graph 53 : How satisfied are you with the support provided by your association?

Very satisfied 14.0% Mostly satisfied 50.0% Mostly dissatisfied 26.0% Very dissatisfied 10.0%

The reasons why respondents are not members of professional associations are very diverse. The largest share (28.7%) cites lack of interest, suggesting that many employees do not see concrete benefits in organizing. An additional 15.7% of respondents report that they were never invited to join an association, indicating low proactivity and limited visibility of associations in the sector. Lack of time (14.6%) and insufficient information about procedures, the role of the association, and how to become a member (11.5%) reflect organizational and communication challenges.

Graph 54 : Why are you not a member? (Multiple answers possible)

I am not interested 28.7% No one invited me 15.7% I don’t have time 14.6% I am not familiar with how 11.5% to join or what they offer I don’t trust their effectiveness 10.7% Lack of solidarity 5.4% People are there for personal gain 4.6% There are political divisions among them 3.8% Other 1.5% I don’t know 10.7%

47  Regarding trade union organization, the results show a slightly higher, but still in-sufficient, level of participation. Most respondents (60.5%) are not union members, while 39.5% report being unionized. This data indicates limited union representation in the sector, even though media workers face insecure working conditions, pres-sures, and a lack of adequate institu- tional protection.

Graph 55: Are you a member of a trade union?

39.5% 60.5%

Yes No

Among unionized workers, there is a high level of satisfaction with the support provided by the union. Overall, 81.6% report being “very” or “mostly” satisfied, with the largest share falling nto the “mostly satisfied” category (60.2%). However, 18.4% of members express dissatis- faction, indicating room for improvement in representation, communication, and access to union activities. These findings confirm that unions have a stable reputation among their members, but their role in the sector remains insufficiently valued.

Among journalists who reported being union members, 41.6% belong to the Media Union of Montenegro, 27.3% are members of unions at their local media outlets, 13% are members of the RTCG Employees’ Union, 10.4% are members of the Union of Montenegro’s Trade Unions, and 7.8% are members of the union at the media house Pobjeda.

48 Graph 56 : How satisfied are you with the support provided by the trade union?

Very satisfied 21.4%

Mostly satisfied 60.2%

Mostly dissatisfied 15.5%

Very dissatisfied 2.9%

The data shows that the reasons for not joining a union include a combination of disinterest, distrust, lack of information, and lack of incentives to join.

The most common reason is disinterest with a total of 35.6% of respondents report that they are not interested in union organization. Other significant reasons stem from the lack of proactivity by the unions where 19.4% of respondents say that no one invited them to join, while 13.3% state that they are not familiar with the membership procedure or what unions offer.

There is also a perception of negative aspects of union activity: some respondents believe that people join unions for personal gain (5.7%), while others point to a lack of solidarity (6.6%) and political divisions (4.7%).

49  Graph 57 : Why are you not a member? (Multiple answers possible)

I am not interested 24.9% I do not believe in their effectiveness 10.7% Nobody invitied me 9.2% I do not have time 8.8% I am not familiar with how to join or what 8.0% they offer Lack of solidarity 6.1% People are there for personal gain 3.8% There are political divisions among them 3.1% Other 2.3% I do not know 5.7%

The data shows that among media professionals, there is a prevailing belief that unions and professional associations only partially protect journalists’ rights and working conditions, as reported by more than half (55.6%) of respondents. This response suggests that while there is a recognized level of benefit, there is also a clear awareness of the limitations of these organizations.

Additionally, qualitative insights indicate a deeply rooted lack of professional solidarity, especially in private media, where journalists express fear of losing their jobs. Local unions are described as weakly active and insufficiently independent, while the Media Union of Montenegro is most frequently highlighted as an organization that provides genuine legal and psychological support.

From what I know, only the Media Union is actually doing something. We all think they could do better, but I believe they are the only ones making an effort. I don’t see any reason why all media employees shouldn’t be members. As far as I know, they’re now working on a proposal for a new law." (Focus group participant)

“In the Media Union, they work, fight, and make an effort. They don’t need to give us money; their role is to fight so that our working conditions improve. And it seems to me that they are doing that.” (Focus group participant)

50  Overall, the data suggest that trade unions and professional associations are perceived as partially useful but insufficiently effective, highlighting the need to strengthen their influence, capacity, and visibility in order to ensure a more consistent and robust role in protecting journalists.

Graph 58: Do you believe that trade unions and professional associations effectively protect the rights of journalists and their working conditions?

Yes, completely 13.0% Partially 55.6% No 19.2% I do not know 12.3%

The data show that the Monitoring Commission for Investigations of Attacks on Journalists is recognized among media workers, but awareness is superficial and insufficiently grounded.

The majority of respondents (52.9%) report having heard of the Commission, indicating that the institution is relatively visible in the public space. However, a quarter of respondents (25.7%) say they “have heard of it but don’t know much about it,” highlighting a significant lack of information about its role, results, and mechanisms of action. Additionally, 21.5% of respondents have not heard of the Commission at all.

Graph 59: Have you heard about the Commission for Monitoring Investigations of Attacks on Journalists?

Yes 52.9% Yes, but I don’t know much about it 25.7% No 21.5%

The findings of this chapter show that professional and union organization among journalists in Montenegro remains underdeveloped. While members of these organizations generally express satisfaction with the support they receive, the overall level of trust in their ability to effectively protect labor rights and professional standards remains moderate. Awareness of institutional mechanisms, such as the Monitoring Commission for Investigations of Attacks on Journalists, is also limited, suggesting a need for greater transparency and more active communication with the media community.

51  Gender, Youth, and Regional Perspectives This part of the research is dedicated to analyzing journalists’ experiences through the lens of gender, generational, and regional differences, with the aim of determining whether and to what extent these factors shape professional conditions, access to resources, and perception of support in the media sector. The focus is on whether women, young journalists, and jour- nalists from different regions face specific challenges, limitations, or types of pressure that affect their professional position, psychological well-being, and opportunities for advancement. Particular consideration is given to topics such as access to protection mechanisms, exposure to stress and burnout, perception of workplace safety, and differences in experiences of pressure, attacks, or discrimination. By including these perspectives, the research provides deeper insight into structural inequalities and points to the need for targeted measures that would contribute to creating a more inclusive, fairer, and safer professional environment for all media workers, regardless of gender, age, or geographical affiliation.

The results shown in the following graph indicate that the majority of respondents do not believe that their gender affects their professional opportunities or the way they are treated at work. As many as 60.5% of participants stated that gender has no impact. At the same time, nearly one in five respondents, or 19.2%, believe that gender does affect professional opportunities or treatment - with 9.2% experiencing this impact as positive and 10.0% as negative.

Graph 60: Do you think your gender affects your professional opportunities or treatment?

Yes, positively 9.2% Yes, negatively 10.0% No 60.5% I do not know 20.3%

Across all gender categories, the prevailing belief is that gender does not affect professional opportunities or treatment (around 60% of men and 59.4% of women). However, women much more frequently than men recognize the negative impact of gender: 14.3% of women, compared to 5.5% of men, believe that their gender negatively affects their professional position. A very small percentage of respondents in both groups recognize the positive impact of gender (around 9%). Respondents who identified in the “other” category mostly chose the “don’t know” answer, which probably reflects the small number in this group and lack of experience on which they could assess the impact of gender. Overall, these findings show that most employees do not directly recognize gender inequality, but women still notice negative gender patterns in their professional environment much more frequently.

Examining the relationship between age and perception of gender’s impact on professional opportunities reveals a clear pattern across all age groups. Namely, the youngest group of respondents (18–34) most often believes that gender has a positive impact (12.6%), while older groups give this answer less frequently, dropping to 5% in the 55+ category. At the same time, the perception of gender’s negative impact is most pronounced among middle-aged respondents (35–44: 13.3%), while it is lower in other groups, ranging between 8% and 10%. 52 The most important finding is that in all age groups, the majority of respondents believe that gender has no impact on their professional opportunities, and this view is most prevalent in the oldest group (55+ — 67.5%).

The data shown in Graph 61 also indicate a significant degree of uncertainty regarding the existence of internal policies or procedures for protection against discrimination. The largest percentage of respondents, 44.1%, state that they are not sure whether such mechanisms exist. Only 30.7% believe that internal protection policies and procedures exist in their organization, while 25.3% state that they do not exist. Less than one-third of employees, therefore, have a clear perception of institutional protection mechanisms. Graph 61 : Are there internal policies or procedures to protect against discrimination in your workplace?

30.7% 44.1%

25.3%

Yes No Unsure

The perception of equal opportunities for professional advancement is largely positive. A total of 47.1% of respondents strongly agree, and an additional 28.4% mostly agree with the statement that women and men in their media agencies have equal conditions for advancement. Thus, 75.5% of respondents view their work environment as fairly equal in this regard, while a minority expresses doubt or disagreement. Similarly, the perception of gender inclusivity and absence of discrimination is also high: 49% of respondents strongly agree, and 24.1% mostly agree that their work environment is inclusive and without discrimination. At the same time, the presence of neutral and negative responses indicates that individual experiences of discrimination or inequality still exist, although they do not shape the dominant picture.

When it comes to the distribution of topics and editorial tasks, the largest percentage, 52.5%, strongly disagrees with the statement that gender affects the type of tasks assigned, while 17.6% are neutral. However, about 30% of respondents (the sum of those who partially or strongly agree) state that they notice certain differences, which shows that experiences are not completely homogeneous. Similarly, the perception of gender-based wage differences is mostly negative in most cases: 63.2% of respondents strongly disagree, and 12.3% mostly disagree with the statement that there are differences in earnings. The perception that women are more often assigned to lower-paid and less influential positions is also predominantly negative: 57.9% of respondents strongly disagree with this statement. However, the existence of a smaller but consistent segment that recognizes such patterns indicates the need for deeper qualitative insights and organizational analyses. 53  Graph 62: Please rate on a scale from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) how much you agree with the following statements:

8.0% 2.7% Women and men in my media organization have equal opportunities for professional advancement. 47.1% 28.4% 13.8%

5.4% 8.0% My workplace is gender-inclusive and free from discrimination. 49.0% 24.1% 13.4%

1.9% 8,0% Gender influences the allocation of topics and editorial tasks. 19.9% 17.6% 52.5%

2.3% 6.5% There are pay differences based on gender. 15.7% 12.3% 63.2%

1.9% 5.4% Women are more often assigned to lower-paid and less influential positions. 15.7% 19.2% 57.9%

5 – Strongly agree 4 – Mostly agree 3 – Neither agree nor disagree 2 – Mostly disagree 1 – Strongly disagree

Examining the relationship between age and perception of equal opportunities for professional advancement, we see that respondents in all age groups generally believe that women and men have equal chances. The youngest (18–34) and oldest respondents (55+) most often strongly agree with this statement, while middle age groups (35–44 and 45–54) also predominantly express agreement. In all categories, dissatisfaction or perception of inequality is very low.

When it comes to gender-based wage differences, the data show a clear tendency: most respondents do not believe that such differences exist.

Regarding the assignment of women to lower-paid and less influential positions, the findings also indicate that most respondents do not recognize such a pattern. All age segments predominantly respond that they disagree with this statement, with denial being most pronounced in the oldest group (55+).

54 Furthermore, examining the data on gender’s impact on the distribution of topics and editorial tasks, we note that respondents of all age groups generally believe that gender does not play a significant role in who gets which tasks. The youngest (18–34) and the 35–44 age group most often express disagreement with the statement that gender affects work distribution, with about 57–59% of them stating that they “strongly” or “mostly” disagree with that statement. The oldest group (55+) predominantly denies the existence of gender influence on the distribution of editorial tasks, where 55% state that they “strongly disagree”.

When it comes to the perception of the gender inclusivity of the work environment, a positive attitude dominates across all age groups, with a trend that older respondents express even stronger belief in inclusivity. Among respondents aged 18–34 and 35–44, about 70% “mostly” or “strongly” agree that the work environment is gender inclusive and without discrimination. The 45–54 age group shows a slightly higher level of indecision (22%), but even in this group, the perception of inclusivity prevails. The oldest respondents (55+) most firmly express belief in a gender-equal environment, with as many as 65% strongly sharing this view.

Focus groups with female journalists indicate specific challenges that women face: sexualized comments on social networks, difficulty balancing private and professional obligations, and chronic overtime engagement. Although many participants believe that women are well represented even in leadership positions, experiences show that gender factors still shape work stress and the world of work in the media.

When it comes to age aspects, the results show that 42.1% of respondents believe that age does not affect professional opportunities or treatment in their organization. This finding suggests that a significant portion of employees view the work environment as relatively neutral in terms of age, meaning they experience opportunities and treatment as related to individual competencies rather than years of life. However, 23.4% of respondents believe that older professionals have an advantage, while 14.9% state that younger ones are in a more favorable position. An additional 19.5% are not sure, which indicates a certain degree of ambiguity regarding advancement processes and task distribution.

Graph 63 : Do you think age affects professional opportunities or treatment in your organization?

Yes, younger professionals 14.9% have an advantage Yes, older professionals have 23.4% an advantage Ne 42.1% I do not know 19.5% Detailed analysis shows that the perception of age’s impact varies between generations. The youngest group of respondents (18–34) most often believe that older professionals have an advantage (35.6%), probably due to less experience and the feeling that existing structures are already formed. In the middle age group (35–54), this feeling decreases (17.9%) and the belief that age does not affect at all increases (46.3%). The oldest group (55+) most recognizes the advantage of younger colleagues (22.5%), which may reflect the perception of rapid technological and organizational changes that more often favor younger staff.

55  Graph 64 : Do you think age affects professional opportunities or treatment in your organization? * Age

8.0% 17.2% 22.5% 35.6% 17.9% 15.0%

34.5% 46.3% 45.0%

21.8% 18.7% 17.5% 18-34 35-54 55+

Yes, younger professionals have an advantage Yes, older professionals have an advantage No I do not know

Young journalists’ perceptions of career opportunities further illuminate this picture. Regarding the statement that young journalists in Montenegro have equal opportunities for advancement, 41.8% of respondents agree to some extent (15.7% strongly, 26.1% mostly), while 31.4% take a neutral stance. At the same time, 31.4% (16.1% mostly, 15.3% strongly disagree) question the equality of opportunities. These findings indicate that, although certain chances exist, they are not clear, accessible, or consistent enough for most young professionals to feel equally included.

The perception of long-term career prospects in the media sector is predominantly skeptical. Only 35.7% of respondents agree with the statement that media offer good long-term prospects. The picture is even less favorable when it comes to salaries and initial conditions for young people: although 35.2% agree that salaries are fair and conditions decent, 45.9% disagree. Similarly, 34.5% of respondents believe there is sufficient mentorship and support for young people, while 41% take a negative stance (19.5% mostly, 21.5% strongly disagree).

56  Graph 65 : Please rate on a scale from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) how much you agree with the following statements: Youn

Young journalists in Montenegro are given The 15.7% 26.1% 26.8% 16.1% 15.3% equal opportunities for advancement. Entr

Ther The media sector provides long-term 11.9% 23.8% 24.1% 18.8% 21.5% career prospects for young professionals.

Entry-level positions in journalism offer 10.7% 24.5% 18.8% 20.7% 25.3% fair pay and decent working conditions.

There is sufficient mentorship and support 10.7% 23.8% 24.5% 19.5% 21.5% for young professionals in the media.

5 – Strongly agree 4 – Mostly agree 3 – Neither agree nor disagree 2 – Mostly disagree 1 – Strongly disagree

When it comes to barriers to young people entering the profession, respondents most often cite political or editorial pressure that limits journalistic freedom – as many as 92.3% of participants highlight this factor as key. Low starting salaries and lack of financial incentives are cited by 60.2% of respondents, while 53.9% see job insecurity and lack of permanent contracts as a barrier. Limited opportunities for advancement are recognized by 51.6% of participants, and unpaid internships and exploitation of young people by 32.4%. The concentration of opportunities in the capital or urban centers represents a barrier for 3.1% of respondents.

57  Graph 66 : What do you consider to be the biggest obstacles for young people who want to pursue journalism in Montenegro?

Political or editorial pressure that 92.3% limits journalistic freedom Low starting salaries and poor 60.2% financial incentives Lack of job security and 53.9% permanent contracts Limited opportunities for 51.6% career advancement Unpaid internships or exploitation 32.4% of young professionals Concentration of opportunities in 3.1% the capital / urban centers

Other 0.4% Regional and sectoral differences further shape the perception of working conditions. The majority of respondents (66.3%) believe that working conditions in media are better in the capital, while only 1.9% believe they are better outside the capital.

Graph 67 : Do you think working conditions differ significantly between the capital and other regions?

Yes, working conditions are generally 66.3% better in the capital Yes, working conditions are generally 1.9% better outside the capital No, there are no significant differences 13.8% I am not sure 18.0%

Finally, the data clearly indicate that most respondents believe that public and private media in Montenegro do not operate under equal conditions.

“We in private media fight for our salaries, and they have secure salaries that come from the budget.” (Focus group participant)

Well, it’s easy for the public media, 20 million from the budget every year, so they don’t have to work.” (Focus group participant)

58  Almost half of the respondents (47.1%) believe that public media have more favorable conditions, only 8.4% believe that the market is equalized, while 9.6% see an advantage on the side of private media.

Graph 68 : Do you believe that public (state-owned) and private media in Montenegro operate under the same conditions?

Yes, they operate under the same conditions 8.4% No, public media have more favorable conditions 47.1% No, private media have more favorable conditions 9.6% Unsure 34.9%

Additional analysis clearly shows that employees in public/state-owned and private media have different views on whether both sectors operate under equal conditions, although in both groups the prevailing belief is that there is no equality. Cross-tabulation shows that employees in private media predominantly believe that the public sector has more favorable conditions – 66% of them cite this option, while only 6.4% believe that both sectors operate under equal conditions, and the same percentage believe that private media have an advantage. In public media, the picture is more balanced: 36.5% of employees believe that public media have more favorable conditions, 11.4% that private are at an advantage, 9.6% that conditions are equal, while as many as 42.5% are undecided.

Graph 69 : Do you believe that public (state) and private media in Montenegro operate under the same conditions? * 2. What is the ownership status of the media company you work for?

6.4% Private 66.0% 6.4% 21.3%

9.6% Public/ 36.5% State-owned 11.4% 42.5% Yes, they operate under the same conditions No, public media have more favorable conditions No, private media have more favorable conditions Unsure

59  In conclusion, the data indicate that most media employees perceive their work environment as gender-equal, with a relatively high level of formal equality in opportunities for advancement and absence of direct discrimination. However, women more often recognize the negative impact of gender, and certain findings suggest the presence of subtle gender and generational differences. The perspective of young people is particularly critical: they often question equal opportunities, long-term career prospects, fair initial conditions, and availability of mentorship. At the same time, they strongly recognize political and editorial pressures, low salaries, and job insecurity as key barriers to entering and remaining in the profession. Regional and sectoral differences - more favorable conditions in the capital and the perception of advantages for public media - further complicate the picture of equal opportunities in the sector. Overall, the findings point to the need to strengthen policies and practices that promote gender, generational, and regional equality, as well as to create more sustainable and development-oriented conditions for young journalists.

60 Digital Transformation Digital transformation represents one of the most significant processes shaping contemporary journalism and the media sector as a whole. The introduction of new technologies, digital platforms, and tools changes the way journalists collect, process, and distribute information, but also affects organizational practices, workload, and professional compe-tencies of employees. In this context, understanding the level of digital skills, availability of training, readiness to work in a digital environment, as well as the perception of chal-lenges that digital transformation brings, is crucial for assessing the capacity of media professsionals in Montenegro.

Together, these questions provide a comprehensive insight into how journalists experience digital transformation, not only as a technical challenge, but also as a broader process that affects professional identity, workload, and future prospects of working in media.

The largest percentage of respondents, as many as 85.4%, state that they learned to use digital tools independently or through informal means. The majority of respondents (78.9%) feel confident in using digital platforms and tools necessary for work. Similarly, 76.6% of respondents state that they can independently perform more complex digital tasks, such as live reporting, social media management, or using analytical tools.

When it comes to formal support, only 51.3% of respondents believe they received sufficient training opportunities, while 34.9% disagree with this statement. The data also shows that 44.1% of respondents regularly create content for social networks as part of their job, while 47.5% state that this is not the case.

When it comes to needs for additional training, responses are divided: 39.8% of respondents believe they need additional training, while 41.4% assess that they do not. At the same time, 58.2% of respondents state that they do not feel overburdened by the de-mands of digital production, while 24.9% agree with this statement. These findings sug-gest that digitalization has varying effects on journalists’ workload, with some respond-ents recognizing increased demands of digital production, while the majority do not per-ceive digital changes as an additional burden.

“In the past, it was up to us to prepare a report or broadcast and that was it. Today you need to prepare a report or broadcast, then adapt it for the portal, then prepare the text that goes on the portal, then record something for social networks... the work has more than doubled.” (Focus group participant)

61  Graph 70: Please read the following statements and mark all that apply to you:

7.7% 6.9% I have mostly learned to use digital tools 85.4% independently or through informal means. I feel confident using digital platforms and 5.7% tools needed for my job (e.g., social media, 78.9% 15.3% online publishing tools). I can independently perform digital tasks 10.0% such as live reporting, posting on social 76.9% 13.4% media, or using analytical tools. I have received enough training opportunities 51.3% 34.9% 13.8% to effectively perform digital tasks. 8.4% I regularly create content for social media 44.1% 47.5% as part of my job.

I need additional training to feel fully 39.8% 41.4% 18.8% competent in digital journalism tasks.

I feel overwhelmed by the demands of digital production. 24.9% 58.2% 16.9%

Yes No I do not know

Perceptions of the impact of digital transformation on working conditions are not unambiguous. When it comes to flexibility, 51% of respondents believe that digital media enable them greater flexibility in terms of the way and place of work.

On the other hand, 41% of respondents agree with the statement that digitalization has increased their workload. A relatively low percentage of disagreement (26.8%) suggests that most journalists associate digital demands with additional volume of work, either through parallel production for multiple platforms, shorter deadlines, or increased availability.

The perception of valuing work on digital platforms is also complex. A total of 21.1% of respondents believe that their digital work is less valued compared to traditional formats.

62  Graph 71: Please rate on a scale from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) how much you agree with the following statements:

10.0% 8.0% Digital media has provided me with greater 18.8% 32.2% 31.0% flexibility in terms of how and where I work.

The transition to digital media has increased 16.5% 24.5% 32.2% 15.7% 11.1% my overall workload.

The rapid digital transformation worries me 11.1% 18.0% 29.5% 18.4% 23.0% regarding the stability of my job in the future.

6.5% My work is less valued in terms of digital platforms compared to traditional media. 14.6% 35.6% 22.2% 21.1%

5 – Strongly agree 4 – Mostly agree 3 – Neither agree nor disagree 2 – Mostly disagree 1 – Stronlgy disagree

Focus group participants emphasize the need for more substantial digital training, especially in the areas of digital security, content verification, and fieldwork. Additionally, concerns have been expressed that the accelerated development of artificial intelligence could further reduce space for investigative journalism and authorial approaches.

ChatGPT journalism needs to be reduced.” (Focus group participant)

“The problem now is not using artificial intelligence, we’ve all learned that already, we don’t need training in that area. Now we need training on recognizing its use, primarily the misuse of artificial intelligence.” (Focus group participant)

The findings of this chapter show that journalists in Montenegro largely possess basic and more advanced digital skills, but that their development is predominantly based on independent learning, with limited institutional support. At the same time, digital transformation is experi- enced both as an opportunity and as a burden: some journalists recognize greater flexibility and professional opportunities, and also emphasize increased volume of work and a feeling of being overburdened. Concerns about job security and the perception of unequal valuation of digital work indicate that technological changes are not accompanied by sufficiently clear human resource management and professional development strategies.

63  Recommendations The following recommendations are based on the combined findings of quantitative research and focus groups. They are directed toward key actors - state institutions, media houses, trade unions, professional associations, and international organizations, with the aim of improving working conditions, professional security, and long-term sustainability of journalism in Montenegro.

Labor Rights, Salaries, and Social Protection Adoption of a Sectoral Collective Agreement (SCA): Urgently adopt an SCA for the media sector that will define minimum salary coefficients, additional pay (overtime, night work, holidays), vacation bonus, severance pay, and clear advancement rules. The negotiation process needs to be accelerated by including, in addition to the participation of social partners (Media Union and employers), other relevant institutions such as the Ministry of Culture and Media and the Government of Montenegro, in order to ensure full institutional support and sustainability of solutions. Increase journalists’ salaries at least to the level of average earnings in the country and introduce mechanisms for periodic adjustment with inflation. Eliminate work without contracts through intensified inspection supervision and sanctions. Regulate all forms of cooperation (fee-based, project-based) with written contracts that guarantee social rights. Introduce clear internal procedures for recording working hours. Ensure that all overtime work, weekend and holiday work, is adequately paid or compensated with days off with the employee’s consent. Provide young people with fair and stimulating conditions at the beginning of their career by introducing quality internships that include adequate mentorship, clearly defined tasks, and realistic opportunities for professional development. Special focus should be placed on ensuring transparent and fair entry-level positions to facilitate young journalists’ entry into the profession.

Safety, Editorial Independence, and Working Conditions Strengthen the work of the Commission for Monitoring Investigations of Attacks on Journalists and increase its transparency. Regularly conduct training in physical, digital, and legal security, with special focus on protecting female journalists from gender-based and online violence. Establish clear internal protocols for responding to threats, with the employer’s obligation to report attacks and pressures. Establish and publicly publish editorial statutes or internal policies that guarantee inde- pendence in content editing and define procedures for reporting pressure from owners, politicians, or advertisers. These policies should be accessible to employees and the public, in order to strengthen transparency, accountability, and trust in editorial processes, and to provide institutional protection for journalists in situations of potential pressure. At the level of media houses, it is necessary to systematically develop a culture of psycho- logical security through a set of measures that contribute to the mental health and wellbeing of employees. This may include establishing cooperation with psychologists for anonymous counseling sessions, especially after traumatic events, but also a wider range of activities such as regular workshops, education on stress and burnout, internal protocols for responding in crisis situations, and mechanisms for confidential reporting of problems. Establish cooperation with psychologists for anonymous counseling sessions, especially after traumatic events. 64 Professional Development and Career Growth Digital Skills: Establish systematic and structured digital training (multimedia, data journalism, verification, analytical tools). Valuation of Digital Work: Through editorial policies, clearly recognize and reward digital work (account management, multimedia, quick updates) as an integral part of professional engagement.

Role of the State, Trade Unions, Associations, and International Partners Make the use of public funds (grants, subsidies) conditional on proof of financial compliance (paid salaries and contributions, respect for labor legislation). Trade unions and journalists’ associations should direct their work toward solving key professional issues, such as earnings, working conditions, stable contracts, professional security, and protection of journalists’ rights. It is necessary to increase the transparency of their operations, strengthen communication with membership, and actively encourage professional solidarity among employees in the sector. Editorial offices must adopt gender-sensitive policies for monitoring structure and salaries. Provide additional support (grants, training, equipment) to strengthen media capacity, especially smaller local media, through training, support in developing internal policies, and strengthening organizational processes. Role of International Partners: Active support of international partners in the process of adopting the SCA (mediation, expertise) and targeted financing of training for security, digital skills, and mental health.

65  Annex Demographic data In the Annex, we present a detailed overview of key demographic characteristics of the sample for this research.

Graph 72: Which type of media do you work in?

Television 53.6% Radio 23.8% Online 14.9% Daily Print Newspaper 14.9% Weekly Print Newspaper 1.1% Media Agency 1.1%

Graph 73 : What is the ownership status of the media company you work for?

36.0% 64.0%

Public / State-owned Private

66 Graph 74: What is the geographic scope of the media outlet you work for?

National 58.6%

Regional 11.9%

Local 29.5%

Graph 75 : What is your registered job title?

Journalist / Reporter 42.1% Editor (e.g. News Editor, 21.1% Column Editor) Photojournalist / Camera Operator 10.3%

Producer (TV, Radio, or Online) 6.5% Technician (e.g. Sound, Lighting, 4.6% Broadcasting) Audio/Video Editor 3.4% Social Media Manager / 1.9% Digital Content Specialist Graphic Designer / Visual 1.1% Content Creator Web Administrator / IT Support 0.8%

Other 7.3%

No response 0.8%

67  Graph 76 : If you are a journalist/reporter, what is your primary area of work?

News and Information 33.6%

News Desk 20.9%

Society 12.7%

Sports 7.3%

Entertainment 2.7%

Multiple categories, please specify: 17.3%

Other 5.5%

68 !

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Istraživanje o socio-ekonomskom položaju novinara/ki i drugih medijskih profesionalaca/ki u Crnoj Gori

Januar, 2026.  !

Izneseni stavovi u ovom istraživanju odgovornost su autora i ne predstavljaju nužno stavove OEBS-a, misija ili njenih država učesnica. Ni OEBS, Misije, ni njene države učesnice ne preuzimaju nikakvu odgovornost za posljedice koje mogu proizaći iz upotrebe ove publikacije. Ova publikacija se ne bavi pitanjima pravne ili druge odgovornosti za radnje ili propuste bilo koje osobe. Uvod 1 Metodologija 3 Radni status i radni uslovi 4 Bezbijednost i urednički pritisak 35 Psihološko blagostanje i sagorijevanje na poslu 40 Profesionalna udruženja i članstvo u sindikatima 46 Rodne, omladinske i regionalne perspektive 52 Digitalna transformacija 61 Preporuke 64 Radna Prava, Plate i Socijalna Zaštita 64 Bezbjednost, Uređivačka Nezavisnost i Radni Uslovi 64 Stručno Usavršavanje i Profesionalni Razvoj 65 Uloga Države, Sindikata, Udruženja i Međunarodnih Partnera 65 Annex 66 Demografski podaci 66

1  Uprkos ključnoj ulozi koju mediji imaju u očuvanju demokratskih procesa, transparentnosti i javnog interesa, brojni izvještaji i javne rasprave ukazuju na to da novinari rade u prilično nepovoljnim uslovima, nerijetko obilježenim niskim i neredovnim primanjima, nedostatkom jasnih radnih prava, ograničenim pristupom socijalnoj i zdravstvenoj zaštiti i izostankom sistemske profesionalne podrške. Ove izazove dodatno produbljuju politički i ekonomski pritisci, rizici po bezbjednost, kao i neujednačeni standardi u digitalno transformisanom medijskom okruženju, što je prepoznato i u dokumentima OEBS-a.

Prvo sveobuhvatno istraživanje ovih pitanja u Crnoj Gori sprovedeno je 2014. godine uz podršku Misije OEBS-a. Dobijeni nalazi predstavljali su važnu polaznu osnovu u analizi razlika između javnih i privatnih medija, rodnih nejednakosti, stepena sindikalizacije i opštih radnih uslova. Iako je studija imala značajan uticaj na javne politike i medijski sektor, ona nikada nije sistematski ažurirana, uprkos tome što se medijski pejzaž u protekloj deceniji snažno mijenjao.

U skladu sa tim, Misija OEBS-a u Crnoj Gori i Sindikat medija Crne Gore (SMCG/TUMM) inicirali su sprovođenje nove, sveobuhvatne studije koja će, u svjetlu Medijske strategije 2023–2027, ponuditi osvježene i proširene podatke o socio–ekonomskom statusu novinara i drugih medijskih profesionalaca. Istraživanje je dio projekta „Novinari i mediji u bezbjednom i zaštićenom okruženju“ i obuhvata kvantitativno anketno istraživanje i kvalitativne fokus grupe, s ciljem dubljegrazumijevanja radnih uslova, pristupa pravima, osjećaja lične sigurnosti, profesionalnih pritisaka i percepcije sindikalnog organizovanja.

Upitnik korišćen u istraživanju obuhvata širok spektar tema, od tipa medija i vlasničke strukture, preko statusa zaposlenja i strukture zarade, do pitanja o redovnosti isplata, plaćanju prekovre- menog rada, infrastrukturnim uslovima, pristupu tehnologiji, mogućnostima za stručno usavršavanje i procjeni radne stabilnosti. Posebna pažnja posvećena je rodnoj ravnopravnosti, usklađenosti sa radnim zakonodavstvom, kao i regionalnim i sektorskim razlikama u radnim praksama.

Ovaj izvještaj predstavlja rezultat objedinjene analize prikupljenih kvantitativnih i kvalitativnih podataka. Njegov cilj je da pruži pouzdane, uporedive i statistički utemeljene informacije o radnim i životnim uslovima novinara i medijskih radnika u Crnoj Gori, te da doprinese dokazima zasnovanom kreiranju politika, jačanju zaštite radnih prava i unapređenju šireg ambijenta medijskih sloboda u zemlji. Nalazi su namijenjeni državnim institucijama, medijima, profesionalnim i sindikalnim organizacijama, međunarodnim partnerima i stručnoj javnosti, te treba da posluže kao relevantna osnova za buduće intervencije OSCE-a i drugih aktera u sektoru.

2 Istraživanje o socio–ekonomskom položaju novinara i drugih medijskih profesionalaca u Crnoj Gori sprovedeno je primjenom kombinovanog metodološkog pristupa, koji obuhvata kvantita- tivne i kvalitativne metode. Ovaj pristup omogućio je dobijanje pouzdanih, reprezentativnih i dubinskih uvida u radne uslove, profesionalne izazove i potrebe zaposlenih u medijskom sektoru.

Kvantitativni dio istraživanja izveden je putem strukturisane ankete, koja je sprovedena u periodu od 15. oktobra do 19. novembra. Ukupno je prikupljeno 261 odgovora novinara i zaposlenih u medijima u Crnoj Gori.

Anketa je sprovedena u 41 različitih medija, uključujući javni servis i lokalne javne emitere, štampane i online medije, radio stanice, manje digitalne redakcije i specijalizovane platforme.

Uzorak obuhvata n ovinare i medijske radnike različitih profila, radnih pozicija i iskustva. Upitnik je sadržavao kombinaciju zatvorenih pitanja (skale, višestruki izbor) i nekoliko otvorenih pitanja koja omogućavaju detaljnije komentare ispitanika.

Kvantitativni podaci dopunjeni su kvalitativnim uvidima kroz četiri fokus grupe, sprovedene 18. i 19. novembra, sa ukupno 29 učesnika/ca. Fokus grupe su omogućile dublje razumijevanje radnih uslova, profesionalnih izazova, pritisaka i potreba, posebno u segmentima koje je teško u potpunosti obuhvatiti anketnim instrumentima.

Učesnici fokus grupa bili su ravnomjerno izabrani iz različitih segmenata medijskog sektora:

1. Novinari, urednici i producenti zaposleni u javnim emiterima (RTCG i lokalni javni servisi).

2. Novinari, urednici, dopisnici i frilenseri iz privatnih medija.

3. Tehničko, produkciono i administrativno osoblje, kao što su snimatelji, tonci, montažeri, grafički dizajneri, web administratori i drugo produkciono osoblje.

4. Novinarke i medijske profesionalke iz javnog i privatnog sektora, zaposlene na različitim pozicijama (od početničkih do menadžerskih), sa posebnim fokusom na rodnu perspektivu i iskustva rodno zasnovanog nasilja i uznemiravanja.

Svaka fokus grupa trajala je okvirno 90 minuta i vođena je prema unaprijed strukturisanom vodiču, uz omogućavanje slobodne diskusije o ključnim temama: radni uslovi, profesionalni pritisci, bezbjednost, digitalizacija, rodna ravnopravnost, sindikalna organizovanost i perspektive profesije.

3  Radni status i radni uslovi Ovo poglavlje daje pregled ključnih nalaza istraživanja koji se odnose na radni status novinara u Crnoj Gori i kvalitet njihovih radnih uslova. Cilj je da se kroz analizu niza pitanja obuhvati šira slika stabilnosti zaposlenja, finansijske sigurnosti, radnog okruženja i ukupnih uslova pod kojima novinari obavljaju svoj posao.

Pitanja obuhvataju različite aspekte radnog angažmana – od tipa i trajanja zaposlenja, mjesta na kojem se rad obavlja i strukture zarade, do redovnosti isplata, visine plata i praksi poslodavaca u pogledu doprinosa i osiguranja. Posebna pažnja posvećena je prekovremenom radu, obimu radnih sati, korišćenju godišnjih odmora, radnim obavezama tokom praznika, kao i pristupu bolovanju.

U ovom dijelu analiziraju se i stavovi novinara o kvalitetu radnog prostora, dostupnosti savremene tehnologije, mogućnostima za stručno usavršavanje, jasnoći komunikacije unutar redakcije i poštovanju radnog vremena. Takođe se ispituje u kojoj mjeri novinari vjeruju da profesija pruža stabilne dugoročne izglede, kao i njihove preferencije u pogledu tipa medija u kojem bi željeli da rade.

Dodatno, poglavlje obuhvata percepcije o jednakom tretmanu novinarki i novinara od strane poslodavaca, urednika, kolega, javnosti i profesionalnih udruženja. Na kraju se analiziraju prioritetne promjene koje bi novinari željeli vidjeti u svojim radnim uslovima, što daje važan uvid u njihove potrebe i očekivanja.

Rezultati na pitanje „Koji je vaš trenutni radni status?“ pokazuju da je najveći broj novinara u Crnoj Gori zaposlen na neodređeno vrijeme. Čak 77,8% ispitanika navodi da ima stalni radni odnos, što ukazuje na relativno visok nivo formalne radne sigurnosti u medijskom sektoru. Drugu po brojnosti grupu čine novinari koji rade na osnovu ugovora na određeno vrijeme, kojih je 16,5%. Ovaj procenat pokazuje da značajan dio novinara i dalje funkcioniše u statusu koji nosi veću neizvjesnost i ograničenu dugoročnu stabilnost.

Podaci pokazuju da niko od ispitanika ne radi na pola radnog vremena (0%), što govori da takav vid angažmana praktično ne postoji u crnogorskim redakcijama, iako se u drugim sektorima koristikao fleksibilni model rada. Dodatno, 4,6% novinara radi putem ugovora o djelu, što je oblik angažmana koji najčešće podrazumijeva povremeni rad bez pune radnopravne zaštite i bez beneficija koje prate standardni radni odnos. Vrlo mali broj ispitanika, svega 0,4%, kaže da radi kao frilenser (freelancer).

Sveukupno posmatrano, nalazi pokazuju da je crnogorsko novinarstvo dominantno zasnovano na stalnim radnim odnosima, dok su fleksibilni i nesigurniji oblici rada prisutni u manjoj, ali značajnoj mjeri. Ipak, postojanje novinara bez ugovora i onih sa kratkoročnim angažmanima ukazuje na segmente radne snage koji su izloženiji rizicima i slabijoj profesionalnoj zaštiti.

4 Grafik 1: Koji je Vaš trenutni radni status?

Stalni radni odnos 77.8%

Ugovor na određeno vrijeme 16.5%

Rad na pola radnog vremena 0.0%

Ugovor o djelu 4.6%

Frilenser 0.4%

Nemam ugovor 0.8%

Rezultati pokazuju da se rad novinara u Crnoj Gori najčešće odvija u kombinovanom režimu. Čak 45,6% ispitanika navodi da radi kombinovano – posao obavljaju djelimično iz redakcije, djelimično na terenu, a povremeno i od kuće. Ovaj podatak odražava dinamičnu prirodu novinarskog posla i zahtjeve koji podrazumijevaju fleksibilnost i spremnost na rad u različitim okruženjima.

Druga najveća grupa su novinari koji rade uglavnom iz redakcije (39,5%), što ukazuje da značajan dio novinarskog rada i dalje ostaje vezan za redakcijske prostorije, posebno za poslove koji zahtijevaju uređivanje sadržaja, koordinaciju tima ili studio/produkcijski rad. Na terenu radi 11,9% ispitanika. Ovaj procenat je očekivan s obzirom na ulogu terenskog izvještavanja, ali takođe pokazuje da većina novinara koji izlaze na teren to čini u okviru kombinovanog modela, a ne isključivo na terenu.

Rad uglavnom od kuće je veoma rijedak – prijavljuje ga samo 1,9% ispitanika. Kategorija „Drugo“ čini 1,1% odgovora i vjerovatno obuhvata specifične ili sporadične oblike angažmana koji ne ulaze u uobičajene modele rada.

Sveukupno, nalazi pokazuju da novinari u Crnoj Gori najčešće funkcionišu u fleksibilnom, kombinovanom radnom aranžmanu, dok rad isključivo od kuće ostaje marginalan. Ovo odražava hibridnu prirodu savremenog novinarstva, ali i praktične zahtjeve profesije koja podrazumijeva stalnu mobilnost i dostupnost.

5  Grafik 2: Radite li od kuće, na terenu, iz redakcije ili kombinovano?

Uglavnom iz redakcije

Uglavnom od kuće

Na terenu

Kombinacija

Drugo

Rezultati pokazuju da značajan dio novinara u Crnoj Gori ima dugogodišnje radno iskustvo u istoj medijskoj kući. Najveća grupa ispitanika, njih 39,5%, radi u trenutnoj redakciji duže od 10 godina. Ovaj podatak ukazuje na relativno visok nivo zadržavanja zaposlenih i dugoročne profesionalne veze između novinara i medijskih kuća.

Sljedeće po veličini su grupe sa srednjim trajanjem angažmana: 16,9% ispitanika radi u trenutnoj medijskoj kući između 1 i 3 godine, 14,9% radi 5 do 10 godina, a 12,6% je u istoj redakciji 3 do 5 godina. Zajedno posmatrano, ove kategorije pokazuju da značajan broj novinara ostaje u istom mediju više godina, iako ne nužno duže od decenije.

U kategoriji najkraćeg staža, 9,2% ispitanika je u trenutnoj medijskoj kući između 6 mjeseci i 1 godine, dok 6,9% radi kraće od 6 mjeseci. Ovi podaci ukazuju na određeni stepen fluktuacije radne snage, ali u manjoj mjeri u odnosu na dugoročne angažmane.

Prisustvo novinara koji su u redakcijama duže od deset godina sugeriše visok nivo lojalnosti, ali može ukazivati i na ograničene mogućnosti mobilnosti unutar sektora.

Grafik 3: Koliko dugo radite u trenutnoj medijskoj kući?

Manje od 6 mjeseci 6.9% 6 mjeseci do 1 godine 9.2% 1-3 godine 16.9% 3-5 godina 12.6% 5-10 godina 14.9% Više od 10 godina 39.5%

6 Rezultati pokazuju da je plata najvećeg broja novinara u Crnoj Gori strukturisana kao fiksna mjesečna zarada. Ovaj model prijavljuje 77,0% ispitanika, što ukazuje da se većina medijskih kuća oslanja na tradicionalni sistem obračuna plata, bez varijabilnog dijela vezanog za učinak.

Druga najzastupljenija kategorija odnosi se na kombinovani model, gdje je zarada djelimično fiksna, a djelimično zavisi od učinka. Ovaj oblik prijavljuje 20,7% ispitanika, što sugeriše da određeni broj redakcija primjenjuje sistem nagrađivanja koji uključuje stimulativni dio, ali da je takva praksa i dalje značajno manje zastupljena u odnosu na standardnu fiksnu platu. Veoma mali procenat novinara ima zaradu potpuno zasnovanu na učinku, bez fiksne plate – svega 0,4% ispitanika.

Grafik 4: Kako je strukturisana Vaša plata?

Fiksna mjesečna plata 77.0% Djelimično fiksna, djelimično 20.7% prema učinku Potpuno zasnovana na učinku 0.4% (bez fiksne plate) Drugo 1.5% Bez odgovora 0.4%

Daljim pregledom razlika u struktri plata između novinara koji rade u javnim i privatnim medijima možemo uvidjeti da većina njih ima fiksnu platu – to navodi 72,5% novinara kojii rade u javnim medijima i nešto više novinara koji rade u privatnim medijima (85,1%). Treba napomenuti da je značajno većem broju novinara koji rade u javnim medijima struktura plate kombinovana (djelimično fiksna, a djelimično prema učinku), u odnosu na novinare koji rade u privatnim medijima. Naime, kombinovanu platu ima 24,6% nnovinara koji rade u javnim servisima u uzorku, a 13,8% onih koji rade u privatnim medijima.

7  Grafik 5: Koji je status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojem radite? * Kako je strukturisana Vaša plata?

72.7% Javni/ Državni 24.6% 0.8% 2.0%

85.1% Privatni 13.8% 0.0% 1.1%

Fiksna mjesečna plata Djelimično fiksna, djelimično prema učinku Potpuno zasnovana na učinku (bez fiksne plate) Drugo

Kada je riječ o visini zarada, najveći dio novinara ima prosječnu mjesečnu platu u rasponu između 801 i 1000 eura, što je kategorija koju je označilo 36,8% ispitanika. Ovaj podatak ukazuje da se najveći broj novinara nalazi u srednjem platnom razredu, vjerovatno najkarakterističnijem za profesiju u zemlji.

Druga najzastupljenija grupa su novinari sa zaradom između 601 i 800 eura, što je prijavilo 29,1% ispitanika. Ovaj podatak sugeriše da značajan broj novinara i dalje prima platu ispod nivoa koji bi se mogao smatrati adekvatnim u odnosu na zahtjevnost posla. Platu između 1001 i 1200 eura navodi 16,9% ispitanika, dok 4,6% prima između 1201 i 1500 eura.

Pregledom visine zarade u odnosu na registrovano mejsto rada možemo uvidjeti da najvećem broju novinara mjesečna zarada iznosi od 801 do 1000 eura (49,1%), dok 27,3% navodi da im je iznos zarade od 601 do 800 eura. Pored toga, 10,9% njih navodi da zarada iznosi od 1000 do 1200 eura. Ni jedan novinar u uzorku nije naveo da mu je zarada veća od 1500 eura.

Urednici, s druge strane, u nejvećem broju slučajeva (38,2%) primaju platu u iznosu od 1001 do 1200 eura i platu u iznosu od 801 do 1000 eura, što je navelo 32,7% njih. Pored toga, 10,9% urednika navodi da im zarada iznosi i do 1500 eura, dok 7,3% ističe da im je zarada veća od 1500 eura.

8 Grafik 6: Koje je Vaše registrovano radno mjesto? * Kolika je Vaša prosječna mjesečna plata?

0.0% 5.5% 27.3% Novinar / Reporter 49.1% 10.9% 4.5% 0.0% 2.7%

0.0% 1.8% Urednik 1.8% (npr. urednik vijesti, 32.7% 38.2% urednik rubrike) 10.9% 7.3% 7.3% Manje od 450 EUR 1001 - 1200 EUR 450 - 600 EUR 1201 - 1500 EUR 601 - 800 EUR Više od 1500 EUR 801 - 1000 EUR Ne želim da odgovorim

Treba napomenuti da nalazi fokus grupa ukazuju na široko rasprostranjeno nezadovoljstvo visinom zarada. Učesnici iz javnog i privatnog sektora ističu da fiksni dio plate najčešće nije usklađen sa obimom posla, dok bonusi i dodaci u brojnim redakcijama ili nijesu predviđeni ili se ne isplaćuju. Posebno u privatnim medijima zabilježeni su primjeri značajnih razlika u primanjima koje nijesu povezane sa iskustvom ili obrazovanjem.

Mislim da nema u Crnoj Gori da je neko u prosjeku slabije plaćen od novinara.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

“Meni se dešavalo po 12 sati da čekam na jednom mjestu jednu fotografiju da napravim, neka mi neko kaže da ima takve “uslove” rada a ovako niska primanja. Nećete to nigdje naći.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

9  Grafik 7: Kolika je Vaša prosječna mjesečna plata?

Manje od 450 EUR 0.4% 450-600 EUR 7.3% 601-800 EUR 29.1% 801-1000 EUR 36.8% 1001-1200 EUR 16.9% 1201-1500 EUR 4.6% Više od 1500 EUR 1.9% Ne želim da odgovorim 3.1%

Rezultati pokazuju da velika većina novinara u Crnoj Gori prima platu na vrijeme. Čak 72,0% ispitanika navodi da im se zarada uvijek isplaćuje na vrijeme, što je važan indikator finansijske stabilnosti većine medijskih kuća. Dodatnih 23,0% ispitanika kaže da im se plata uglavnom uplaćuje na vrijeme – zakašnjenja postoje, ali nijesu česta.

Grafik 8: Da li Vam se plata uplaćuje na vrijeme?

Uvijek na vrijeme 72.0% Uglavnom na vrijeme 23.0% Ponekad kasni 3.8% Često kasni 1.1%

Pored redovnih primanja, istraživanje pokazuje i da velika većina novinara nema neisplaćenih zarada. Čak 88,5% ispitanika navodi da im je sve isplaćeno, što je pozitivan pokazatelj finansijske urednosti u većem dijelu sektora. Sa druge strane, 8,4% novinara izjavljuje da im poslodavac duguje platu za protekli mjesec. Dodatnih 2,3% ispitanika navodi da im se duguje plata za 1–2 mjeseca, što već predstavlja ozbiljan oblik neurednosti i povećava finansijski pritisak na zaposlene. Manji broj ispitanika, 0,8%, ne želi da kaže da li ima neisplaćenih zarada.

Sveukupno, kašnjenja i dugovanja plata prisutna su, ali pogađaju relativno mali dio novinara. Ipak, i taj manji segment ukazuje na finansijsku nestabilnost u pojedinim medijskim kućama i potrebu za većim nadzorom i zaštitnim mehanizmima.

10 Grafik 9: Da li Vam poslodavac duguje platu za određeni period?

Ne, sve je isplaćeno 88.5%

Da, za protekli mjesec 8.4%

Da, za 1-2 mjeseca 2.3%

Ne želim da kažem 0.8% Rezultati pokazuju da je većini novinara u Crnoj Gori plata povećana u protekloj godini, i to nezavisno od državnog programa „Evropa sad 2“. Tačnije, 57,5% ispitanika navodi da im je zarada povećana, što ukazuje na pozitivan trend u sektoru, vjerovatno kao rezultat internih odluka, korekcija zbog inflacije ili napora da se zadrže ključni kadrovi.

“A ono jeste nešto povećano, i meni i nekim kolegama to znam, ali malo je to stvarno. Ali eto, nešto je povećano neću da kažem…” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

S druge strane, 42,1% ispitanika izjavljuje da im se plata nije mijenjala tokom protekle godine. Ovaj rezultat pokazuje da značajan dio novinara nije osjetio napredak u primanjima, što može ukazivati na ograničene finansijske kapacitete pojedinih medija ili na stagnaciju sistema nagrađivanja. Vrlo mali procenat, svega 0,4% ispitanika, navodi da im je plata smanjena u protekloj godini. Grafik 10: Da li je Vaša plata povećana/smanjena u protekloj godini, nevezano za Program Evropa sad 2?

Da, povećana 57.5%

Da, smanjena 0.4%

Ne, ostala ista 42.1%

Među ispitanicima koji su istakli da im je u prethodnoj godini plata povećana (n=150), najveći udio njih (34%) navodi da je ona bila povećana za 10%, 26,7% navodi da im je plata povećana za 20%, a 11,3% da je povećana za 15%.

Posmatrajući podatke o povećanju/smanjenju plate u protekloj godini uviđamo da ne postoje značajne razlike među novinarima koji rade u javnim i privatnim medijskim servisima. Naime, 58,7% novinara koji rade u javnim medijima navodi da im je plata povećana, 0,6% navodi da je smanjena, a 40,7% da je ostala ista. Slično tome, novinari koji rade u privatnim medijima u 55,3% navode da im je plata u protekloj godini povećana, a 44,7% navodi da je ostala ista, dok niko od njih nije naveo da im je plata smanjena.

11  Grafik 11: Koji je status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojem radite? * Da li je Vaša plata povećana/smanjena u protekloj godini, nevezano za Program Evropa sad 2?

44.7% Privatni 0.0% 55.3%

40.7% Javni/ Državni 0.6% 58.7%

Ne, ostala ista Da, smanjena Da, povećana

Kada je riječ o jednakosti zarada na sličnim pozicijama, najveći procenat ispitanika, 42,5%, izjavljuje da ne zna da li njihove kolege primaju istu platu. To ukazuje na nedostatak trans- parentnosti u okviru medijskih kuća i ograničenu komunikaciju o platama među zaposlenima.

Istovremeno, 40,6% ispitanika smatra da kolege na sličnim pozicijama primaju istu platu kao i oni, što može ukazivati na standardizovanije platne prakse u pojedinim redakcijama. Nasuprot tome, 16,9% ispitanika izjavljuje da njihove kolege nemaju istu platu, iako su na sličnim pozicijama. Ovaj nalaz otvara pitanja o neujednačenostima, neformalnim dogovorima ili razlikama u individualnim pregovorima.

Grafik 12: Prema Vašem znanju, da li Vaše kolege na sličnim pozicijama primaju istu platu kao vi?

Da 40.6%

Ne 16.9%

Ne znam 42.5%

Analizirajući ovo pitanje u odnosu na status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojoj rade, zaključujemo da u javnim/državnim i privatnim medijima gotovo isti procenat novinara smatra da njihove kolege na sličnim pozicijama primaju istu platu – 40,1% u javnom sektoru i 41,5% u privatnom. U oba sektora, između 15% i 20% ispitanika vjeruje da plate nijesu jednake, što dodatno ukazuje na percepciju neujednačenosti u platnim praksama.

12 Grafik 13: Koji je status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojem radite? * Prema Vašem znanju, da li vaše kolege na sličnim pozicijama primaju istu platu kao vi?

39.4% Privatni 19.6% 41.5%

44.3% Javni/ Državni 15.6% 40.1%

Ne znam Ne Da

Dodatno, najveći procenat onih koji vjeruju da kolege na istim pozicijama primaju istu platu javlja se kod web administratora (100%). Visoku percepciju jednakosti imaju i menadžeri (60%), te novinari/reporteri (45,5%), ali kod njih postoji i značajan udio ispitanika koji „ne znaju“ (40%), što govori o manjku transparentnosti. Najviše neizvjesnosti javlja se kod grafičkih dizajnera, gdje čak 66,7% ne zna da li postoje razlike u platama, a samo trećina vjeruje da su one jednake. Foto-reporteri i urednici takođe pokazuju visoke nivoe nesigurnosti po ovom pitanju (44,4% i 49,1%).

Opšti zaključak je da percepcija jednakih plata značajno varira po pozicijama, a u većini zani- manja prisutan je visok nivo neinformisanosti među zaposlenima, što ukazuje na nedostatak jasne komunikacije o platnim strukturama unutar medisjkih kuća.

13  Grafik 14: Koje je Vaše registrovano radno mjesto? *Prema Vašem znanju, da li vaše kolege na sličnim pozici-jama primaju istu platu kao vi?

100.0% Web administrator / IT podrška 0.0% 0.0%

Menadžer društvenih mreža / 60.0% 20.0% Specijalista za digitalni sadržaj 20.0% 45.5% Novinar / Reporter 14.5% 40.0% 44.4% Audio/video montažer 22.2% 33.3% 41.7% Tehničar (npr. ton, rasvjeta, emitovanje) 25.0% 33.3% 41.2% Producent (TV, radio ili online) 23.5% 35.3% 37.0% Foto-reporter / Snimatelj 18.5% 44.4% 32.7% Urednik (npr. urednik vijesti, urednik rubrike) 18.2% 49.1% 0.0% Grafički dizajner / Kreator vizuelnog sadržaja 33.3% 66.7% 31.6% Drugo 10.5% 57.9%

Da Ne Ne znam

Rezultati pokazuju da velika većina novinara navodi da im poslodavac uredno uplaćuje doprinose za socijalno i zdravstveno osiguranje. Čak 75,9% ispitanika izjavljuje da se doprinosi u potpunosti uplaćuju, što predstavlja pozitivan pokazatelj formalne uređenosti radnog odnosa i poštovanja zakonskih obaveza.

Sveukupno, iako većina novinara ima uredno uplaćene doprinose, postoji zabrinjavajući dio zaposlenih koji rade u neregularnim uslovima. To naglašava potrebu za snažnijim nadzorom i boljom edukacijom zaposlenih o njihovim pravima.

14  Grafik 15: Da li Vam poslodavac uplaćuje doprinose za socijalno i zdravstveno osiguranje?

Da, u... 75.9%

Djelimično 3.1%

Ne 7.3%

Ne znam 13.8%

Slična slika pojavljuje se i kod pitanja statusa osiguranja. Najveći procenat ispitanika, čak 84,7%, navodi da su osigurani na punu platu. Manji procenat (1,1%) izjavljuje da su osigurani na iznos manji od stvarne plate, a 3,8% kaže da su osigurani na minimalnu zaradu. Oba ova slučaja ukazuju na neregularnosti i prikriveni rad, posebno ako su stvarne plate više od minimalca. Zabrinjavajuće je što 4,6% ispitanika navodi da uopšte nijesu osigurani, dok 2,7% ne zna kakav je njihov status. Dodatnih 3,1% ispitanika ne želi da odgovori.

Ovi podaci ukazuju da većina novinara ima uredno osiguranje zasnovano na punoj plati, ali podaci otkrivaju i prisustvo neregularnosti i značajan dio zaposlenih bez adekvatnog osiguranja. Ovi nalazi ukazuju na potrebu za većom kontrolom i transparentnošću u sistemu uplate doprinosa i regulisanja osiguranja.

Grafik 16: Kakav je Vaš status osiguranja?

Osiguran/a sam na punu platu 84.7% Osiguran/a sam na iznos manji od 1.1% stvarne plate Osiguran/a sam na minimalnu zaradu 3.8%

Nijesam osiguran/a 4.6%

Ne znam da li sam osiguran/a 2.7%

Ne želim da kažem 3.1%

Rezultati pokazuju da velika većina novinara radi u medijima koji imaju uspostavljene zvanične pravilnike i jasno definisane opise poslova. Čak 83,5% ispitanika navodi da takvi dokumenti postoje, što ukazuje na relativno visok nivo institucionalne uređenosti i formalizacije radnih procedura.

Manji dio ispitanika (11,9%) izjavljuje da u njihovoj redakciji ne postoje zvanični pravilnici, ali da su njihovi zadaci jasni. Ova grupa vjerovatno funkcioniše na osnovu usmenih dogovora ili ustaljenih praksi.

15  Grafik 17: Da li u mediju u kojem radite postoje zvanični pravilnici ili opisi poslova?

Da 83.5%

Ne, ali moji zadaci su jasni 11.9% Ne, i moji zadaci nijesu jasno 2.3% definisani Ne želim da kažem 2.3%

Posmatrajući podatke o vezi između vlasničkog statusa medija i postojanja zvaničnih pravilnika ili opisa poslova, primjećujemo da u javnim medijima, čak 87,4% zaposlenih navodi da postoje zvanični pravilnici ili opisane radne obaveze. Nasuprot tome, u privatnim medijima taj procenat je nešto niži i iznosi 76,6%.

Istovremeno, u privatnim medijima mnogo veći procenat zaposlenih kaže da pravilnici ne postoje, ali da su im zadaci jasni (17% prema 9% u javnom sektoru). Ovo sugeriše da se privatni mediji više oslanjaju na neformalnu organizaciju rada. U oba sektora mali procenat ispitanika smatra da zadaci nijesu jasno definisani (oko 2%), dok je udio onih koji ne žele da odgovore nešto veći u privatnim medijima.

Grafik 18: Koji je status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojem radite? * Da li u mediju u kojem radite postoje zvanični pravilnici ili opisi poslova?

87.4% Javni/ Državni 9.0% 2.4% 1.2% 76.6% Privatni 17.0% 2.1% 4.3%

Da Ne, ali moji zadaci su jasni Ne, i moji zadaci nijesu jasno definisani Ne želim da kažem

16  Većina novinara radi u okviru standardnog osmočasovnog radnog dana. Najveći procenat ispitanika, 56,7%, navodi da dnevno radi 6–8 sati. Međutim, 28,0% ispitanika izjavljuje da u prosjeku radi 8–10 sati dnevno, a 3,4% više od 10 sati. Ovi podaci ukazuju na čestu potrebu za produženim angažmanom i potencijalni rizik od preopterećenja i sagorijevanja.

“Nema tu radnog vremena, nego kad se nešto desi mi smo na terenu, a kolege u režiji” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

“Nas zovnu – evo nešto se dešava, i mi odmah moramo da krenemo i idemo tamo.“ (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

Na drugom kraju skale nalaze se oni koji rade kraće od 4 sata (1,1%) ili 4–6 sati dnevno (8,0%). Ovi slučajevi vjerovatno se odnose na honorarne angažmane ili specifične pozicije. Dodatnih 2,7% ispitanika ne želi da kaže koliko sati dnevno radi. Sveukupno, novinarstvo se potvrđuje kao profesija visoke dinamike i čestog produženog rada.

Grafik 19: Koliko sati dnevno u prosjeku radite?

Manje od 4 sata 1.1%

4-6 sati 8.0%

6-8 sati 56.7%

8-10 sati 28.0%

Više od 10 sati 3.4%

Ne želim da kažem 2.7% Prekovremeni rad je veoma česta pojava. Najveći procenat ispitanika, 22,2%, navodi da rade prekovremeno nekoliko puta sedmično. Još 19,5% radi prekovremeno 2–3 puta mjesečno, 8,4% jednom sedmično, a isti procenat (8,4%) skoro svakog dana. Manji udio prijavljuje prekovremeni rad jednom mjesečno (6,5%) ili nekoliko puta godišnje (9,6%), dok 13,4% kaže da radi prekovremeno „rjeđe“. Samo 9,6% ispitanika navodi da nikada ne radi prekovremeno, a 2,3% ne želi da odgovori. Ovi podaci ukazuju da većina novinara radi prekovremeno najmanje nekoliko puta mjesečno, a značajan dio i nekoliko puta sedmično.

Treba napomenuti i to da kvalitativni nalazi ukazuju da je prekovremeni rad jedan od glavnih izvora stresa. Učesnici fokus grupa, naročito iz javnog servisa, navode da radno opterećenje često utiče na privatni život, dok novinarke ističu dodatni izazov usklađivanja roditeljskih obaveza. Nedostatak sistemskih obuka za rad u rizičnim situacijama i psihološku podršku dodatno pojačava osjećaj iscrpljenosti i rizik od sagorijevanja.

17  Grafik 20: Koliko često radite prekovremeno?

Skoro svakog dana 8.4% Nekoliko puta sedmično 22.2% Jednom sedmično 8.4% 2-3 puta mjesečno 19.5% Jednom mjesečno 6.5% Nekoliko puta godišnje 9.6% Rjeđe 13.4% Nikad ne radim prekovremeno 9.6% Ne želim da odgovorim 2.3%

Iako je čest, zaposleni u medijima kažu da prekovremeni rad nije plaćen dosljedno, što ukazuje na značajne razlike u praksi među medijskim kućama. Najveći procenat ispitanika, 42,9%, navodi da im se prekovremeni rad u potpunosti plaća, što predstavlja pozitivnu i zakonski ispravnu praksu poslodavaca koji prepoznaju dodatni angažman zaposlenih.

“Podrazumijeva se da smo mi pripravni i da ćemo izaći na teren kad god treba.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

Međutim, 13,4% ispitanika izjavljuje da im se prekovremeni rad plaća djelimično, što ukazuje da se dodatni rad časovi ne kompenzuju u punom iznosu ili da se plaćaju samo u određenim slučajevima. Ovakva praksa može biti posljedica neujednačenih internih politika ili nejasno definisanih pravila o prekovremenom angažmanu.

Zabrinjavajući podatak jeste da 25,3% novinara kaže da se prekovremeni rad uopšte ne plaća. Pored toga, 11,9% ispitanika ne želi da odgovori na ovo pitanje, što može ukazivati na osjetljivost teme ili na strah od posljedica, posebno u redakcijama u kojima prekovremeni rad nije formalno priznat ni kompenzovan.

Grafik 21: Da li Vam se prekovremeni rad plaća?

Da, u potpunosti 42.9% Da, djelimično 13.4% Nakad da, nekad ne 6.5% Ne, ne plaća se 25.3% Ne želim da kažem 11.9%

18 Posmatrajući podatke o vezi između tipa vlasništva medija i učestalosti prekovremenog rada, uočavaju se izvjesne razlike između javnog/državnog i privatnog sektora.

U privatnim medijima je prekovremeni rad izraženiji: 9,6% novinara radi prekovremeno skoro svakog dana, a čak 25,5% nekoliko puta sedmično. Nasuprot tome, u javnim/državnim medijima te vrijed- nosti su niže (7,8% i 20,4%). Privatni sektor pokazuje i manji udio onih koji nikada ne rade prekovre- meno (11,7% naspram 8,4% u javnom sektoru), što dodatno ukazuje na veću opterećenost poslom.

S druge strane, javni/državni sektor ima najveći procenat zaposlenih koji prekovremeno rade samo povremeno – posebno 2–3 puta mjesečno (24,6%), što je više nego duplo u odnosu na privatni sektor (10,6%). To sugeriše da su prekovremeni sati u javnim medijima češće povremeni, a rjeđe intenzivni i kontinuirani.

Grafik 22: Koji je status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojem radite? *Koliko često radite prekovremeno?

7.8% 20.4% 9.6% 24.6% Javni / Državni 4.8% 10.2% 11.4% 8.4% 3.0% 9.6% 25.5% 6.4% 10.6% Privatni 9.6% 8.5% 17.0% 11.7% 1.1%

Skoro svakog dana Nekoliko puta sedmično Jednom sedmično 2-3 puta mjesečno Jednom mjesečno Nekoliko puta godišnje Rjeđe Nikad ne radim prekovremeno Ne želim da kažem

Posmatrajući podatke o vezi između tipa vlasništva medija i toga da li se prekovremeni rad plaća, vidi se da su obrasci u javnom/državnom i privatnom sektoru veoma slični, uz nekoliko važnih razlika.

U oba sektora otprilike isti procenat zaposlenih navodi da im se prekovremeni rad u potpunosti plaća – 42,5% u javnim medijima i 43,6% u privatnim. Ovo pokazuje da gotovo polovina novinara, bez obzira na tip medija, ima jasnu i uređenu kompenzaciju za prekovremeni rad. Razlike se javljaju kod djelimične naknade: javni sektor znatno češće navodi djelimično plaćanje (15,6% prema 9,6%), dok je u privatnom sektoru više onih koji tvrde da se prekovremeni rad uopšte ne plaća (28,7% prema 23,4%). Ovo sugeriše da privatni mediji nešto češće funkcionišu bez formalnih mehanizama kompenzacije.

19  Grafik 23: Koji je status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojem radite? * Da li Vam se prekovremeni rad plaća?

42.5% 15.6% Javni/ Državni 7.8% 23.4% 10.8%

43.6% 9.6% Privatni 4.3% 28.7% 13.8% Da, u potpunosti Da, djelimično Nekad da, nekad ne Ne, ne plaća se Ne želim da kažem

Kada je riječ o slobodnim danima, 80,8% novinara ističe da sedmično ima dva slobodna dana, dok 13% navodi da imaju samo jedan. Dodatnih 2,7% kaže da imaju više od dva slobodna dana, a 2,7% da broj slobodnih dana varira. Posebno zabrinjava podatak da 0,8% novinara navodi da na sedmičnom nivou nemaju nijedan slobodan dan.

Grafik 24: Koliko slobodnih dana imate sedmično?

Nijedan 0.8% 1 dan 13.0% 2 dana 80.8% Više od 2 dana 2.7% Varira (molimo navedite) 2.7% Dalje, kada je riječ o godišnjem odmoru, 94,6% novinara ističe da ima redovan godišnji odmor, dok 3,1% navodi da ga nemaju. Među onima koji imaju godišnji odmor, gotovo svi ispitanici (97,6%) kažu da ga koristi.

20 Grafik 25: Da li imate redovan godišnji odmor?

Da 94.6% Ne 3.1% Ne želim da kažem 2.3% Grafik 26: Da li ga koristite?

Da 97.6% Ne 0.8% Ne želim da kažem 1.6%

Kada smo ih upitali koliko dana u prosjeku traje njihov godišnji odmor, najveći udio njih (71%) odgovorilo je da traje od 20 do 30 dana, dok je 15,6% navelo da traje od 1 do 20 dana. Dalje, 10,8% istaklo je da njihov odmor traje od 30 do 40 dana, a ostalih 2,7% da traje čak manje od 10 dana.

Dalje, rezultati pokazuju da većina novinara u Crnoj Gori nije u potpunosti slobodna tokom državnih i vjerskih praznika, što je očekivano s obzirom na prirodu medijskog rada. Najveći procenat ispitanika, 43,7%, navodi da su uglavnom slobodni, ali ne uvijek. Ovaj podatak ukazuje na fleksibilan, ali ipak djelimično opterećen raspored tokom prazničnih dana. Pored toga, 22,2% ispitanika kaže da su uvijek slobodni tokom praznika, što je relativno mali, ali važan segment radne snage koji ima jasno regulisan i stabilan sistem rada u svojim redakcijama. Ovo pokazuje da pojedini mediji poštuju praznike kao redovne neradne dane, čak i u profesiji koja najčešće zahtijeva kontinuiranu dostupnost.

Istovremeno, 21,1% ispitanika izjavljuje da uglavnom nijesu slobodni tokom praznika, dok 10,7% navodi da rade normalno, kao i svakog drugog dana. Ovi nalazi ukazuju na znatan dio novinara koji praznike provodi radno, što je često posljedica potrebe za praćenjem aktuelnih događaja i informisanjem javnosti bez prekida.

Rezultati potvrđuju da veliki broj novinara u Crnoj Gori tokom praznika radi barem povremeno ili redovno. Ovakva situacija reflektuje specifičnost profesije u kojoj informisanje javnosti ne prestaje ni tokom prazničnih dana, ali i ukazuje na potrebu za adekvatnom kompenzacijom i regulisanjem rada u danima državnog značaja.

21  Grafik 27: Da li ste slobodni tokom državnih i vjerskih praznika?

Uvijek 22.2% Uglavnom 43.7% Uglavnom nijesam 21.1% Ne, radim normalno 10.7% Ne želim da kažem 2.3%

Rezultati pokazuju da se rad tokom državnih i vjerskih praznika u najvećem broju slučajeva dodatno plaća, što ukazuje na primjenu zakonskih obaveza u većini medijskih kuća. Najveći procenat ispitanika, 77,8%, navodi da se rad tokom praznika u potpunosti dodatno plaća, što predstavlja pozi- tivan trend i potvrđuje da veliki dio poslodavaca poštuje propise koji se odnose na rad u dane državnog značaja. Dalje, 7,3% ispitanika izjavljuje da se njihov rad tokom praznika dodatno plaća djelimično, što sugeriše da kompenzacija postoji, ali ne u punom obimu propisanom zakonom. Ovakva praksa može dovesti do neravnopravnosti među zaposlenima i neujednačene primjene radnih prava. Manji broj novinara, 1,9%, navodi da im se rad tokom praznika ponekad dodatno plaća, što ukazuje na nedosljednost u praksi poslodavca i situaciono odlučivanje o naknadama.

Grafik 28: Da li se rad tokom praznika dodatno plaća?

U potpunosti 77.8% Djelimično 7.3% Ponekad 1.9% Ne plaća se 6.5% Ne želim da kažem 6.5% Kada je u pitanju bolovanje, rezultati pokazuju da je velika većina novinara u Crnoj Gori tokom prethodne godine nijesu bili na bolovanju. Čak 82,8% ispitanika izjavljuje da nije koristilo bolovanje ni u jednom periodu, što može ukazivati na dobro zdravstveno stanje zaposlenih, ali i na moguće prisustvo pritiska da se radi uprkos zdravstvenim poteškoćama, što je česta pojava u profesijama sa visokim radnim opterećenjem.

22 Grafik 29: Da li ste tokom prošle godine bili na bolovanju?

Da, nekoliko puta 3.1% Da, jednom duže vrijeme 3.4% Da, jednom kraće vrijeme 8.8% Ne 82.8% Ne želim da kažem 1.9% Najveći dio novinara smatra da imaju adekvatan pristup savremenim tehnološkim sredstvima potrebnim za rad. Čak 47,5% ispitanika se u potpunosti slaže, a dodatnih 29,9% se uglavnom slaže sa ovom tvrdnjom. Ovo ukazuje da većina redakcija obezbjeđuje osnovnu i modernu opremu, poput računara, stabilnog interneta i relevantnog softvera. Manji dio ispitanika (9,2%) zauzima neutralan stav, dok se ukupno 8,8% ne slaže u određenoj mjeri (1,4% potpuno, 4,8% uglavnom), što ukazuje da u pojedinim medijima i dalje postoje tehnološki nedostaci. Kao poseban problem, fotografi su istakli da rijetko dobijaju opremu od svojih medijskih kuća, već da je sami kupuju.

“Ja u svakom trenutku kad sam na terenu na sebi imam 4-5 hiljada eura opreme. Konkretno ja sada imam sreće da jedan od dva aparata koje koristim sam dobio od redakcije. Drugi sam kupio sam. Znam da moje kolege fotografi svu opremu kupuju sami. Tako sam i ja većinu vremena koliko sam u ovom poslu. Ti aparati i objektivi su veoma skupi.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

Većina novinara procjenjuje da njihov radni prostor ispunjava osnovne uslove za siguran i kvalitetan rad, ali u manjoj mjeri nego kada je riječ o opremi. Sa tvrdnjom se u potpunosti slaže 37,5%, a 33,3% se uglavnom slaže.

Kada je riječ o radnom vremenu, 40,2% ispitanika se u potpunosti slaže, a 26,8% uglavnom slaže da je radno vrijeme jasno definisano i poštuje se u praksi. Ipak, značajan segment (16,1%) zauzima neutralan stav, što može ukazivati na varijabilnost radnih obaveza ili nedovoljnu formalizaciju. Dodatnih 11,9% se ne slaže u određenoj mjeri, što ukazuje da u pojedinim redakcijama postoji problem prekovremenog rada, nedefinisanih smjena ili nerealnih očekivanja u pogledu dostupnosti.

Komunikacija unutar redakcija pokazuje relativno pozitivan trend: 40,6% novinara u potpunosti se slaže, a 24,5% uglavnom se slaže da postoji jasna komunikacija između menadžmenta i redakcijskog tima.

Najlošije ocijenjena tvrdnja odnosi se na mogućnosti za stručno usavršavanje. Samo 21,8% ispitanika se u potpunosti slaže, dok 26,1% uglavnom slaže, što je ukupno 47,9%. Istovremeno, značajan dio nov- inara smatra da takve mogućnosti nijesu adekvatne: 17,2% se uglavnom ne slaže, a 13,4% se potpuno ne slaže. Dodatnih 21,5% je neutralno. Ovakav raspored odgovora ukazuje da je obuka i profesionalno usavršavanje jedno od najslabije razvijenih područja u medijskom sektoru u Crnoj Gori.

“Ima tu dosta problema, ali ima i prilika budimo realni. Samo je problem što smo mi toliko zatrpani poslom da nam se ne mili ići na obuke. To je loše.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

23  Grafik 30: Molimo Vas da na skali od 1 (Uopšte se ne slažem) do 5 (U potpunosti se slažem) ocijenite u kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećim izjavama:

9.2% 5.4% 8.0% Imam pristup savremenim tehnološkim sredstvima neophodnim za posao 47.5% 29.9% (npr. računar, internet, softver). 8.8% 8.4% Moj radni prostor ispunjava osnovne uslove za siguran i kvalitetan rad. 37.5% 33.3% 11.9%

7.7% Radno vrijeme je jasno definisano i poštuje se u praksi. 40.2% 26.8% 16.1% 9.2%

10.3% Postoji jasna komunikacija između menadžmenta i redakcijskog tima. 40.6% 24.5% 13.4% 11.1%

Poslodavac obezbjeđuje mogućnosti za stručno usavršavanje i dodatne obuke. 21.8% 26.1% 21.5% 17.2% 13.4%

5 - Potpuno se slažem 4- Uglavnom se slažem 3 - Niti se slažem, niti se ne slažem 2 - Uglavnom se ne slažem 1- Potpuno se slažem

Rezultati pokazuju da je opšti nivo povjerenja u stabilnost i dugoročnost zaposlenja u novi- narstvu u Crnoj Gori relativno nizak. Najveći procenat ispitanika, 28,4%, zauzima neutralan stav, što sugeriše da značajan broj novinara nije siguran u perspektivu profesije i ne može donijeti jasan sud o dugoročnoj stabilnosti ovog zanimanja.

Zabrinjavajuće je što 27,2% ispitanika navodi da se uglavnom ne slaže, a dodatnih 14,2% da se uopšte ne slaže sa tvrdnjom da novinarstvo pruža stabilne i dugoročne izglede za zaposlenje. Ukupno, više od 41% novinara ima negativnu percepciju stabilnosti profesije, što predstavlja snažan signal o zabrinutosti zbog nesigurnih ugovora, niskih zarada, opterećenosti poslom i neizvjesnih poslovnih modela medija.

24  Grafik 31: Ocijenite u kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećom izjavom: „Vjerujem da novinarstvo u Crnoj Gori pruža stabilne i dugoročne izglede za zaposlenje“

Uopšte se ne slažem 14.2% Uglavnom se ne slažem 27.2% Niti se slažem, niti se ne slažem 28.4% Uglavnom se slažem 19.5% U potpunosti se slažem 3.4% Ne znam 7.3% U obje vrste medija dominira skepticizam prema tvrdnji da novinarstvo u Crnoj Gori pruža stabilne i dugoročne izglede za zaposlenje. Nešto više od 40% zaposlenih u javnim/državnim i privatnim medijima izjavljuje da se ne slaže sa navedenom tvrdnjom, dok je udio onih koji se slažu relativno nizak (22,8% u javnim i 23,4% u privatnim medijima). Neutralni stav je nešto češći u privatnim medijima (34,0%) nego u javnim (25,1%), što ukazuje na veću neodlučnost zaposlenih u privatnom sektoru. Ukupan obrazac odgovora sugeriše da bez obzira na vlasničku strukturu medija, zaposleni procjenjuju novinarstvo kao profesiju sa ograničenom stabilnošću i skromnim dugoročnim perspektivama zaposlenja.

Grafik 32: Ocijenite u kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećom izjavom: „Vjerjem da novinarstvo u Crnoj Gori pruža stabilne i dugoročne izglede za zaposlenje.“ * Koji je status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojem radite?

Javni/ Državni 22.8% 25.1% 41.3% 10.8%

1.1% Privatni 23.4% 34.0% 41.5%

Slažem se Niti se slažem niti se ne slažem Ne slažem se Ne znam

U svim starosnim grupama dominira uvjerenje da novinarstvo u Crnoj Gori ne pruža stabilne i dugoročne izglede za zaposlenje, pri čemu se negativan stav pojačava s godinama starosti. Najmlađi ispitanici (18–34) pokazuju nešto veći stepen optimizma, jer oko 26% njih izražava slaganje s tvrdnjom, dok se ovaj procenat smanjuje kod starijih grupa. Istovremeno, udio onih koji se ne slažu raste s godinama i dostiže maksimum u grupi 55+, gdje čak 52,5% ispitanika smatra da novinarstvo ne nudi dugoročnu stabilnost. Grupa 35–54 godina pokazuje najveću neodlučnost (“ne znam” – 10,4%), što može ukazivati na veću nesigurnost u srednjoj fazi karijere. Ovakav obrazac ukazuje da se percepcija nestabilnosti profesije povećava s dužim iskustvom u sektoru.

25  Grafik 33: Ocijenite u kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećom izjavom: „Vjerujem da novinarstvo u Crnoj Gori pruža stabilne i dugoročne izglede za zaposlenje.“ * Godine starosti

3.4% 18-34 26.4% 32.2% 37.9%

35-54 20.9% 28.4% 40.3% 10.4%

5.0% 55+ 22.5% 20.0% 52.5%

Slažem se Niti se slažem niti se ne slažem Ne slažem se Ne znam

Rezultati pokazuju da najveći broj novinara u Crnoj Gori preferira rad u javnim medijima. Čak 43,3% ispitanika izjavljuje da bi radije radili u javnom servisu ili drugim javnim medijskim institucijama. Ovaj podatak ukazuje na percepciju javnih medija kao stabilnijih, sigurnijih i vjerovatno bolje uređenih u smislu radnih uslova, plata i dugoročnosti zaposlenja.

Druga po veličini grupa su oni koji bi radije radili u privatnim medijima, što je izbor 19,5% ispitanika. Ovaj procenat ukazuje da određeni broj novinara smatra da privatni mediji nude veće profesionalne izazove, brže napredovanje ili više prostora za kreativni i istraživački rad.

Značajan broj (15,7%), navodi da više ne bi želio/la da radi u medijima. Ovaj podatak je posebno važan jer ilustruje visoke nivoe nezadovoljstva profesijom, iscrpljenosti i percepcije niskih perspektiva razvoja u sektoru.

26 Grafik 34: Gdje biste radije radili?

U javnim medijima 43.3% U privatnim medijima 19.5% Ne bih više želio/la da 15.7% radim u medijima Ne znam 21.5% Analiza odgovora ispitanika koji su istakli da bi radije radili u javnim medijima pokazuje da novinari dominantno preferiraju rad u njima zbog visokog nivoa radne sigurnosti. Najčešće pominjani elementi sigurnosti uključuju: stabilno i redovno finansiranje, sigurnost radnog mjesta, redovnu isplatu plata, kao i poštovanje radnih prava, poput bolovanja, odmora i radnog vremena. Druga važna kategorija razloga odnosi se na bolje radne uslove i organizaciju. Novinari ističu da su javni mediji generalno profesionalnije organizovani, imaju jasnija pravila rada i manje pritisaka u odnosu na privatne medije. Takođe se navodi da je u javnim medijima prisutna veća dostupnost resursa, veći broj zaposlenih u redakcijama i bolja tehnička infrastruktura, što olakšava svakodnevni rad.

Treća grupa razloga tiče se mogućnosti profesionalnog napredovanja i usavršavanja. Učesnici smatraju da javni mediji nude više prilika za razvoj i stabilnije karijerne putanje, kao i da je posao dugoročno predvidljiviji i manje rizičan. Značajan dio odgovora ističe i društvenu ulogu javnih medija, obavezu da informišu javnost objektivno, nepristrasno i u skladu s profesionalnim standardima. Za pojedine novinare to je ključni motiv, jer javne medijske službe doživljavaju kao institucije koje rade u interesu građana, a ne komercijalnih ili političkih centara moći.

Manji broj odgovora odnosi se na lična iskustva dugogodišnjeg rada u javnom sektoru, kao i preferencije vezane za specifične sadržaje (npr. sportski program), tehničke aspekte (bolja pokrivenost signalom) ili lične afinitete prema javnom servisu.

“Mislim da se u javnim medijima mnogo manje radi, njih ima uvijek dosta, pogledajte samo RTCG. U privatnim medijima je manje ljudi, pa morate na sve strane, manja je i podjela posla nego svi uskočimo đe treba.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

S druge strane, odgovori ispitanika koji preferiraju rad u privatnim medijima pokazuju da je novinarska sloboda i urednička nezavisnost ključni motiv za takvu odluku. Mnogi navode da privatni mediji obezbjeđuju veću autonomiju u odabiru tema, slobodnije upravljanje sadržajem i manje političkog uticaja, dok javne medije smatraju previše kontrolisanim od strane države ili aktuelne vlasti.

27  Druga značajna tema je mogućnost profesionalnog izražavanja i kreativnosti. Ispitanici ističu da privatni mediji omogućavaju veći prostor za samostalni rad, kreativno izražavanje, kreiranje sadržaja i razvoj originalnih ideja. Smatraju da je rad u privatnom sektoru fleksibilniji, manje formal- istički i manje opterećen administrativnim procedurama.

Takođe se ističe veća mogućnost napredovanja i vidljiviji meritokratski sistem. Mnogi vjeruju da privatni mediji pružaju više prilika za profesionalni razvoj i ostvarivanje boljih rezultata, a neki i bolje finansijske uslove u odnosu na javni sektor.

Neki ispitanici navode da su lojalni privatnim medijima zbog dugogodišnjeg iskustva u tom sektoru, bilo kao zaposleni ili kao osnivači medija. Za njih je privatni sektor već stečeno profesionalno okruženje kojem vjeruju.

Treba napomenuti da su negativni stavovi prema javnim medijima su jasno izraženi: ispitanici ih opisuju kao birokratizovane, politički zavisne, sa rigidnim pravilima i ograničenim prostorom za slobodno novinarstvo.

Kao najčešći razlog za napuštanje medijskog sektora ispitanici navode kombinacija niskih primanja i visokog nivoa stresa. Ističu da je novinarski posao u Crnoj Gori potplaćen, da su plate nesrazmjerne obimu posla, odgovornostima i uslovima rada, te da je medijski sektor jedan od najmanje cijenjenih kada je riječ o naknadama i beneficijama. Drugi dominantan razlog odnosi se na teške i često nesigurne radne uslove. Ispitanici navode preopterećenost poslom, nepostojanje definisanog radnog vremena, loše uslove na terenu, neredovna ili nesigurna zaposlenja i izostanak kolektivnih ugovora. Posebno se naglašava fizički zahtjevan rad snimatelja i reportera, kao i manjak zaštite – uključujući i činjenicu da novinari nemaju status službenog lica. Treća grupa razloga vezana je za narušenu profesionalnost i političku kontrolu u medijskom sektoru. Mnogi ispitanici navode da su redakcije opterećene partijskim uticajima, političkom podobnošću, lošim rukovođenjem, neprofesionalnim nadređenima i nedostatkom uredničke nezavisnosti. Ovakvo okruženje, prema njihovim procjenama, dovodi do pada kvaliteta novinarstva, erozije kredibiliteta profesije i gubitka smisla posla.

Četvrta značajna tema je nedostatak perspektive i mogućnosti napredovanja. Ispitanici naglašavaju da medijski sektor ne nudi stabilne karijerne puteve, da se kompetencije i iskustvo ne vrednuju, te da je napredovanje često vezano za podobnost, a ne za kvalitet ili radne rezultate. To utiče na demotivaciju i zasićenje, posebno kod onih sa dugim radnim stažem. Neki ispitanici navode i lične razloge, poput želje za promjenom, interesovanja za druge profesije ili planova za pokretanje sopst- venog biznisa. Mnogi takođe opisuju umor i iscrpljenost nakon više godina rada u zahtjevnom i slabo nagrađenom okruženju.

Dalje, ispitanike smo upitali da li smatraju da se muškarici i žene novinari tretiraju na isti način od strane različitih aktera. Najveći procenat ispitanika, 65,5%, smatra da se muškarci i žene tretiraju na isti način od strane urednika. Ovo ukazuje na relativno visok nivo rodne ravnopravnosti u redakcijskim procesima. Ipak, 6,9% vjeruje da se muškarci tretiraju bolje, dok 6,1% smatra da su žene u boljem položaju. Značajan udio ispitanika (17,6%) nije siguran, što može ukazivati na nedovoljnu transparentnost u načinu donošenja uredničkih odluka.

28 Sličan obrazac prisutan je i u odnosima među samim kolegama: 65,1% ispitanika smatra da su kolegijalni odnosi rodno uravnoteženi. Ipak, 5,7% vjeruje da se muškarci tretiraju bolje, dok 10,0% smatra da žene imaju povoljniji tretman. Čak 15,3% ne može procijeniti, što ukazuje da iskustva variraju među redakcijama.

Većina ispitanika (64,8%) smatra da poslodavci tretiraju muškarce i žene podjednako. Međutim, 9,6% vjeruje da muškarci imaju povoljniji tretman, dok 4,6% navodi da se žene tretiraju bolje. S obzirom da 17,2% nije sigurno, ovi nalazi ukazuju da rodna ravnopravnost u formalnim odnosima postoji, ali nije univerzalno iskustvo svih novinara.

Kada je riječ o sindikatima, 59,4% ispitanika smatra da se tretman ne razlikuje po polu. Ipak, 19,4% nije sigurno, a 6,2% vjeruje da se muškarci tretiraju bolje. Dodatnih 24,5% ispitanika navodi da žene imaju bolji tretman, što je interesantno odstupanje od prethodnih kategorija i može ukazivati na percepciju da sindikalne organizacije češće prepoznaju izazove sa kojima se suočavaju žene novinarke.

Kod profesionalnih asocijacija, percepcija rodne ravnopravnosti je nešto niža — samo 47,1% ispi- tanika smatra da se oba pola tretiraju jednako. 10,0% vjeruje da se muškarci tretiraju bolje, dok 6,5% navodi da žene imaju bolji položaj. Međutim, veoma visok procenat (27,2%) nije siguran, što može ukazivati na nedovoljnu vidljivost rada asocijacija ili manjak kontakta novinara s njima. Najveći stepen percepcije neravnopravnosti javlja se u odnosu javnosti prema novinarima. Samo 34,9% ispitanika smatra da javnost jednako tretira muškarce i žene novinare. Čak 27,2% smatra da su muškarci tretirani bolje, a 7,7% da su žene u boljem položaju. Dodatnih 25,3% nije sigurno. Ovaj rezultat odražava rodne stereotipe prisutne u društvu, online prostoru i komentarima publike.

29  Grafik 35: Da li biste rekli da se muškarici i žene novinari tretiraju na isti način od strane: 3.8% Urednika 65.5% 6.9% 6.1% 17.6%

3.8% Kolega 65.1% 5.7% 10.0% 15.3%

4.6% 3.8% Poslodavaca 64.8% 9.6% 17.2% 1.9% 4.2% Sindikata 59.4% 24.5% 10.0%

Asocijacija 47.1% 10.0% 6.5% 27.2% 9.2%

5.0% Javnosti 34.9% 27.2% 7.7% 25.3%

Da, muškarci i žene novinari se tretiraju na isti način Ne, muškarci se tretiraju bolje Ne, žene se tretiraju bolje Nisam siguran/na Bez odgovora

Rezultati jasno pokazuju da je ubjedljivo najvažniji prioritet novinara u Crnoj Gori – povećanje i stabilizacija plata. Ovu opciju izabralo je 62,1% ispitanika, što snažno potvrđuje da su finansijski uslovi rada ključni izazov u profesiji. Ovaj podatak je u skladu sa prethodnim nalazima koji ukazuju na široko rasprostranjeno nezadovoljstvo visinom zarada i njihovom neusklađenošću sa zahtjevnošću posla.

Druga najpoželjnija promjena, iako sa znatno manjim procentom, odnosi se na bolju zaštitu od političkih ili komercijalnih pritisaka, koju je izabralo 9,2% ispitanika. Ovaj nalaz ukazuje da osim ekonomske nesigurnosti, značajan izazov predstavljaju i spoljašnji pritisci koji utiču na profesionalni integritet novinara.

30 Grafik 36: Koju biste promjenu najviše željeli da vididte u vezi sa Vašim radnim uslovima? (Molimo označite onu koju biste stavili na prvo mjesto):

Veće i stabilnije plate 62.1% Bolja zaštita od političkih 9.2% ili komercijalnih pritisaka Bolji pristup profesionalnim 5.4% obukama i usavršavanju Ugovori o radu na 4.6% neodređeno vrijeme Jača sindikalna zastupljenost 4.6% i kolektivno pregovaranje Veća uređivačka nezavisnost 4.2% Redovna i pravovremena 1.9% isplata zarada Plaćeni prekovremeni rad 1.9% Drugo 1.1% Zadovoljan/na sam trenutnim radnim 5.0% uslovima i ne vidim potrebu za...

Učesnici istraživanja polovično se slažu sa tvrdnjom da se novinarstvo i dalje smatra cijenjenom i društveno vrijednom profesijom u Crnoj Gori. Kombinovano, 51,7% učesnika (26,4% koji se uglavnom ne slažu i 25,3% koji se uopšte ne slažu) smatra da profesija nema onaj nivo društvenog ugleda koji bi trebalo da uživa.

“Bilo nekad davno, ljudi su poštovali novinare, oni su donosili vijesti, saopštavali šta se dešava. Danas svi sve znaju preko društvenih mreža, tamo se prvo sve javlja pa onda na društvenim mrežama. Zato i sve manje poštuju novinare.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

31  Grafik 37: U kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećom izjavom: „Novinarstvo se i dalje smatra cijenjenom i društveno vrijednom profesijom u Crnoj Gori.“

Uopšte se ne slažem 25.3% Uglavnom se ne slažem 26.4% Niti se slažem, niti se ne slažem 21.5% Uglavnom se slažem 19.5% U potpunosti se slažem 5.0% Ne znam 2.3% Percepcija društvenog ugleda novinarstva u Crnoj Gori ne varira značajno između muškaraca i žena: u obje grupe dominira uvjerenje da se novinarstvo više ne smatra visoko cijenjenom i društveno vrijednom profesijom.

Dalje, podaci jasno pokazuju da u svim starosnim grupama dominira uvjerenje da novinarstvo više nije cijenjena i društveno visoko vrednovana profesija u Crnoj Gori, ali se intenzitet ovog stava razlikuje među generacijama. Kod najmlađih ispitanika, više od polovine (52,9%) navodi da se ne slaže s tvrdnjom, što ukazuje da mladi novinari već na početku karijere prepoznaju nizak društveni status profesije.

Grafik 38: U kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećom izjavom: „Novinarstvo se i dalje smatra cijenjenom i društveno vrijednom profesijom u Crnoj Gori.“ * Godine starosti

23.0% 18-34 21.8% 52.9% 2.3% 25.4% 35-54 24.6% 47.8% 2.2% 25% 55+ 10% 62.5% 2.5% Slažem se Niti se slažem niti se ne slažem Ne slažem se Ne znam

32 Podaci pokazuju da, bez obzira na to da li rade u javnim/državnim ili privatnim medijima, većina ispitanika smatra da se novinarstvo više ne doživljava kao cijenjena i društveno visoko vrednovana profesija u Crnoj Gori. Ipak, razlike između sektora postoje i ukazuju na nešto optimističniju sliku u javnim medijima.

U javnim medijima gotovo polovina ispitanika (49,1%) navodi da se ne slaže s tvrdnjom da je novinarstvo i dalje cijenjeno. Ipak, primjetno je da u ovom sektoru postoji viši nivo pozitivnih odgovora nego u privatnim medijima: 26,4% zaposlenih se slaže s izjavom, što je najviši udio među grupama. Ovi rezultati pokazuju da, iako prevladava negativna percepcija, zaposleni u javnim medijima nešto češće vjeruju u očuvan društveni značaj profesije, vjerovatno zbog institucionalne uloge i tradicionalno većeg društvenog povjerenja u ovaj sektor.

U privatnim medijima dominantan je još snažniji skepticizam: čak 56,5% ispitanika se ne slaže da novinarstvo i dalje uživa društveni ugled, što je vidljivo veći procenat nego u javnom sektoru. Udio onih koji se slažu iznosi samo 21,2%, dok je sličan procenat (22,3%) neutralan.

Ovi podaci upućuju na to da zaposleni u privatnim redakcijama imaju kritičniji stav prema percepciji profesije, vjerovatno zbog većeg izlaganja tržišnim pritiscima, nesigurnijim uslovima rada i političkim ili komercijalnim uticajima koji utiču na ugled medija.

Grafik 39: U kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećom izjavom: „Novinarstvo se i dalje smatra cijenjenom i društvenovrijednom profesijom u Crnoj Gori.“ * Koji je status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojem radite?

26.4% Javni/državni 21.0% 49.1% 3.5%

21.2% Privatni 22.3% 56.5% 0.0% Slažem se Niti se slažem niti se ne slažem Ne slažem se Ne znam

Nalazi ovog poglavlja pokazuju kompleksnu sliku radnog statusa i radnih uslova novinara u Crnoj Gori. Sa jedne strane, većina novinara ima formalno uređen radni odnos – dominantno ugovor na neodređeno vrijeme, redovne plate i uredno uplaćene doprinose i osiguranje zasnovano na punoj plati. Većina radi u redakcijama sa zvaničnim pravilnicima, jasno definisanim opisima poslova, adekvatnom tehničkom opremom i relativno stabilnim redovnim isplatama.

33  S druge strane, podaci ukazuju na niz strukturnih slabosti: značajan obim prekovremenog rada, koji se često ne plaća ili ne plaća dosljedno; dio novinara koji radi bez ugovora ili bez uplaćenih doprinosa; niska i nerijetko stagnirajuća primanja, pri čemu se većina zarada kreće između 600 i 1000 eura; ograničene mogućnosti za stručno usavršavanje; kao i izražena percepcija da profesija ne pruža stabilne i dugoročne izglede.

Iako većina novinara percipira da su odnosi u redakciji i tretman muškaraca i žena uglavnom ravnopravni, percepcija društvenog ugleda profesije je pretežno negativna. Novinarstvo se doživljava kao potcijenjeno zanimanje, izloženo političkim i komercijalnim pritiscima, finansijski nedovoljno valorizovano i opterećeno visokim intenzitetom rada.

Kao ključni prioritet novinari izdvajaju povećanje i stabilizaciju plata, ali i jaču zaštitu od pritisaka, veću uređivačku nezavisnost, bolju sindikalnu i profesionalnu podršku i razvoj mehanizama za kontinuirano usavršavanje.

34 Bezbjednost i urednički pritisak Ovo poglavlje obuhvata analizu nivoa fizičke i psihičke bezbjednosti novinara u Crnoj Gori, kao i pregled različitih oblika pritisaka i uznemiravanja kojima su izloženi u svom radu. Novinarstvo, kao profesija od javnog interesa, nerijetko nosi visok stepen rizika, bilo kroz direktne prijetnje, onlajn napade ili suptilnije oblike profesionalnih pritisaka. U tom kontekstu posebno je važno razumjeti u kojoj mjeri se novinari osjećaju zaštićeno i podržano u svom radnom okruženju.

Analizom pitanja o subjektivnom osjećaju bezbjednosti, kako fizičke, tako i psihičke, nastoji se sagledati koliko se novinari suočavaju sa uslovima koji mogu uticati na njihovu ličnu sigurnost i mentalno zdravlje. Dodatno, istraživanje razmatra učestalost i vrste prijetnji ili uznemiravanja, uključujući verbalne napade, onlajn uznemiravanje, fizičke prijetnje i druge oblike nepoželjnog ponašanja, uz mogućnost da ispitanici detaljnije opišu iskustva koja nijesu obuhvaćena ponuđenim kategorijama.

Poseban fokus stavljen je na pitanje uređivačke nezavisnosti, kao jednog od ključnih principa profesionalnog novinarstva. U okviru ovog dijela ispituje se u kojoj mjeri novinari smatraju da rade autonomno, bez spoljnog uticaja vlasnika medija, oglašivača ili političkih aktera, kao i njihova percepcija o tome u kojem medijskom sektoru je najveći stepen slobode uređivanja.

Takođe, analiziraju se i iskustva novinara sa pritiscima da mijenjaju ili prilagođavaju sadržaj, kao i identitet aktera koji najčešće vrše takve pritiske. Ovi nalazi pružaju važan uvid u stepen profe- sionalne autonomije, kao i u faktore koji mogu ugroziti objektivnost i integritet novinarskog rada.

Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju izrazito visok subjektivni osjećaj fizičke i psihičke bezbjednosti među zaposlenima. Ukupno oko 91% ispitanika navodi da se na radnom mjestu osjeća veoma ili uglavnom bezbjedno, što ukazuje na stabilno i predvidljivo radno okruženje u većini redakcija. Ipak, oko 7% ispitanika se osjeća uglavnom ili veoma nebezbjedno, što predstavlja manji, ali relevantan segment koji može upućivati na specifične radne izazove.

Grafik 40: Koliko se osjećate bezbjedno na poslu (fizički i psihički)?

Veoma bezbjedno 42.7% Uglavnom bezbjedno 42.7% Uglavnom nebezbjedno 6.4% Veoma bezbjedno 0.9% Ne želim da kažem 1.8%

35  Kada je riječ o iskustvima sa prijetnjama i uznemiravanjem, podaci ukazuju na to da su određeni oblici nepoželjnog ponašanja prisutni u radnim iskustvima novinara. Najčešće prijavljene situacije su verbalne prijetnje (34,5%) i onlajn uznemiravanje (23,6%), što je u skladu sa globalnim trendovima povećanog pritiska na novinare u digitalnom okruženju. Manje zastupljeni, ali i dalje relevantni oblici nepoželjnog ponašanja uključuju druge vidove uznemiravanja (10,9%) i fizičke prijetnje ili napade (6,4%). Iako većina ispitanika nije imala ovakva iskustva, visok udio negativnih odgovora za fizičke prijetnje (86,4%) i druge oblike uznemiravanja (76,4%) ukazuje na to da su ovakvi incidenti relativno rijetki. Međutim, udio ispitanika koji su bili nesigurni u svoj odgovor, posebno kod dru- gih oblika uznemiravanja (10%) i onlajn napada (8,2%), sugeriše da granice između kritike, pritiska i uznemiravanja nijesu uvijek jasne ili da postoje nedovoljno definisane procedure prijavljivanja takvih situacija.

Grafik 41: Da li ste ikada doživjeli nešto od sljedećeg: 5.5% Verbalne prijetnje 34.5% 59.1%

Onlajn uznemiravanje 23.6% 67.3% 8.2%

Drugi oblici uznemiravanja 10.9% 76.4% 10.0% 6.4% 2.7 Fizičke prijetnje ili napadi 86.4%

Da Ne Nisam siguran/a Ne želim da kažem

Percepcija uređivačke nezavisnosti takođe predstavlja važan segment analize. Oko 60,9% ispitanika kaže da radi bez spoljnog miješanja vlasnika, oglašivača ili političkih aktera, što ukazuje na dominantno pozitivne ocjene profesionalne autonomije. Međutim, 11,8% ispitanika u potpunosti, a isto toliko uglavnom, smatra da uređivački procesi nijesu slobodni od spoljnog uticaja. Ovim nalazom ukazuje se na postojanje manjeg, ali značajnog segmenta zaposlenih koji doživljavaju ograničenja u svom profesionalnom radu. Neutralan stav 15,5% ispitanika može upućivati na povremene, teško prepoznatljive ili situacione pritiske, koji se ne manifestuju stalno, ali se povremeno prepoznaju u uređivačkim procesima.

Treba napomenuti da je važno imati u vidu da samoprocjene o autonomiji mogu biti pod uticajem profesionalnih normi i nelagode da se priznaju situacije cenzure ili autocenzure, što je čest obrazac u istraživanjima ove vrste. Stoga ove rezultate treba posmatrati u širem kontekstu.

36 Grafik 42: U kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećom izjavom: „Imam punu uređivačku nezavisnost u svom radu, bez miješanja vlasnika, oglašivača ili političkih aktera.“

U potpunosti se slažem 26.4% Uglavnom se slažem 34.5% Niti se slažem, niti se ne slažem 15.5% Uglavnom se ne slažem 11.8% Uopšte se ne slažem 11.8% Percepcije o tome koji medijski sektor nudi veću uređivačku nezavisnost pokazuju određene razlike među ispitanicima. Nalazi iz prethodnog poglavlja ukazuju da ispitanici nešto češće doživljavaju privatne medije kao uređenije u pogledu uređivačke autonomije, a kada smo novinare direktno upitali da ocijene koji medijski sektor pruža veću uređivačku nezavisnost, uočili smo umjereno veći udio ispitanika koji smatraju da privatnia sektor pruža veći stepen nezavisnosti (30,9%), naspram 29,1% ispitanika navodi da je veća nezavisnost prisutna u javnom sektoru. Ovakvi podaci ukazuju da iskustva novinara i njihove percepcije i dalje značajno variraju. Dodatno, 24,5% ispitanika smatra da nijedan sektor ne osigurava stvarnu uređivačku autonomiju, što odražava šire rezervisano povjerenje u ukupne uslove medijskih sloboda.

Važno je imati u vidu i da novinari ponekad oklijevaju da direktno priznaju pritiske, cenzuru ili autocenzuru, što može dovesti do optimističnijih samoprocjena.

Grafik 43 : Prema Vašem mišljenju, koji medijski sektor pruža veću uređivačku nezavisnost?

30.9% 29.1% 24.5%

10.9%

4.5%

Javni/državni Privatni Podjednako oba Nijedan Ne znam

37  Konačno, analiza pritisaka u kreiranju medijskog sadržaja pokazuje da 42,7% ispitanika nikada nije doživjelo zahtjev da izmijene ili prilagode sadržaj, što predstavlja ohrabrujući pokazatelj. Međutim, među onima koji jesu imali takva iskustva, najčešći izvori pritiska su urednici (15,5%) i politički akteri (12,7%). Manje zastupljeni, ali i dalje prisutni izvori uključuju oglašivače i komerci- jalne klijente (5,5%) te vlasnike medija (3,6%). Značajan dio ispitanika (10%) navodi da ne postoji konkretna osoba koja vrši pritisak, ali da povremeno osjeća nelagodu zbog mogućih posljedica, što ukazuje na postojanje indirektnih pritisaka i autocenzure. Manji broj ispitanika (1,8%) navodi druge oblike pritiska, dok je 8,2% odbilo da odgovori, što je očekivano s obzirom na osjetljivost teme i potencijalne implikacije prijavljivanja ovakvih iskustava.

U ovom smislu je važno napomenuti da fokus grupe ukazuju na snažnu razliku u percepciji pritisaka između javnih i privatnih medija. Dok učesnici iz javnog servisa ističu visoku uređivačku autonomiju, novinari iz privatnih medija često izvještavaju o institucionalnim opstrukcijama, ograničenom pristupu informacijama i targetiranju novinara. Oglašivači u pojedinim medijima imaju značajan uticaj na vidljivost sadržaja, što direktno utiče na uređivačku nezavisnost.

Ove razlike između kvantitativnih podataka i nalaza iz fokus grupa ukazuju na višeslojnu prirodu pritisaka — dio njih je vidljiv i eksplicitan, dok su drugi prikriveni, situacioni ili internalizovani kroz mehanizme autocenzure. Istovremeno, moguće je da pojedini ispitanici izbjegavaju da otvoreno priznaju pritiske zbog profesionalnih normi, brige o reputaciji ili straha od negativnih posljedica.

38  Grafik 44: Ako ste ikada doživjeli pritisak da mijenjate ili prilagođavate sadržaj, ko je najčešće vršio taj pritisak?

Urednici 15.5% Politički akteri 12.7% Oglašivači ili komercijalni klijenti 5.5% Vlasnici medija 3.6% Niko konkretno, ali se ponekad osjećam 10.0% nelagodno zbog mogućih posljedica Nikada nisam doživio/la takav pritisak 42.7% Drugo 1.8% Ne želim da odgovorim 8.2%

Rezultati pokazuju da se većina novinara u Crnoj Gori osjeća bezbjedno na svom radnom mjestu, ali iskustva sa verbalnim prijetnjama i onlajn uznemiravanjem ukazuju da rizici i dalje postoje, posebno u digitalnom okruženju. Iako većina ispitanika smatra da radi bez spoljnog miješanja, dio novinara i dalje prepoznaje političke i uredničke pritiske, što govori da uređivačka nezavisnost nije podjednako zaštićena u svim redakcijama. Pojedinačni slučajevi indirektnih pritisaka i autocenzure dodatno ukazuju na kompleksnost profesionalnog okruženja. Ukupno gledano, nalazi sugerišu da, uprkos generalno pozitivnoj slici, postoji prostor za unapređenje zaštite novinara i jačanje mehanizama koji osiguravaju slobodan i nezavisan rad.

39  Psihološko blagostanje i burnout na poslu U ovom segmentu analize fokusirali smo se na psihološko blagostanje zaposlenih u medijskom sektoru, s posebnim naglaskom na nivo stresa, prisustvo sagorijevanja (burnout) i percepciju psihološke sigurnosti na radnom mjestu. Putem niza pitanja ispitivani su subjektivni doživljaji stresa i emocionalne iscrpljenosti, kao i stavovi ispitanika o psihološkom pritisku i mogućnosti otvorenog govora o mentalnom zdravlju u redakciji. Dodatno, analizirane su percepcije o spoljnim pritiscima kojima su novinari izloženi, uključujući političke i ekonomske uticaje, kao i procjene o podršci koju redakcije pružaju u situacijama prijetnji, napada ili drugih oblika pritiska. U ovom dijelu razmatra se i iskustvo mobinga na radnom mjestu, kao indikator ozbiljnog narušavanja profesionalnog i psihološkog integriteta zaposlenih. Zajedno, ovi podaci pružaju sveobuhvatan uvid u emocionalne i psihološke izazove sa kojima se medijski profesionalci suočavaju, ističući ključne faktore koji utiču na njihovo blagostanje, motivaciju i dugoročnu održivost u profesiji.

Rezultati pokazuju da značajan dio ispitanika doživljava visok nivo stresa na poslu. Više od polovine učesnika istraživanja (53,3%) ocjenjuje svoj nivo stresa kao visok ili veoma visok, pri čemu 30,3% navodi da im je stres „visok“, a 23,0% da je „veoma visok“. Dodatnih 33,3% opisuje svoj stres kao „umjeren“, što ukazuje na to da se većina zaposlenih svakodnevno susreće sa određenim nivoom emocionalnog opterećenja. Ovakva distribucija odgovora sugeriše da je stres široko rasprostranjen u medijskom sektoru i vjerovatno povezan sa prirodom posla, kratkim rokovima, kontinuiranim pritiscima i izloženošću zahtjevnim sadržajima.

Grafik 45 : Kako biste ocijenili opšti nivo stresa na poslu koji osjećate?

33.3% 30.3%

23.0%

7.3% 4.6% 1.5%

Veoma Visok Umjeren Nizak Veoma Ne želim visok nizak da kažem

40  U pogledu sagorijevanja (burnout), nalazi ukazuju da većina ispitanika u određenoj mjeri doživljava emocionalnu iscrpljenost. Ukupno 69% zaposlenih navodi da burnout osjeća „često“ (32,6%) ili „povremeno“ (36,4%).

Grafik 46: Da li imate osjećaj sagorijevanja (burnout) ili emocionalne iscrpljenosti?

Često 32.6% Povremeno 36.4% Rijetko 17.6% Nikada 11.1% Ne želim da kažem 2.3% Podaci pokazuju da sagorijevanje nijesu u istoj mjeri iskusile sve starosne grupe. Najmlađa grupa (18–34) najčešće prijavljuje osjećaj burnouta, gdje 32,2% navodi da ga doživljava „često“, dok taj pro- cenat u srednjoj grupi (35–54) iznosi 35,8%, a u najstarijoj (55+) 22,5%. Sličan obrazac se uočava i kod odgovora „povremeno“, srednjovječna grupa prednjači sa 47,5%, mladi čine 29,9%, a najstariji 22,6%.

Treba napomenuti da je i veliki broj učesnika fokus grupa navodi da je njihova profesionalna dostupnost stalna, čak i van radnog vremena, tokom vikenda i praznika.

“Nema vam tu praznika, radi se i 31. Decembra i 1. Januara, koliko puta sam samo dočekao Novu godinu u režiji. Ali šta ćete, takav je posao, program ne staje. Tako je i drugim kolegama, nisam ja jedini.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

Odsustvo jasne granice između posla i privatnog života pojačava stres i onemogućava adekvatnu regeneraciju, što dovodi do osjećaja emotivne i fizičke ispcrpljenosti. Zbog kombinovanja profe- sionalnih obaveza, prekovremenog rada i porodičnih odgovornosti, novinarke u fokus grupama opisuju veći nivo psihičkog pritiska. Uz to, izloženije su online napadima, što povećava rizik od stresa i sagorijevanja.

Pored toga, ističu da nijedna redakcija koju su učesnici pomenuli nema institucionalizovanu psihološku podršku, debrifing nakon traumatičnih događaja ili sistem praćenja mentalnog zdravlja. Odsustvo profesionalne pomoći čini da se stres akumulira i ostaje neriješen.

41  Grafik 47: Da li ste imate osjećaj sagorijevanja (burnout) ili emocionalne iscrpljenosti? * Godine starosti

22.5% 12.5% 47.5% 15.0% 2.5%

15.7% 35.5% 8.2% 37.3% 3.0%

23.0% 32.2% 13.8% 29.9% 1.1%

Često Povremeno Rijetko Nikada Ne želim da Kažem 18-34 35-54 55+

Nalazi o psihološkoj sigurnosti i percepciji profesionalnih pritisaka ukazuju na kompleksnu sliku radnog okruženja u medijima. Oko dvije trećine ispitanika (39,1% „u potpunosti“ i 27,6% „uglavnom“ se slaže) smatra da im redakcija pruža adekvatnu podršku u situacijama prijetnji, napada ili pritisaka, što predstavlja pozitivan rezultat. Istovremeno, većina ispitanika vjeruje da novinari u Crnoj Gori rade pod stalnim spoljnim pritiscima političkih ili ekonomskih aktera, sa ukupno 61,3% onih koji se sa tom tvrdnjom slažu u različitoj mjeri (26,4% „u pot- punosti“, 34,9% „uglavnom“). Zabrinjavajuće je da skoro polovina ispitanika (38,4%) navodi da osjeća psihološki pritisak koji negativno utiče na njihovo zdravlje, dok dodatnih 19,2% zauzima neutralan stav, što može ukazivati na skriveni ili neprepoznati stres. Pored toga, rezultati pokazuju da pitanje mentalnog zdravlja u redakcijama ostaje osjetljivo, jer 46,4% ispitanika smatra da nije bezbjedno otvoreno govoriti o mentalnim poteškoćama, što upućuje na postojanje stigme i nedovoljne kulture podrške.

42  Grafik 48: Molimo Vas da na skali od 1 (Uopšte se ne slažem) do 5 (U potpunosti se slažem) ocijenite u kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećim izjavama:

6.1% 6.9% Moja redakcija pruža podršku u slučajevima prijetnji, napada ili pritisaka. 39.1% 27.6% 20.3%

7.3% 9.2% Novinari u Crnoj Gori rade pod stalnim pritiskom političkih ili ekonomskih aktera. 26.4% 34.9% 22.2%

10.0% Osjećam psihološki pritisak na poslu koji negativno utiče na moje zdravlje. 28.4% 19.2% 16.5% 26.5%

4.6% 9.2% Strah od odmazde utiče na moju slobodu izražavanja prilikom izvještavanja. 28.7% 21.8% 35.6%

4.2% 8.0% Nije bezbjedno otvoreno govoriti o mentalnom zdravlju u redakciji u kojoj radim. 20.3% 21.1% 46.4%

5 - Slažem se u potpunosti 4- Uglavnom se slažem 3 - Niti se slažem, niti se ne slažem 2 - Uglavnom se ne slažem 1- Uopšte se ne slažem

Posebno je značajan podatak o strahu od odmazde kao faktoru koji utiče na slobodu izražavanja. U privatnim medijima čak 69,1% ispitanika smatra da strah utiče na njihovu slobodu izražavanja, dok samo 8,5% zauzima pozitivan stav po tom pitanju, a 22,3% je neodlučno. Ovaj obrazac ukazuje na visoku ranjivost privatnog sektora, vjerovatno povezanu sa političkim pritiscima, tržišnom neizvjesnošću i zavisnošću od oglašivača. U državnim/javnim medijima slika je nešto uravnoteženija, ali i dalje zabrinjavajuća: 50,9% ispitanika navodi da strah utiče na njihovu slobodu izražavanja, 16,8% se slaže s tvrdnjom, dok 32,3% ostaje neutralno.

43  Grafik 49: Strah od odmazde utiče na moju slobodu izražavanja prilikom izvještavanja. * Koji je status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojem radite?

Javni/državni 21.2% 32.3% 50.9%

Privatni 8.5% 22.3% 69.1%

Slažem se Niti se slažem niti se ne slažem Ne slažem se

U pogledu mobinga, podaci pokazuju da većina ispitanika (60,2%) nije doživjela mobing na radnom mjestu. Ipak, zabrinjavajuće je da više od petine ispitanika (22,6%) navodi da jeste, što ukazuje na ozbiljne izazove u organizacionoj kulturi i radnim odnosima u medijskom sektoru.

Grafik 50: Šta biste rekli, da li ste ikada bili žrtva mobinga na svom radnom mjestu?

Da 22.6%

Ne 60.2%

Nijesam siguran/a 14.2%

Ne želim da odgovorim 3.1%

Rezultati pokazuju da se mobing javlja u svim starosnim grupama, ali ne u istoj mjeri. U najmlađoj grupi (18–34), 10,3% ispitanika navodi da je doživjelo mobing, dok čak više od četvrtine mladih nije sigurno jesu li doživjeli mobbing (27,6%). U srednjoj starosnoj grupi (35–54), 29,9% ispitanika prijavljuje mobing, što je najviša vrijednost među svim starosnim kategorijama. U najstarijoj grupi (55+), 25% navodi da je doživjelo mobbing.

44 Grafik 51: Šta biste rekli, da li ste ikada bili žrtva mobinga na svom radnom mjestu? * Godine starosti

10.3% 62.1% 18-34 27.6% 0.0%

29.9% 58.2% 35-54 6.0% 6.0%

25.0% 62.5% 55+ 12.5% 0.0% Da Ne Nijesam siguran/a Ne želim da odgovorim

Sveukupno, nalazi ukazuju na to da su stres, emocionalna iscrpljenost i različiti oblici psihološkog pritiska široko rasprostranjeni među novinarima, pri čemu su mlađi i sredovječni radnici najizloženiji sagorijevanju i mobingu. Uprkos postojanju određenog nivoa institucionalne podrške, kombinacija spoljnopolitičkih pritisaka, straha od odmazde i nedovoljno otvorene komunikacije o mentalnom zdravlju ukazuje na značajan prostor za unapređenje radnog okruženja i sistema psihološke zaštite u medijskim organizacijama.

45  Profesionalna udruženja i članstvo u sindikatima Kroz istraživanje smo i analizirali u kojoj mjeri su medijski radnici uključeni u profesionalna udruženja i sindikate, te koji su razlozi za učlanjenje ili nečlanstvo, te kako ispitanici procjenjuju podršku koju im ove organizacije pružaju. Posebna pažnja posvećena je stepenu zadovoljstva postojećim modelima organizovanja, percepciji njihove efikasnosti u zastupanju radnih i profesionalnih prava, kao i poznavanju rada Komisije za praćenje istraga napada na novinare kao važnog institucionalnog mehanizma zaštite. Ovi nalazi omogućavaju bolje razumijevanje toga koliko novinari prepoznaju značaj kolektivne zaštite i profesionalne solidarnosti u savremenom medijskom okruženju.

Podaci ukazuju da velika većina medijskih radnika nije član nijednog profesionalnog udruženja. Čak 80,8% ispitanika navodi da nije učlanjeno, dok je svega 19,2% dio neke profesionalne asocijacije. Ovakva struktura ukazuje da profesionalno organizovanje u Crnoj Gori nije dovoljno razvijeno, te da kod zaposlenih često ne postoji motivacija, povjerenje ili jasna percepcijakoristi od članstva.

Grafik 52 : Da li ste član profesionalnog udruženja?

19.2%

80.8%

Da Ne Među onima koji jesu članovi profesionalnih udruženja dominira relativno visok nivo zadovoljstva. Ukupno 64% ispitanika navodi da su „veoma“ ili „uglavnom“ zadovoljni podrškom koju udruženja pružaju, pri čemu je najviše onih koji su uglavnom zadovoljni (50%). Istovremeno, 36% članova izražava nezadovoljstvo, uključujući 26% koji su uglavnom nezadovoljni i 10% koji su veoma nezadovoljni. Ovi nalazi ukazuju da, iako udruženja imaju prepoznatljivu vrijednost za dio svojih članova, postoje jasne potrebe za jačanjem kapaciteta, unapređenjem usluga i boljem povezivanju sa članstvom.

Treba napomenuti da, među ispitanicima koji su naveli da su članovi određenih profesionalnih udruženja, čak 42,7% navodi Društvo profesionalnih novinara Crne Gore, 46,4% Udruženje novinara Crne Gore, a 10,7% Udruženje sportskih novinara.

46  Grafik 53 : Koliko ste zadovoljni podrškom koju pruža vaše udruženje?

Veoma zadovoljan/a 14.0% Uglavnom zadovoljan/a 50.0% Uglavnom nezadovoljan/a 26.0% Veoma nezadovoljan/a 10.0%

Razlozi zbog kojih ispitanici nijesu članovi profesionalnih udruženja veoma su raznoliki. Najveći udio (28,7%) navodi nezainteresovanost, što sugeriše da mnogi zaposleni ne vide konkretnu korist od organizovanja. Dodatnih 15,7% ispitanika nikada nije bilo pozvano da se pridruži udruženju, što ukazuje na nisku proaktivnost i slabu vidljivost udruženja u sektoru. Nedostatak vremena (14,6%) i neinformisanost o procedurama, ulozi udruženje i načinu učlanjenja (11,5%) odražavaju organizacione i komunikacijske izazove.

Grafik 54 : Zašto nijeste član?

Nijesam zainteresovan/a 28.7% Niko me nije pozvao 15.7% Nemam vremena 14.6% Nijesam upoznat/a kako da se 11.5% učlanim ili šta nude Ne vjerujem u njihovu efikasnost 10.7% Nedostatak solidarnosti 5.4% Ljudi su tamo radi lične koristi 4.6% Postoje političke podjele među njima 3.8% Drugo 1.5% Ne znam 10.7%

47  Kada je riječ o sindikalnom organizovanju, rezultati pokazuju nešto veći, ali i dalje nedovoljan nivo uključenosti. Većina ispitanika (60,5%) nije član sindikata, dok 39,5% navodi da jeste sindikalno organizovano. Ovi podaci ukazuju na ograničenu zastupljenost sindikalnog djelovanja u sektoru, uprkos činjenici da se medijski radnici suočavaju sa nesigurnim radnim uslovima, pritiscima i nedostatkom adekvatne institucionalne zaštite.

Grafik 55: Da li ste član sindikata?

39.5% 60.5%

Da Ne

Među sindikalno organizovanim radnicima preovladava visok nivo zadovoljstva podrškom koju sindikat pruža. Ukupno 81,6% njih navodi da su „veoma“ ili „uglavnom“ zadovoljni, pri čemu najdominantniji udio čini kategorija „uglavnom zadovoljni“ (60,2%). Ipak, 18,4% članova izražava nezadovoljstvo, što ukazuje da postoji prostor za unapređenje zastupanja, komunikacije i pristupa sindikalnim aktivnostima. Ovi nalazi potvrđuju da sindikati imaju stabilnu reputaciju među svojim članovima, ali i da je njihova uloga u sektoru i dalje nedovoljno valorizovana.

Među novinarima koji su naveli da su članovi sindikata, 41,6% navodi da su članovi Sindikata medija Crne Gore, 27,3% da su članovi sindikata svojih lokalnih medijskih stanica, 13% navodi da su članovi Sindikata zaposlenih RTCG, 10,4% da su članovi Saveza sindikata Crne Gore i 7,8% članovi sindikata zaposlenih medijske kuće Pobjeda.

48  Grafik 56: Koliko ste zadovoljni podrškom koju pruža sindikat?

Veoma zadovoljan/a 21.4%

Uglavnom zadovoljan/a 60.2%

Uglavnom nezadovoljan/a 15.5%

Veoma nezadovoljan/a 2.9%

Podaci pokazuju da razlozi za nečlanstvo u sindikatu obuhvataju kombinaciju nezainteresovanosti, nepovjerenja, nedostatka informacija i nedostatka podsticaja za učlanjenje.

Najčešći razlog je nezainteresovanost – ukupno 35,6% ispitanika navodi da ne pokazuje interesovanje za sindikalno organizovanje. Drugi važni razlozi proizlaze iz nedostatka proaktivnosti sindikata – 19,4% ispitanika navodi da ih niko nije pozvao da se učlane, dok 14,2% kaže da nisu upoznati sa procedurom učlanjenja ili onim što sindikati nude.

Prisutna je i percepcija negativnih aspekata sindikalnog djelovanja: dio ispitanika smatra da su ljudi u sindikatima radi lične koristi (5,7%), a neki ukazuju i na nedostatak solidarnosti (6,6%) te političke podjele (4,7%).

49  Grafik 57: Zašto nijeste član?

Nijesam zainteresovan/a 24.9% Niko me nije pozvao 10.7% Nemam vremena 9.2% Nijesam upoznat/a kako da se učlanim ili šta nude 8.8% Ne vjerujem u njihovu efikasnost 8.0% Nedostatak solidarnosti 6.1% Ljudi su tamo radi lične koristi 3.8% Postoje političke podjele među njima 3.1% Drugo 2.3% Ne znam 5.7%

Podaci pokazuju da među medijskim radnicima preovladava uvjerenje da sindikati i profesionalna udruženja djelimično štite prava novinara i njihove radne uslove, što smatra više od pola (55,6%) ispitanika. Ovaj odgovor sugeriše da postoji određeni nivo prepoznate koristi, ali i jasna svijest o ograničenjima u radu ovih organizacija.

Dodatno, kvalitativni uvidi ukazuju na duboko ukorijenjen nedostatak profesionalne solidarnosti, posebno u privatnim medijima, gdje novinari izražavaju strah od gubitka posla.

Lokalni sindikati se opisuju kao slabo aktivni i nedovoljno nezavisni, dok je Sindikat medija Crne Gore najčešće istaknut kao organizacija koja pruža stvarnu pravnu i psihološku podršku.

“Da ja znam, jedino u Sindikatu medija rade nešto. Svi mislimo da bi mogli i bolje, ali mislim da se oni jedini trude. Ne vidim razloga zašto ne bi svi zaposleni u medijima bili njihovi članovi. Evo sad rade na prijedlogu novog zakona koliko znam.“ (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

„U Sindikatu medija rade, bore se, trude se. Ne treba oni nama novac da daju, već da se bore da nama bude bolje na našem poslu. A čini mi se da to rade.“ (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

50 Sveukupno, podaci sugerišu da se sindikati i profesionalna udruženja doživljavaju kao djelimično korisni, ali nedovoljno efikasni, što ukazuje na potrebu za jačanjem njihovog uticaja, kapaciteta i vidljivosti kako bi uloga zaštite novinara bila dosljednija i snažnija.

Grafik 58: Vjerujete li da sindikati i profesionalna udruženja efikasno štite prava novinara i njhove uslove na radu?

Da, u potpunosti 13.0% Djelimično 55.6% Ne 19.2% Ne znam 12.3%

Podaci pokazuju da prepoznatljivost Komisije za praćenje istraga napada na novinare među medijskim radnicima postoji, ali je površna i nedovoljno utemeljena.

Najveći dio ispitanika (52,9%) navodi da je čuo za Komisiju, što znači da je institucija relativno vidljiva u javnom prostoru. Međutim, četvrtina ispitanik (25,7%) kaže da su „čuli, ali ne znaju puno o njoj“, što ukazuje na ozbiljan nedostatak informisanosti o njenoj ulozi, rezultatima i mehanizmima djelovanja. Takođe, 21,5% ispitanika uopšte nije čulo za Komisiju.

Grafik 59: Da li ste čuli za Komisiju za praćenje istraga napada na novinare?

Da 52.9% Da, ali ne znam puno o njoj 25.7% Ne 21.5%

Nalazi ovog poglavlja pokazuju da je profesionalno i sindikalno organizovanje među novinarima u Crnoj Gori i dalje nedovoljno razvijeno. Iako članovi ovih organizacija u najvećoj mjeri izražavaju zadovoljstvo podrškom koju dobijaju, opšti nivo povjerenja u njihovu sposobnost da efikasno štite radna prava i profesionalne standarde ostaje umjeren. Prepoznatljivost institucionalnih mehani- zama, poput Komisije za praćenje istraga napada na novinare, takođe je ograničena, što sugeriše potrebu za većom transparentnošću i aktivnijom komunikacijom prema medijskoj zajednici.

51  Rodne, omladinske i regionalne perspektive Ovaj dio istraživanja posvećen je analizi iskustava novinara kroz prizmu rodnih, generacijskih i regionalnih razlika, s ciljem da se utvrdi da li i u kojoj mjeri ovi faktori oblikuju profesionalne uslove, pristup resursima i percepciju podrške u medijskom sektoru. Fokus je na tome da li se žene, mladi novinari i novinari iz različitih regiona suočavaju sa specifičnim izazovima, ograničenjima ili vrstama pritisaka koji utiču na njihov profesionalni položaj, psihološko blagostanje i mogućnosti napredovanja. Posebno se razmatraju teme poput pristupa mehanizmima zaštite, izloženosti stresu i sagorijevanju, percepcije bezbjednosti na poslu, te razlika u iskustvima pritisaka, napada ili diskriminacije. Uključivanjem ovih perspektiva, istraživanje pruža dublji uvid u strukturne nejednakosti i ukazuje na potrebu za ciljanim mjerama koje bi doprinijele stva- ranju inkluzivnijeg, pravednijeg i sigurnijeg profesionalnog okruženja za sve medijske radnike, bez obzira na pol, dob ili geografsku pripadnost.

Rezultati prikazani na grafiku koji slijedi pokazuju da većina ispitanika ne smatra da njihov pol utiče na profesionalne mogućnosti ili način na koji se tretiraju na poslu. Čak 60,5% učesnika izjasnilo se da pol nema uticaja. Istovremeno, gotovo svaki peti ispitanik, odnosno 19,2% ispitanika smatra da pol utiče na profesionalne prilike ili tretman – pri čemu 9,2% taj uticaj doživljava kao pozitivan, a 10,0% kao negativan.

Grafik 60: Smatrate li da vaš pol utiče na vaše profesionalne mogućnosti ili tretman?

Da, pozitivno 9.2% Da, negativno 10.0% Ne 60.5% Ne znam 20.3%

Kroz sve polne kategorije dominira uvjerenje da pol ne utiče na profesionalne mogućnosti ili tretman (oko 60% muškaraca i 59,4% žena). Međutim, žene znatno češće nego muškarci prepoznaju negativan uticaj pola: 14,3% žena, u odnosu na 5,5% muškaraca, smatra da njihov pol negativno utiče na njihov profesionalni položaj. Pozitivan uticaj pola prepoznaje vrlo mali procenat ispitanika u obje grupe (oko 9%). Ispitanici koji su se izjasnili u kategoriji „drugo“ uglavnom biraju odgovor „ne znam“, što vjerovatno odražava mali broj u ovoj grupi i nedostatak iskustva na osnovu kojeg bi mogli procijeniti uticaj pola. Sveukupno, ovi nalazi pokazuju da većina zapo- slenih rodnu neravnopravnost ne prepoznaje direktno, ali da žene ipak znatno češće uočavaju negativne rodne obrasce u svom profesionalnom okruženju.

Posmatrajući odnos između godina starosti i percepcije uticaja pola na profesionalne mogućnosti, vidi se jasan obrazac kroz sve starosne grupe. Naime, najmlađa grupa ispitanika (18–34) najčešće smatra da pol ima pozitivan uticaj (12,6%), dok starije grupe taj odgovor daju sve rjeđe, pa u kate- goriji 55+ to pada na 5%. Istovremeno, percepcija negativnog uticaja pola je najizraženija među ispitanicima srednjih godina (35–44: 13,3%), dok je u ostalim grupama niža i kreće se između 8% i 10%.

52 Najvažniji nalaz je da u svim starosnim grupama većina ispitanika smatra da pol nema uticaja na njihove profesionalne mogućnosti, a taj stav je najzastupljeniji u najstarijoj grupi (55+ — 67,5%).

Podaci prikazani na grafiku 61 ukazuju i na značajan stepen neizvjesnosti u vezi sa postojanjem internih politika ili procedura za zaštitu od diskriminacije. Najveći procenat ispitanika, 44,1%, izjavljuje da nije siguran/na da li takvi mehanizmi postoje. Tek 30,7% smatra da u njihovoj organizaciji postoje interne politike i procedure zaštite, dok 25,3% navodi da one ne postoje. Manje od jedne trećine zaposlenih, dakle, ima jasnu percepciju o institucionalnim mehanizmima zaštite. Grafik 61: Postoje li interne politike ili procedure za zaštitu od diskriminacije na vašem radnom mjestu?

30.7% 44.1%

25.3%

Da Ne Nijesam siguran/a

Percepcija jednakih mogućnosti za profesionalno napredovanje u velikoj mjeri je pozitivna. Ukupno 47,1% ispitanika se u potpunosti, a dodatnih 28,4% uglavnom slaže sa tvrdnjom da žene i muškarci u njihovom mediju imaju jednake uslove za napredovanje. Time 75,5% ispitanih svoje radno okruženje vidi kao prilično ravnopravno u ovom pogledu, dok manjina izražava sumnju ili neslaganje. Slično tome, i percepcija rodne inkluzivnosti i odsustva diskriminacije je visoka: 49% ispitanika u potpunosti, a 24,1% uglavnom se slaže da je njihovo radno okruženje inkluzivno i bez diskriminacije. Istovremeno, prisustvo neutralnih i negativnih odgovora ukazuje da pojedina iskustva diskriminacije ili neravnopravnosti i dalje postoje, iako ne oblikuju dominantnu sliku.

Kada je riječ o raspodjeli tema i uredničkih zadataka, najveći procenat, 52,5%, uopšte se ne slaže sa tvrdnjom da pol utiče na vrstu zadataka koji se dodjeljuju, dok je 17,6% neutralno. Ipak, oko 30% ispitanih (zbir onih koji se djelimično ili u potpunosti slažu) navodi da primjećuje određene razlike, što pokazuje da iskustva nijesu potpuno homogena. Slično tome, percepcija razlika u platama zasno- vanim na polu u većini slučajeva je negativna: 63,2% ispitanika u potpunosti, a 12,3% uglavnom se ne slaže sa tvrdnjom da postoje razlike u zaradama. Percepcija da se žene češće raspoređuju na slabije plaćene i manje uticajne pozicije takođe je pretežno negativna: 57,9% ispitanika se u potpunosti ne slaže sa ovom tvrdnjom. Ipak, postojanje manjeg, ali konzistentnog segmenta koji prepoznaje takve obrasce ukazuje na potrebu za dubljim kvalitativnim uvidima i organizacionim analizama.

53  Grafik 62: Molimo Vas da na skali od 1 (Uopšte se ne slažem) do 5 (U potpunosti se slažem) ocijenite u kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećim izjavama:

8.0% 2.7% Žene i muškarci u mom mediju imaju jednake mogućnosti za profesionalno napredovanje. 47.1% 28.4% 13.8%

5.4% 8.0% Moje radno okruženje je rodno inkluzivno i bez diskriminacije 49.0% 24.1% 13.4%

1.9% 8.0% Pol utiče na raspodjelu tema i uređivačkih zadataka. 19.9% 17.6% 52.5%

2.3% 6.5% Postoje razlike u platama zasnovane na polu. 15.7% 12.3% 63.2%

1.9% 5.4% Žene se češće raspoređuju na slabije plaćene i manje uticajne pozicije. 15.7% 19.2% 57.9%

5 - Slažem se u potpunosti 4- Uglavnom se slažem 3 - Niti se slažem, niti se ne slažem 2 - Uglavnom se ne slažem 1- Uopšte se ne slažem

Posmatrajući vezu između godina starosti i percepcije o jednakim mogućnostima za profesio- nalno napredovanje, vidi se da ispitanici u svim starosnim grupama uglavnom smatraju da žene i muškarci imaju jednake šanse. Najmlađi (18–34) i najstariji ispitanici (55+) najčešće se u potpunosti slažu s ovom tvrdnjom, dok srednje starosne grupe (35–44 i 45–54) takođe dominantno izraža- vaju saglasnost. U svim kategorijama nezadovoljstvo ili percepcija nejednakosti veoma je niska.

Kada je riječ o razlikama u platama zasnovanim na polu, podaci pokazuju jasnu tendenciju: većina ispitanika ne vjeruje da takve razlike postoje.

U pogledu raspoređivanja žena na slabije plaćene i manje uticajne pozicije, nalazi takođe ukazuju da većina ispitanika ne prepoznaje ovakav obrazac. Svi starosni segmenti dominantno odgovaraju da se ne slažu s ovom tvrdnjom, pri čemu je negiranje najizraženije u najstarijoj grupi (55+).

54  Dalje, posmatrajući podatke o uticaju pola na raspodjelu tema i uredničkih zadataka, uočava se da ispitanici svih starosnih grupa uglavnom smatraju da pol ne igra značajnu ulogu u tome ko dobija koje zadatke. Najmlađi (18–34) i starosna grupa 35–44 najčešće izražavaju neslaganje sa tvrdnjom da pol utiče na raspodjelu posla, pri čemu oko 57–59% njih navodi da se „uopšte“ ili „uglavnom“ ne slažu s tom tvrdnjom. Najstarija grupa (55+) dominantno negira postojanje rodnog uticaja na raspodjelu uredničkih zadataka, gdje 55% navodi da se „uopšte ne slaže“.

Kada je riječ o percepciji rodne inkluzivnosti radnog okruženja, dominantan je pozitivan stav kroz sve starosne grupe, uz trend da stariji ispitanici iskazuju još snažnije uvjerenje u inkluzivnost. Među ispitanicima uzrasta 18–34 i 35–44 oko 70% se „uglavnom“ ili „u potpunosti“ slaže da je radno okruženje rodno inkluzivno i bez diskriminacije. Starosna grupa 45–54 pokazuje nešto veći nivo neodlučnosti (22%), ali i u ovoj grupi prevladava percepcija inkluzivnosti. Najstariji ispitanici (55+) najčvršće izražavaju uvjerenje o rodno ravnopravnom okruženju, pri čemu čak 65% u potpunosti dijeli taj stav.

Fokus grupe sa novinarkama ukazuju na specifične izazove sa kojima se žene suočavaju: seksualizovani komentari na mrežama, otežano balansiranje privatnih i profesionalnih obaveza, te hronično prekovremeno angažovanje. Iako mnoge učesnice smatraju da su žene dobro zastupljene i na rukovodećim pozicijama, iskustva pokazuju da rodni faktori i dalje oblikuju radni stres i svijet rada u medijima.

Kada je riječ o starosnim aspektima, rezultati pokazuju da 42,1% ispitanika smatra da starosna dob ne utiče na profesionalne mogućnosti ili tretman u njihovoj organizaciji. Ovaj nalaz sugeriše da značajan dio zaposlenih radno okruženje vidi kao relativno neutralno u pogledu starosti, odnosno da mogućnosti i tretman doživljavaju kao vezane za individualne kompetencije, a ne za godine života. Ipak, 23,4% ispitanika smatra da stariji profesionalci imaju prednost, dok 14,9% navodi da su u povoljnijoj poziciji mlađi. Dodatnih 19,5% nije sigurno, što ukazuje na određeni stepen nejasnoće u vezi sa procesima napredovanja i raspodjele zadataka.

Grafik 63: Smatrate li da godine starosti utiču na profesionalne mogućnosti ili tretman u vašoj organizaciji?

Da, mlađi profesionalci imaju prednost 14.9% Da, stariji profesionalci imaju prednost 23.4% Ne 42.1% Ne znam 19.5%

Detaljnija analiza pokazuje da percepcija uticaja starosti varira između generacija. Najmlađa grupa ispitanika (18–34) najčešće smatra da stariji profesionalci imaju prednost (35,6%), vjerovatno zbog manjeg iskustva i osjećaja da su postojeće strukture već formirane. U srednjoj starosnoj grupi (35– 54) ovaj osjećaj opada (17,9%) i raste uvjerenje da starost uopšte ne utiče (46,3%). Najstarija grupa (55+) u najvećoj mjeri prepoznaje prednost mlađih kolega (22,5%), što može odražavati percepciju brzih tehnoloških i organizacionih promjena koje češće favorizuju mlađe kadrove.

55  Grafik 64: Smatrate li da godine starosti utiču na profesionalne mogućnosti ili tretman u vašoj organizaciji? * Godine starosti

8.0% 17.2% 22.5% 35.6% 17.9% 15.0%

34.5% 46.3% 45.0%

21.8% 18.7% 17.5% 18-34 35-54 55+

Da, mlađi profesionalci imaju prednost Da, stariji profesionalci imaju prednost Ne Ne znam

Percepcije mladih novinara o karijernim prilikama dodatno osvjetljavaju ovu sliku. Na tvrdnju da mladi novinari u Crnoj Gori imaju jednake mogućnosti za napredovanje, 41,8% ispitanika se u određenoj mjeri slaže (15,7% u potpunosti, 26,1% uglavnom), dok 31,4% zauzima neutralan stav. Istovremeno, 31,4% (16,1% uglavnom, 15,3% uopšte se ne slaže) dovodi u pitanje jednakost mogućnosti. Ovi nalazi ukazuju da, iako određene šanse postoje, one nijesu dovoljno jasne, dostupne ili dosljedne da bi se većina mladih profesionalaca osjećala ravnopravno uključeno.

Percepcija dugoročnih karijernih perspektiva u medijskom sektoru je pretežno skeptična. Tek 35,7% ispitanika se slaže sa tvrdnjom da mediji nude dobre dugoročne perspektive. Još nepovoljnija je slika kada je riječ o platama i početnim uslovima za mlade: iako se 35,2% slaže da su plate fer i uslovi pristojni, 45,9% se sa tim ne slaže. Slično tome, 34,5% ispitanika smatra da postoji dovoljno mentorstva i podrške za mlade, dok 41% zauzima negativan stav (19,5% uglavnom, 21,5% uopšte se ne slaže).

56  Grafik 65: Molimo Vas da na skali od 1 (Uopšte se ne slažem) do 5 (U potpunosti se slažem) ocijenite u kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećim izjavama:

Mladim novinarima u Crnoj Gori se pružaju 15.7% 26.1% 26.8% 16.1% 15.3% jednake mogućnosti za napredovanje.

Medijski sektor pruža dugoročne karijerne 11.9% 23.8% 24.1% 18.8% 21.5% persprektive za mlade profesionalce.

Početne pozicije u novinarstvu nude fer 10.7% 24.5% 18.8% 20.7% 25.3% platu i pristojne radne uslove.

Postoji dovoljno mentorstva i podrške za 10.7% 23.8% 24.5% 19.5% 21.5% mlade profesionalce u medijima

5 - Slažem se u potpunosti 4- Uglavnom se slažem 3 - Niti se slažem, niti se ne slažem 2 - Uglavnom se ne slažem 1- Uopšte se ne slažem

Kada je riječ o preprekama za ulazak mladih u profesiju, ispitanici najčešće navode politički ili urednički pritisak koji ograničava novinarsku slobodu – čak 92,3% učesnika ističe ovaj faktor kao ključni. Niske početne plate i nedostatak finansijskih podsticaja navodi 60,2% ispitanika, dok 53,9% kao prepreku vidi nesigurnost zaposlenja i nedostatak stalnih ugovora. Ograničene mogućnosti za napredovanje prepoznaje 51,6% učesnika, a neplaćene prakse i eksploataciju mladih 32,4%. Koncentracija prilika u glavnom gradu ili urbanim centrima predstavlja prepreku za 3,1% ispitanika.

57  Grafik 66: Šta smatrate najvećim preprekama za mlade koji žele da se bave novinarstvom u Crnoj Gori?

Politički ili urednički pritisak koji 92.3% ograničava novinarsku slobodu Niske početne plate i loši 60.2% finansijski podsticaji Nedostatak sigurnosti zaposlenja i 53.9% stalnih ugovora Ograničene mogućnosti za 51.6% napredovanje Neplaćene prakse ili eksploatacija 32.4% mladih profesionalaca Koncentracija prilika u glavnom 3.1% gradu / urbanim centrima

Drugo 0.4% Regionalne i sektorske razlike dodatno oblikuju percepciju uslova rada. Većina ispitanika (66,3%) smatra da su uslovi rada u medijima bolji u glavnom gradu, dok svega 1,9% vjeruje da su bolji van glavnog grada.

Grafik 67: Mislite li da se radni uslovi značajno razlikuju između glavnog grada i drugih regiona?

Da, radni uslovi su uglavnom 66.3% bolji u glavnom gradu Da, radni uslovi su uglavnom 1.9% bolji van glavnog grada Ne, nema značajnih 13.8% Nijesam siguran/a 18.0%

Konačno, podaci jasno ukazuju da većina ispitanika smatra da javni i privatni mediji u Crnoj Gori ne posluju pod jednakim uslovima.

“Mi se u privatnim medijima borimo za naše plate, a oni imaju sigurne plate, idu iz budžeta.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

“Pa lako je javnom servisu, svake godine 20 miliona iz budžeta, pa oni ne moraju da rade.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

58  Gotovo polovina ispitanika (47,1%) smatra da javni mediji imaju povoljnije uslove, samo 8,4% vjeruje da je tržište izjednačeno, dok 9,6% vidi prednost na strani privatnih medija.

Grafik 68: Vjerujete li da javni (državni) i privatni mediji u Crnoj Gori posluju pod jednakim uslovima?

Da, posluju pod jednakim uslovima 8.4% Ne, javni mediji imaju povoljnije uslove 47.1% Ne, privatni mediji imaju povoljnije uslove 9.6% Nijesam siguran/a 34.9%

Dodatna analiza jasno pokazuje da zaposleni u javnim/državnim i privatnim medijima imaju različite poglede na to da li oba sektora posluju pod jednakim uslovima, iako u obje grupe dominira uvjerenje da jednakosti – nema. Kros-tabulacija pokazuje da zaposleni u privatnim medijima dominantno smatraju da javni sektor ima povoljnije uslove – 66% njih navodi ovu opciju, dok samo 6,4% vjeruje da oba sektora posluju pod jednakim uslovima, a isti procenat smatra da su privatni mediji u prednosti. U javnim medijima slika je uravnoteženija: 36,5% zaposlenih smatra da javni mediji imaju povoljnije uslove, 11,4% da su privatni u prednosti, 9,6% da su uslovi jednaki, dok je čak 42,5% neodlučno.

Grafik 69: Vjerujete li da javni (državni) i privatni mediji u Crnoj Gori posluju pod jednakim uslovima? * Koji je status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojem radite?

6.4% Privatni 66.0% 6.4% 21.3%

9.6% Javni/državni 36.5% 11.4% 42.5% Da, posluju pod jednakim uslovima Ne, javni mediji imaju povoljnije uslove Ne, privatni mediji imaju povoljnije uslove Nijesam siguran/a

59  Zaključno, podaci ukazuju da većina zaposlenih u medijima percipira svoje radno okruženje kao rodno ravnopravno, uz relativno visok nivo formalne jednakosti u mogućnostima napredovanja i odsustvu direktne diskriminacije. Ipak, žene češće prepoznaju negativan uticaj pola, a pojedini nalazi sugerišu prisustvo suptilnih rodnih i generacijskih razlika. Perspektiva mladih je posebno kritična: oni često dovode u pitanje jednake mogućnosti, dugoročne karijerne perspektive, fer početne uslove i dostupnost mentorstva. Istovremeno, snažno prepoznaju političke i uredničke pritiske, niske plate i nesigurnost zaposlenja kao ključne prepreke za ulazak i ostanak u profesiji. Regionalne i sektorske razlike – povoljniji uslovi u glavnom gradu i percepcija prednosti javnih medija – dodatno komplikuju sliku jednakih mogućnosti u sektoru. Sveukupno, nalazi ukazuju na potrebu za jačanjem politika i praksi koje podstiču rodnu, generacijsku i regionalnu ravnopravnost, kao i za stvaranjem održivijih i razvojno orijentisanih uslova za mlade novinare.

60 Digitalna transformacija Digitalna transformacija predstavlja jedan od najznačajnijih procesa koji oblikuje savremeno novinarstvo i medijski sektor u cjelini. Uvođenje novih tehnologija, digitalnih platformi i alata mijenja način na koji novinari prikupljaju, obrađuju i distribuiraju informacije, ali i utiče na organizacione prakse, radno opterećenje i profesionalne kompetencije zaposlenih. U tom kontekstu, razumijevanje nivoa digitalnih vještina, dostupnosti obuka, spremnosti za rad u digitalnom okruženju, kao i percepcije izazova koje digitalna transformacija donosi, ključno je za procjenu kapaciteta medijskih profesionalaca u Crnoj Gori.

Zajedno, ova pitanja pružaju sveobuhvatan uvid u to kako novinari doživljavaju digitalnu transformaciju, ne samo kao tehnički izazov, već i kao širi proces koji utiče na profesionalni identitet, radno opterećenje i buduće perspektive rada u medijima.

Najveći procenat ispitanika, čak 85,4%, navodi da su digitalne alate naučili da koriste samostalno ili kroz neformalne načine. Većina ispitanika (78,9%) osjeća se samouvjereno u korišćenju digitalnih platformi i alata neophodnih za rad. Slično tome, 76,6% ispitanika izjavljuje da može samostalno obavljati složenije digitalne zadatke, poput izvještavanja uživo, upravljanja društvenim mrežama ili korišćenja analitičkih alata.

Kada je riječ o formalnoj podršci, samo 51,3% ispitanika smatra da su dobili dovoljno prilika za obuke, dok se 34,9% ne slaže s tom tvrdnjom. Podaci pokazuju i da 44,1% ispitanika redovno kreira sadržaj za društvene mreže kao dio svog posla, dok 47,5% navodi da to nije slučaj.

Kada je riječ o potrebama za dodatnom obukom, odgovori su podijeljeni: 39,8% ispitanika smatra da im je dodatna obuka potrebna, dok 41,4% procjenjuje da nije. Istovremeno, 58,2% ispitanika izjavljuje da se ne osjeća preopterećeno zahtjevima digitalne produkcije, dok se 24,9% slaže s ovom tvrdnjom. Ovi nalazi sugerišu da digitalizacija ima različite efekte na radno opterećenje novinara, pri čemu dio ispitanika prepoznaje povećane zahtjeve digitalne produkcije, dok većina ne percipira digitalne promjene kao dodatno opterećenje.

“Nekad je na nama bilo da pripremimo prilog ili emisiju I to je to. Danas treba pripremiti prilog ili emisiju, pa adaptirati za portal, pa pripremiti tekst koji ide na portal, pa snimiti nešto i za društvene mreže… posao se više nego duplirao.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

61  Grafik 70 : Molimo Vas da pročitate sljedeću listu i označite sve tvrdnje koje se odnose na vas:

7.7% 6.9% Uglavnom sam naučio/la da koristim digitalne 85.4% alate samostalno ili kroz neformalne načine. Osjećam se samouvjereno prilikom korišćenja 5.7% digitalnih platformi i alata potrebnih za moj posao 78.9% 15.3% (npr. društvene mreže, alate za online objavljivanje). Mogu samostalno obavljati digitalne zadatke kao što 10.0% su izvještavanje uživo, objavljivanje na društvenim 76.9% 13.4% mrežama ili korišćenje analitičkih alata. Dobio/la sam dovoljno prilika za obuke za 51.3% 34.9% 13.8% efikasno obavljanje digitalnih zadataka. Redovno kreiram sadržaj za društvene mreže 8.4% kao dio svog posla. 44.1% 47.5%

Potrebna mi je dodatna obuka da bih se osjećao/la potpuno kompetentno za digitalne 39.8% 41.4% 18.8% novinarske zadatke. Osjećam se preopterećeno zahtjevima digitalne produkcije. 24.9% 58.2% 16.9%

Da Ne Ne znam

Percepcije uticaja digitalne transformacije na radne uslove nijesu jednoznačne. Kada je riječ o fleksibilnosti, 51% ispitanika smatra da im digitalni mediji omogućavaju veću fleksibilnost u pogledu načina i mjesta rada.

Sa druge strane, 41% ispitanika slaže se s tvrdnjom da je digitalizacija povećala njihov radni teret. Relativno nizak procenat neslaganja (26,8%) sugeriše da većina novinara povezuje digitalne zahtjeve sa dodatnim obimom posla, bilo kroz paralelnu produkciju za više platformi, kraće rokove ili žpovećanu dostupnost.

Percepcija vrednovanja rada na digitalnim platformama takođe je složena. Ukupno 21,1% ispitanika smatra da je njihov digitalni rad manje cijenjen u poređenju sa tradicionalnim formatima.

62  Grafik 71: Molimo Vas da na skali od 1 (Uopšte se ne slažem) do 5 (U potpunosti se slažem) ocijenite u kojoj mjeri se slažete sa sljedećim izjavama:

10.0% 8.0% Digitalni mediji su mi pružili veću fleksibilnost 18.8% 32.2% 31.0% u po pitanju načina i mjesta rada.

Prelazak na digitalne medije povećao je 16.5% 24.5% 32.2% 15.7% 11.1% moj ukupni obim posla.

Brza digitalna transformacija me zabrinjava u 11.1% 18.0% 29.5% 18.4% 23.0% pogledu stabilnosti mog posla u budućnosti.

Moj rad je manje cijenjen kada se tiče 6.5% digitalnih platforie u poređenju sa 14.6% 35.6% 22.2% 21.1% tradicionalnim medijima.

5 - Slažem se u potpunosti 4- Uglavnom se slažem 3 - Niti se slažem, niti se ne slažem 2 - Uglavnom se ne slažem 1- Uopšte se ne slažem

Učesnici fokus grupa ističu potrebu za sadržajnijim digitalnim obukama, posebno u oblastima digitalne bezbjednosti, verifikacije sadržaja i rada na terenu. Dodatno, izražene su bojazni da bi ubrzan razvoj vještačke inteligencije mogao dodatno smanjiti prostor za istraživačko novinarstvo i autorske pristupe.

“Treba smanjiti ChatGPT novinarstvo.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

“Nije problem sada korišćenje vještalke inteligencije, to smo već svi naučili, nisu nam potrebne obuke u tom dijelu. Sada nam treba obuka o prepoznavanju korišćenja, prije svega lošeg korišćenja vještačke inteligencije.” (Učesnik/ca fokus grupe)

Nalazi ovog poglavlja pokazuju da novinari u Crnoj Gori u velikoj mjeri posjeduju osnovne i naprednije digitalne vještine, ali da je njihov razvoj dominantno zasnovan na samostalnom učenju, uz ograničenu institucionalnu podršku. Istovremeno, digitalna transformacija se doživljava i kao prilika i kao opterećenje: dio novinara prepoznaje veću fleksibilnost i profe- sionalne mogućnosti i ističe povećan obim posla i osjećaj preopterećenosti. Brige u vezi sa sigurnošću zaposlenja i percepcija neujednačenog vrednovanja digitalnog rada ukazuju na to da tehnološke promjene nijesu praćene dovoljno jasnim strategijama upravljanja ljudskim resursima i profesionalnim razvojem.

63  Preporuke Preporuke u nastavku zasnovane su na kombinovanim nalazima kvantitativnog istraživanja i fokus grupa. One su usmjerene ka ključnim akterima – državnim institucijama, medijskim kućama, sindikatima, profesionalnim udruženjima i međunarodnim organizacijama, sa ciljem da se unaprijede radni uslovi, profesionalna sigurnost i dugoročna održivost novinarstva u Crnoj Gori.

Radna Prava, Plate i Socijalna Zaštita Usvajanje Granskog Kolektivnog Ugovora (GKU): Hitno usvojiti GKU za medijski sektor kojim će se definisati minimalni koeficijenti plata, dodaci (prekovremeni, noćni, praznici), regres, otpremnine i jasna pravila napredovanja. Proces pregovaranja potrebno je ubrzati tako što će se, pored učešće socijalnih partnera (Sindikat medija i poslodavci), uključiti i druge relevantne institucije, poput Ministarstva kulture i medija i Vlade Crne Gore, radi obezbjeđivanja pune institucionalne podrške i održivosti rješenja. Povećati plate novinara barem na nivo prosječne zarade u državi i uvesti mehanizme za periodično usklađivanje sa inflacijom. Eliminisati rad bez ugovora pojačanim inspekcijskim nadzorom i sankcijama. Sve oblike saradnje (honorarni, projektni) regulisati pisanim ugovorima koji garantuju socijalna prava. Uvesti jasne interne procedure za evidenciju radnih sati. Obezbijediti da sav prekovremeni rad, rad vikendom i praznicima, bude adekvatno plaćen ili kompenzovan slobodnim danima uz saglasnost zaposlenog. Obezbijediti mladima fer i podsticajne uslove na početku karijere kroz uvođenje kvalitetnih praksi koje uključuju adekvatno mentorstvo, jasno definisane zadatke i realne mogućnosti za profesionalno usavršavanje. Poseban fokus treba staviti na osiguravanje transparentnih i pravednih početnih pozicija, kako bi se mladim novinarima olakšao ulazak u profesiju.

Bezbjednost, Uređivačka Nezavisnost i Radni Uslovi Ojačati rad Komisije za praćenje istraga napada na novinare i povećati njenu transparentnost. Redovno sprovoditi obuke iz fizičke, digitalne i pravne bezbjednosti, s posebnim fokusom na zaštitu novinarki od rodno zasnovanog i onlajn nasilja. Uspostaviti jasne interne protokole za reagovanje na prijetnje, uz obavezu poslodavca da prijavljuje napade i pritiske. Uspostaviti i javno objaviti uredničke statute ili interne politike koje garantuju nezavisnost u uređivanju sadržaja i definišu procedure za prijavu pritisaka vlasnika, politike ili oglašivača. Ove politike treba da budu dostupne zaposlenima i javnosti, kako bi se osnažila transpa- rentnost, odgovornost i povjerenje u uređivačke procese, te obezbijedila institucionalna zaštita novinara u situacijama potencijalnih pritisaka. Na nivou medijskih kuća potrebno je sistemski razvijati kulturu psihološke bezbjednosti, kroz set mjera koje doprinose mentalnom zdravlju i dobrobiti zaposlenih. Ovo može uključivati uspostavljanje saradnje sa psiholozima radi anonimnih savjetodavnih sesija, naročito nakon traumatičnih događaja, ali i širu paletu aktivnosti poput redovnih radionica, edukacija o stresu i burnout-u, internih protokola za reagovanje u kriznim situacijama i mehanizama za povjerljivo prijavljivanje problema. Uspostaviti saradnju sa psiholozima za anonimne savjetodavne sesije, posebno nakon traumatičnih događaja.

64 Stručno Usavršavanje i Profesionalni Razvoj Digitalne Vještine: Uspostaviti sistematske i strukturirane digitalne obuke (multimedija, data novinarstvo, verifikacija, analitički alati). Vrednovanje Digitalnog Rada: Uredničkim politikama jasno prepoznati i nagraditi digitalni rad (vođenje naloga, multimedija, brza ažuriranja) kao sastavni dio profesionalnog angažmana.

Uloga Države, Sindikata, Udruženja i Međunarodnih Partnera Korišćenje javnih sredstava (grantovi, subvencije) usloviti dokazom o finansijskoj urednosti (plaćene plate i doprinosi, poštovanje radnog zakonodavstva). Sindikati i novinarska udruženja treba da usmjere svoj rad ka rješavanju ključnih profesio- nalnih pitanja, kao što su zarade, radni uslovi, stabilni ugovori, profesionalna bezbjednos i zaštita prava novinara. Neophodno je povećati transparentnost njihovog djelovanja, osnažiti komunikaciju prema članstvu i aktivno podsticati profesionalnu solidarnost među zaposlenima u sektoru. Redakcije moraju usvojiti rodno osjetljive politike za praćenje strukture i plata. Obezbijediti dodatnu podršku (grantovi, obuke, oprema) radi jačanja kapaciteta medija, posebno manjih lokalnih medija, kroz obuke, podršku u razvoju internih politika i jačanje organizacionih procesa. Uloga Međunarodnih Partnera: Aktivna podrška međunarodnih partnera procesu usvajanja GKU (posredovanje, ekspertiza) i ciljano finansiranje obuka za bezbjednost, digitalne vještine i mentalno zdravlje.

65  Annex Demografski podaci U Annex-u predstavljamo detaljan pregled ključnih demografskih karakteristika uzorka za ovo istraživanje.

Grafik 72: Za koji tip medija radite?

Televizija 53.6% Radio 23.8% Online 14.9% Štampane dnevne novine 14.9% Štampane nedeljne novine 1.1% Novinska agencija 1.1%

Grafik 73: Koji je status vlasništva medijske kuće u kojem radite?

36.0% 64.0%

Javni / Državni Privatni

66  Grafik 74 : Koja je geografska pokrivenost medijske kuće u kojoj radite?

Nacionalna 58.6%

Regionalna 11.9%

Lokalna 29.5%

Grafik 75 : Koje je Vaše registrovano radno mjesto?

Novinar / Reporter 42.1% Urednik (npr. urednik vijesti, 21.1% urednik rubrike) Foto-reporter / Snimatelj 10.3%

Producent (TV, radio ili online) 6.5%

Tehničar (npr. ton, rasvjeta, emitovanje) 4.6%

Audio/video montažer 3.4% Menadžer društvenih mreža / 1.9% Specijalista za digitalni sadržaj Grafički dizajner / 1.1% Kreator vizuelnog sadržaja Web administrator / IT podrška 0.8%

Drugo 7.3%

Bez odgovora 0.8%

67  Grafik 76: Ako ste novinar/reporter, koje je vaše primarno područje rada?

Vijesti i informacije 33.6%

Desk 20.9%

Društvo 12.7%

Sport 7.3%

Zabava 2.7%

Više oblasti, molimo Vas navedite 17.3%

Drugo 5.5%

68 !

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